Dissertationen: „Union history“

1

Greenhalgh, Paul Andrew. „The history of the Northern Rugby Football Union, 1895-1915“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359824.

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2

Hall, Joe. „An oral history of England international rugby union players, 1945-1995“. Thesis, De Montfort University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/16283.

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This thesis is the first oral history study of English rugby union. Through personally conducted interviews, it focuses on the experiences of men who played rugby union for England in the post-war, amateur era, and considers what they can tell us about both the sport and the society of which it was a part. The period it covers begins with the end of the Second World War, in 1945, and ends when rugby union ceased to be an amateur sport, in 1995. These fifty years were a time of both change and continuity, and it is a primary concern of this thesis to consider the extent of each in both rugby union and in wider society. Through looking at, in particular, English rugby union’s links with education, its relationship with work in a period in which its players were amateur, and its place on the spectrum of class, this study demonstrates, above all, the durability of rugby union’s social core, even in the midst of outward change to the sport. In doing so, it makes an important contribution to the historiography of both British sport and post-war Britain more generally, arguing for consideration of social continuity among a field largely dominated by notions of change. It also constitutes a unique study of a particular group of middle-class men, and demonstrates that sport – and oral history – can add much to our understanding of post-war social history.

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3

Storie, Melanie. „The Dreaded Thirteenth Tennessee Union Cavalry : Marauding Mountain Men“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. http://amzn.com/1626191123.

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4

Redmond, Sandra P. „The emergence of the Nova Scotia Nurses' Union, 1968-1985“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/MQ49431.pdf.

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5

Bradshaw, Julia Elena. „European Union citizenship : the long road to inclusion“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/european-union-citizenship-the-long-road-to-inclusion(8d1dd5bb-42cf-49b4-818c-425c83574923).html.

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This thesis considers the development of the concept of citizenship, both historically and in its supranational guise. It addresses the traditional models of citizenship that have arisen in the national arena before turning its focus to supranational citizenship. The development of quasi-citizenship rights at the European level between 1957 and 1992 are discussed whilst asking whether, in fact, these principles amounted to a de facto creation of citizenship as would be formally understood in a national model. Thereafter, post-1992 developments are considered via the activities of the European courts. The courts’ particularly activist role in expanding our understanding of Union citizenship by using existing Union legislation in imaginative ways is highlighted and used as a key factor in determining Union citizenship’s capacity to adapt and develop in the face of new challenges. This thesis plays particular attention to the non-Member State nationals who reside in Union territory and find themselves ostensibly deprived of citizenship rights despite being actively involve in the Union’s activities. Supranational citizenship is viewed through the unusual lens of stateless persons and this thesis suggests that Union citizenship does not live up to its ideals by excluding them from its understanding of the citizenry. It formulates a novel conception of rights-based residence, as opposed to nationality-based, supranational citizenship that is predicated on the Union’s heritage of respect for rights and would include Member State nationals, alongside third-country nationals, the stateless and refugees (who would struggle to gain recognition under a conventional citizenship paradigm), with the aspiration of rendering Union citizenship a more inclusive and rounded conception.

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6

Roberts, William Howard. „"Irresistible machines" : industrial mobilization for the Union Navy 1861-1865 /“. The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488187049542969.

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7

Tanner, Andrea Isobel. „The City of London Poor Law Union : 1837-1869“. Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297281.

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8

Goode, Richard. „A history of the Food and Canning Workers Union, 1941-1975“. Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15859.

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Includes bibliographical references.
Canning workers were organised into the Food and Canning workers Union in large numbers when the union grew along with the growth of the South African canning industry, stimulated by the demand for canned goods during World War II. Formed in 1941, by Ray Alexander, a member of the Communist Party, the union spread into the small canning towns to become established with a base in the fruit canning districts of the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and in the West coast fish canning industry. As a consequence of developing within a geographically dispersed and seasonal industry, the union assumed a particular organisational form, promoting the autonomy of branches and seasonal fluctuations in union strength. The Food and Canning Workers Union was a non-racial and militant union that brought tremendous improvements in wages, working and living conditions to the workers who joined its ranks and participated in the struggles it led. The union also played a major role in the affairs of the labour movement and participated in political campaigns that occurred in the 1940s and 1950s. Through a relationship to the Communist Party in the 1940s, to the South African Congress of Trade Unions during the mid-1950s to early 1960s, the Food and Canning Workers Union reveals an approach to politics that gave priority to the economic position of its members and also sought to contribute to broader political campaigns. This dissertation provides a critical history of the union from its inception in 1941 to 1975. The primary material that it is based upon are the records of the Food and Canning Workers Union and oral interviews.

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9

Mohammed, Yasmin. „The Free Trade Agreement between Mercosur and the European Union: a long journey of negotiations“. Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196034.

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10

Grover, John Hanley. „Winnipeg meat packing workers' path to union recognition and collective bargaining“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq23324.pdf.

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11

Osmar, Christopher M. „Vanguard of Genocide: The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.

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12

Schull, Joseph. „Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement“. Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.

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13

Peterson, Bryan E. „"Contra haereticos accingantur": The Union of Crusading and Anti-heresy Propaganda“. UNF Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/808.

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This study assesses the intersection of crusading and heresy repression in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. The event that encapsulates this intersection was the Albigensian Crusade, a two-decades long conflict that befell the south of France, or Occitania. The papacy, aligned with northern lords and other willing Christians, took up arms to defend the Church from the Cathar heresy’s corrupting influence. This conflict marked a new development in Christian acts of violence. While the Church had crusaded against many different enemies—even branding some as heretics—before 1209, the Church had never called a crusade for the explicit purpose of stamping out a heretical group. This study aims to answer two questions: how did the scope of crusade broaden to incorporate heretical groups and how did methods for countering heresy shift to include crusading? To answer these questions, this study analyzes two strands of ecclesiastical propaganda. Propaganda consisted of written works that functioned as tools to educate, inform, persuade, and inspire in others certain beliefs and actions. These were texts that defined, promoted, and celebrated the practice of crusading; and texts that defined, maligned, and condemned heresies and those adhering to them. These two strands of propaganda began to intertwine in the late twelfth century, resulting in a modified anti-heresy discourse in which crusading against heretics became a theologically justifiable idea. This study argues that the call for crusade against the Occitan heretics was the end result of theological developments that began in the 1170s. What’s more, the institutionalization and codification of these strands of propaganda created the theological precedent for framing the Albigensian Crusade as a holy war, allowing the idea of crusading against heretics to take root in anti-heresy discourse in the years preceding Innocent III’s papacy and his call for crusade in southern France.

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14

Gay, Morgan K. „Organized labour and the Quebec state, neo-corporatism, nationalism and trade union consensus, 1988-1998“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48574.pdf.

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15

Bachmann, Aaron Michael. „Union Deserter Executions and the Limits of State Authority“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626519.

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16

Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. „Workers of the Word Unite!| The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001“. Thesis, Portland State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10636951.

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The labor movement’s groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers’ pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell’s Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5.

Local 5’s successful union campaign at Powell’s Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5’s internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell’s efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union’s bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5’s contract success was the union’s partnership with Portland’s social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell’s Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation’s labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland’s revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell’s agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years.

This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell’s booksellers, communicated through workers’ essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5’s creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city’s liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union’s presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell’s iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5’s complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.

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17

Tuck, Jason. „Rugby union and national identity in the British Isles since 1945“. Thesis, Loughborough University, 1999. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7208.

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This thesis is a sociological investigation into the relationship between sport, culture and national identity in the British Isles with specific reference to rugby union during the post-war period. This thesis is concerned with tracing the changing nature of rugby union and national identity politics over time. The relationship between rugby union and national identity is examined through a variety of primary and secondary source materials. The historical development of this relationship is explored with reference to the official archives of the four national rugby union associations that represent the constituent parts of the British Isles. This archival study is cross-referenced with a longitudinal analysis of reports published in The Times and various other secondary sources. The contemporary relationship between rugby union and national identity politics is researched by focusing on both the role of the media and the perceptions of players. A detailed analysis is undertaken of media re-presentation (by both electronic and print media) of the Rugby World Cup of 1995 held in South Africa. In addition, the views of players from all four `home' nations, regarding national identity, are established through a series of in-depth interviews and questionnaires. This study establishes the nature of the relationship between rugby union and national identity politics. It is significant both to the understanding of the role that rugby union plays in the British Isles but also for the study of sport and national identity more generally. In addition, the thesis casts light on the relationship between media sport and national identity politics.

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18

Fink, Rachael. „France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism“. Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.

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19

Beamer, Carl Brent. „Gray ghostbusters : Eastern theatre Union Counterguerrilla operations in the Civil War, 1861-1865 /“. The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148758688918807.

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20

Muller, Richard R. „The German Air Force and the campaign against the Soviet Union, 1941-1945 /“. The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487683049378954.

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21

Carotenuto, Matthew Paul. „Cultivating an African community the Luo Union in 20th century East Africa /“. [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3238502.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006.
"Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 12, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3939. Adviser: John H. Hanson.

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22

Davis, Jonathan Shaw. „Altered images : the Labour Party and the Soviet Union in the 1930s“. Thesis, De Montfort University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4074.

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23

Shternshis, Anna. „Kosher and Soviet : Jewish cultural identity in the Soviet Union, 1917-41“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367425.

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24

Ackers, Peter Brian Harry. „Christian brethren, union brother : a study of the relationship between religious nonconformity and trade union leadership, in the life of the coal mining deputies' official, W.T. Miller (1880-1963)“. Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/108113.

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25

Seward, James W. „The German exile journal Das Wort and the Soviet Union“. PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4104.

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Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Stalin's Soviet Union and the policies of that country. As the level of hysteria grew with the successive purges and public show trials in the Soviet Union, the journal adopted an even more eulogistic and militant attitude: any criticism or expression of doubt about Soviet policy was equated with support for Fascism. Thus the ability of the journal to contribute to the formation of a true common front in Europe to oppose Fascism was compromised from the outset by its total support for the Soviet Union. The Popular Front policy foundered on this issue, and that portion of German literature in exile which was to form the first generation of East German literature was inextricably bound to the Soviet Union well before the German Democratic Republic came in to existence.

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26

Gotlinsky, Ilya. „The history of the Russian Orthodox autonomous church“. Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.

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27

Miller, William J. „Citizens' Trust in European Union Institutions“. University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1276308801.

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28

Webster, Barbara Grace, und b. webster@cqu edu au. „'FIGHTING IN THE GRAND CAUSE':A HISTORY OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN ROCKHAMPTON 1907 1957“. Central Queensland University. School of Humanities, 1999. http://library-resources.cqu.edu.au./thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.

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Research of a wide range of primary sources informs this work, including hitherto unstudied local union records, oral testimony, contemporary newspapers, government and employer reports. Conclusions reached in this dissertation are that while the founders of the local trade union movement shared a vision of improving the lot of workers in their employment and in the wider social context, and they endeavoured to establish effective structures and organisation to this end, their efforts were of mixed success. They succeeded eminently in improving and protecting the employment conditions of workers to contemporary expectations through effective exploitation of political and institutional channels and through competent and conservative local leadership. However, the additional and loftier goal of creating a better life for workers outside the workplace through local combined union action were much less successful, foiled not only by overwhelming economic difficulties, but also by a local sense of working-class consciousness which was muted by the particular social and cultural context of Rockhampton.

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29

Davis, Robert. „The Force of Union: Affect and Ascent in the Theology of Bonaventure“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10307.

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The image of love as a burning flame is so widespread in the history of Christian literature as to appear inevitable. But as this dissertation explores, the association of amor with fire played a precise and wide-ranging role in Bonaventure's understanding of the soul's motive power--its capacity to love and be united with God, especially as that capacity was demonstrated in an exemplary way through the spiritual ascent and death of St. Francis. In drawing out this association, Bonaventure develops a theory of the soul and its capacity for transformation in union with God that gives specificity to the Christian desire for self-abandonment in God and the annihilation of the soul in union with God. Though Bonaventure does not use the language of the soul coming to nothing, he describes a state of ecstasy or excessus mentis that is possible in this life, but which constitutes the death and transformation of the soul in union with God. In this ecstatic state, the boundaries between the soul and God--between active and passive, mover and moved, will and necessity--are effectively consumed in the fire of union. This dissertation offers a new approach to the role of affect in Bonaventure’s theology through three lenses: his elaboration of the soul’s union with God as inspired by the writings of Dionysius the Areopagite; Bonaventure’s conception of synderesis or the soul’s natural affective “weight” or inclination to God; and the ecstatic death of the soul that Bonaventure describes in the Itinerarium mentis in Deum and which is witnessed in the body of St. Francis in the Legenda Maior. This dissertation argues that Bonaventure’s “affective" gloss on the Dionysian corpus was not an interpolation but a working out of the Dionysian conception of eros. In elaborating the soul’s natural motion to the good, moreover, Bonaventure situates divine desire within an Aristotelian cosmos. And as the manifestation of this desire in Francis’s dying body makes evident, for Bonaventure affectus plays at the boundary of body and spirit and names a force that is more fundamental than the distinction between the corporeal and incorporeal.

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30

Davies, Stephanie Mae. „Paying the rite price| Rugby Union, sports media and the commodification of Maori ritual“. Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527911.

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This thesis examines the commodification of Maori ritual in rugby union that has occurred through the joint processes of colonization and globalization. Since its introduction to New Zealand during the colonial period, rugby has been a significant creator and conveyor of masculine identities. Through colonization and globalization, Maori religion and performing arts have been culturally mapped on Western categories of meaning. This decontextualization of kapa haka in rugby is increasingly an issue as, through new global technologies, people have unprecedented access to Maori intellectual property.

The international popularity of the New Zealand All Blacks and their pre-game haka has created a global platform for the exposure of Maori culture. However, the representations of Maori in rugby union are often from decontextualized sources. Therefore, an examination of haka in New Zealand demonstrates how Maori ritual has been appropriated for capitalistic purposes.

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31

Sheard, Wenda. „Teachers union influence on alternative teacher certification policies: An event history diffusion analysis“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4543/.

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I examine the passage of alternative teacher certification policies in the states between 1975 and 2000 using event history analysis and supplementing the event history analysis with an ordinary least squares regression analysis of the strength of the alternative teacher certification policies. In order to test both teachers unions political strength external to state legislatures and teachers unions political strength internal to state legislatures, I use two variables to measure teachers union political strength. One variable measures the percentage of teachers in a state who work under union-negotiated contracts. The other variable measures the percentage of legislators in a state who list their non-legislative occupation as K-12 education. Control variables include teacher shortages, per pupil spending, legislative professionalism, divided government, democratic governor, percentage of minority students, change in percentage of minority students, an electoral threat index, and a time counter. Although the event history model results were inconclusive with respect to the teachers union political strength variables, the policy strength model results reveal that states with large percentages of teachers who work under union-negotiated contracts are more likely than other states to pass weak alternative teacher certification policies. This result supports the notion that teachers unions operate in the education policy-making arena.

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32

Tompkins, Amanda C. „"Life under Union Occupation: Elite Women in Richmond, April and May 1865"“. VCU Scholars Compass, 2016. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4099.

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This paper crafts a narrative about how elite, white Richmond women experienced the fall and rebuilding of their city in April and May 1865. At first, the women feared the entrance of the occupying army because they believed the troops would treat them as enemies. However, the goal of the white occupiers was to restore order in the city. Even though they were initially saddened by the occupation, many women were surprised at the courtesy and respected afforded them by the Union troops. Black soldiers also made up the occupying army, and women struggled to submit to black authority. With occupation came the emancipation of slaves, and this paper also examines how women adjusted to new relationships with freed blacks. By the end of May, white women and white Union soldiers bonded over their attempt to control the black population, with some women and soldiers even beginning to socialize.

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33

Goss, Thomas Joseph. „A continuation of politics by other means : Union Generalship during the American Civil War /“. The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486400446374401.

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34

Utech, William George. „The history and use of the Galesburg Rule in American Lutheranism“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.

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35

Curthoys, Mark. „Trade union legislation 1871-6 : government responses to the development of organised labour“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302855.

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36

Wells, Benjamin. „The Union of Regeneration : the anti-Bolshevik underground in revolutionary Russia, 1917-1919“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2004. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1842.

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The Union of Regeneration has been chosen as the main focal point of this thesis, a study of underground political organisations in revolutionary Russia who came about as a result of fragmentation of Russia's major political parties in 1917 and sought to oppose the Bolshevik takeover of power. The thesis traces the origins of the underground in the political turmoil of 1917 before detailing how each group was formed, and how a number of plans were made, most of which hinged on the extensive involvement of Allied interventionist forces, to form an anti-Bolshevik and anti-German front in the wake of the signature of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. The efforts of the Union of Regeneration, the National Centre, and other groups such as the Union for the Defence of the Fatherland and Freedom are presented as a series of failures which took place mostly in 1918. By examining the reasons for each of these failures, this thesis hopes to focus not on external factors, such as the lack of Allied intervention to assist the underground groups or the machinations of reactionary forces against them, in order to reveal the fundamental failings of the underground movement as a whole. The underground lacked any organisational discipline or coherence, its ranks were easily entered on a loose, `personal' basis and there was little unity of purpose between its members, save the removal of Soviet power. Consequently, plans made were too vague, agreements were too easily broken, and alliances were too easily ruptured. This thesis, then, hopes to demonstrate that although when considered together the anti-Bolshevik underground constituted a genuine potential threat to the Bolshevik regime, that it failed to act as one contributed greatly to it being easily marginalised by the extremes of left and right.

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37

Black, William R. „Went off to the Shakers: The First Converts of South Union“. TopSCHOLAR®, 2013. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1243.

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In 1807 the United Society of Believers in Christ’s Second Appearing (Shakers)established a society near the Gasper River in Logan County, Kentucky. The society was soon named South Union, and it lasted until 1922, the longest-lasting Shaker community west of the Appalachians. Most of the first Shaker converts in Logan County had only a few years beforehand participated in a series of evangelical Presbyterian camp meetings known collectively as the Kentucky Revival, the Revival of 1800, or the Great Revival.Though Presbyterian revivalism and Shakerism shared certain characteristics (particularl millennialism and enthusiastic forms of worship), there were many differences between them as well; Shakerism was not necessarily a logical continuation of the Great Revival. So why did so many Scots-Irish Presbyterians in south-central Kentucky convert to Shakerism? How did conversion make sense to them? And how was Shaker conversion understood by those who did not convert? Through a close reading of primary sources, this thesis attempts to answer these questions. Shaker conversion is better understood as an interaction within a community rather than as a transaction between an individual and God. The decade or so preceding the establishment of South Union—the disestablishment of state churches, the mass migration to the trans-Appalachian west, the burgeoning market economy—was, for many Scots-Irish Presbyterians, a period of social disorder. This was especially true in south-central Kentucky, where the local Presbyterian establishment was riven by schism. The Great Revival was a brief but ultimately disappointing creation of an alternate community, a way of escape from the surrounding chaos. Shakerism offered the apotheosis of that alternate community. South Union was a camp meeting that never ended. However, the denizens of south-central Kentucky who did not convert to Shakerism were quite hostile to the new sect. They understood conversion as a form of betrayal, a renunciation of a community which they still identified with. This understanding became especially clear during a divorce case involving William and Sally Boler, in which William Boler’s rights as a man and a citizen became circumspect because of his conversion to Shakerism. Since the mid-nineteenth century, Shaker conversion has become less threatening to the outside world. Indeed, the popular imagination has co-opted South Union as quintessentially American. By reclaiming the Shakers from the margins of society, popular memory has effectively erased conversion from the Shaker story. After all, Shaker conversion was never as much about belief or even practice as it was about a distinct and separate community.

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Arnot, Julie. „Women workers and trade union participation in Scotland 1919-1939“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3086/.

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This thesis seeks to provide an assessment of women’s work, their participation in the trade union movement and the extent of women’s strike activity n Scotland in the period 1919-1939. It will highlight the position of women in the labour market, their continuing confinement to a narrow range of industries and occupations and the low paid and low status nature of their work. The weakness of trade union organisation among women workers in the inter-war period will be an important consideration. It will be shown that despite the massive influx of women in to the trade unions in the First World War and the attempts by trade unions and the Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC) to encourage greater numbers of women into the trade union movement, organisation among women in most industries remained weak throughout the entirety of the inter-war period. Therefore, this thesis will seek to offer a number of explanations for the lack of extensive trade union organisation among women during this period. These will include the occupational and industrial distribution of women workers, their low earnings, the impact of the depression, high unemployment and the failure of the General Strike. However, it will also be suggested that one of the reasons for the low level of trade union organisation among women may have been related to trade union policies and practices. The argument to be developed is that despite recruitment drives undertaken by trade unions and the STUC, trade unions themselves could often be very hostile to women workers and the failure to address issues of importance to women and the remoteness of the movement from the needs of potential women members could mean that there was very often little incentive for women to join trade unions. In order to support this argument, it will be shown that trade unions employed exclusionary tactics either by limiting the entry of women into certain areas of work, attempting to exclude women from work altogether, via agreements with employers, or by excluding women from trade union membership.

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McCrostie, James. „Industrial legality and workplace control, merchant seamen, the Park Steamship Company, and the Canadian Seamen's Union, 1942-1948“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0007/MQ28233.pdf.

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Monama, Fankie Lucas. „Wartime propaganda in the Union of South Africa, 1939 - 1945“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86202.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the First World War (1914-1918) – the first “total war” in modern history, where whole populations, not just military forces, became participants in the war effort, the potential power of propaganda was realised, through the exploitation of mass communication media to manipulate public opinion. Alongside politico-diplomatic, economic and military manoeuvres, governments needed to mobilise the minds of their population to secure support, to mobilise them behind the war policy and to avoid discontent and dissension. This was particularly crucial to South Africa during the Second World War (1939-1945), especially as the country was threatened by deeply ingrained political tensions and internal divisions. The wartime Union, under General Jan Smuts, experienced an escalation of political extremism and militancy from radical sections of white Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the government’s war policy. Furthermore, some elements within even the Union Defence Force (UDF) displayed disloyal tendencies which threatened the morale of the armed forces. Thus, in response, the government waged a massive propaganda campaign during the war aimed at stimulating recruitment, at preserving national morale, at combating anti-war resistance and at minimising disruptions to the implementation of its war policy. To this end, the authorities exploited information avenues such as radio broadcasts, the press, films, mobile recruiting tours and military demonstrations for publicity and propaganda purposes. As propaganda delivery channels, radio, the press and films were potentially powerful. However, the strategy pursued by the authorities failed to maximise their full impact. The government also did not enjoy a media monopoly for the conduct of its war propaganda. The SABC continued operating independently and its airtime was not handed over to the authorities. Similarly, while the government relied on the support of sympathetic newspaper editors for its propaganda campaign, newspapers themselves sometimes ignored censorship regulations and published material which was unhelpful to the national war effort. Meanwhile, the opposition press also contested the propaganda terrain by waging anti-war campaigns. Films were the weakest link due to limited government control, production obstacles and an English language dominance which alienated the majority of white Afrikaans speakers. Another problem was persistent rivalry among various official and semiofficial propaganda agencies and a lack of clarity over a common propaganda policy. When it came to recruitment, government propaganda achieved particularly limited success. Despite patriotic appeals for volunteer enlistment, the shortage of manpower remained a persistent problem throughout the war. Alongside this, social and economic problems such as food and housing shortages also had a negative impact on public morale. The positive reach of propaganda efforts within the military, especially education, information and social welfare services, was also limited in that they were unable to dispel dissatisfaction resulting from poor service conditions, military policies, and the growing influence of war weariness. Towards the end of hostilities, there was a perceptible decline in troop discipline and morale. In general, therefore, the Union government’s overall war publicity and propaganda effort failed to produce a solid sense of national war cohesion or war unity. Although the country remained stable and was able to sustain war participation, it could not be said that South Africa’s leadership was able to persuade inhabitants – whether white or black - to participate in the Second World War as a war to be embraced as a people’s war.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918), die eerste “totale oorlog” in kontemporêre geskiedenis waartydens nie net militêre magte nie, maar hele gemeenskappe by die oorlogspoging betrek is, het die potensiaal van propaganda om die openbare mening met behulp van die massamedia te manipuleer, tuisgebring. Naas polities-diplomatiese, ekonomiese en militêre maneuvrering, moes regerings ook die gesindheid van die bevolking beïnvloed om hulle agter die oorlogspoging te skaar en twis en tweedrag te vermy. Gesindheidsbeïnvloeding was vir die Unieregering van kardinale belang gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-1945), aangesien Suid-Afrika onder diepgaande politieke verdeeldheid en interne spanning oor die oorlogskwessie gebuk gegaan het. Die Smuts-bewind het hewige politieke druk en militante weerstand ervaar van Afrikanernasionaliste wat teen die regering se oorlogsbeleid gekant was. Ontevrede elemente in die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) het insgelyks dislojale neigings openbaar, wat die moraal van die gewapende magte ondermyn het. Die regering het gevolglik gedurende die oorlog ’n omvattende propagandaveldtog van stapel gestuur om weerstand teen sy oorlogspoging te beveg, ontwrigting in die implementering van die oorlogsbeleid tot ’n minimum te beperk, die werwing van soldate te bevorder en die nasionale moraal hoog te hou. Die Smuts-regering het ’n verskeidenheid van instrumente, waaronder radio-uitsendings, die gedrukte media, rolprente, mobiele werwingsveldtogte en miltêre demonstrasies, vir hul reklame- en propagandaveldtogte ingespan. Die regering se propagandastrategieë het egter nie dié kragtige instrumente optimaal uitgebuit om maksimum trefkrag te verseker nie. Daarby het die regering ook nie ’n monopolie oor alle mediaplatvorms vir geniet om hul propagandaveldtogte te bedryf nie. Die SAUK het onafhanklik gefunksioneer en min lugtyd aan die regering afgestaan om radio-uitsendings vir publisiteit en propagande te benut. Die regering het voorts sterk op koerantredakteurs gesteun om hul propagandaveldtog te bevorder, maar redakteurs het soms sensuurregulasies geïgnoreer en artikels geplaas wat regeringsbeleid ondermyn het. Die opposisiepers het uiteraard ook die regeringspropaganda met anti-oorlogpropaganda beveg. Rolprente was die swakste skakel in die regering se reklame- en propagandastelsels vanweë hul swak beheer daaroor, ’n gebrek aan tegniese vaardigheid, die hoë koste van rolprentproduksies, asook die oorheersing van die bedryf deur die Engelse taal, wat die meerderheid Afrikaanssprekendes die harnas ingejaag het. ’n Verdere probleem was die voortdurende wedywering tussen die verskillende amptelike en halfamptelike propaganda-agentskappe. Dit was veral die gebrek aan ’n duidelike propaganda-beleid wat tot oorvleueling en mededinging gelei het. Wat werwingspropaganda betref, het die regering beperkte sukses behaal. Naas ’n beroep op pligsbesef, eer en glorie, het die regering oor geen hefkrag beskik om werwing te bevorder nie. ’n Gebrek aan mannekrag het derhalwe die UVM dwarsdeur die oorlog gekortwiek in weerwil van die regering se omvattende reklame- en propagandaprogramme. Teen 1945 het slegs sowat 330 000 uit die Unie se bevolking van nagenoeg tien miljoen vir vrywillige krygsdiens aangemeld. Sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings soos ’n gebrek aan voedselvoorrade en behuising het ook negatief op die openbare en burgerlike moraal ingewerk. Interne propaganda in die UVM, veral deur middel van die opvoedings-, informasie- en welsynsdienste, het ook beperkte sukses behaal as gevolg van ontevredenheid met militêre beleid, swak diensvoorwaardes en oorlogsmoegheid. Dié ontevredenheid het moraal en dissipline ondermyn en teen die einde van die oorlog tot uitdagende gedrag en oproer onder die troepe gelei. Oor die algemeen genome, was die Unie-regering se totale reklame- en propagandapoging dus oneffektief. Alhoewel die hele die stelsel nie in duie gestort het nie en Unie se oorlogspoging sonder groot ontwrigting voortgegaan het, het oorlogsmoegheid, oneffektiewe beleide en die invloed van sosio-ekonomiese probleme uiteindelik tot openbare en militêre ontnugtering gelei.

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Janicki, Maciek. „"Incorrigible enemies of Soviet power" : Polish citizens in the Soviet Union, 1939-1942, in the light of Soviet documents and Polish witness' testimonies“. Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101883.

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Between February 1940 and June 1941, in four major deportations Soviet authorities moved Polish citizens to work-colonies in the Soviet interior and detained others in various prisons and camps. Based on war-time information, works on the deportations published in the West during the decades of communist rule in Eastern Europe and since reported figures of over 1.5 million deportees, of whom as many as half reportedly died in the USSR. These works held a prevailing view that Soviet intentions towards the deported Poles were genocidal. Recent work with Soviet archival materials has led Polish and Russian historians to revise the number of deportees to 320,000. This substantial reduction has received a mitigated response in the work of Western commentators. A review of published archival materials and of accounts left by witnesses demonstrates that both sets of sources are indispensable to an analysis of the deportations. It also shows that Soviet policies directed against the deportees were not genocidal in their intent and adds a dimension, that of the perpetrators, to the limited conceptualization afforded to the subject thus far. The study shows that under the control of the NKVD the deportations were economic and political components of internal Soviet policy in 1939-1942 and suggests that the Soviet infrastructure was incapable of supplying the resources necessary to fulfill plans set by Moscow. Moreover, the Soviet documentation offers a glimpse into the perpetrators' planning and execution of massive population displacement, thus taking the deportations outside of the realm of conjecture and placing them more firmly within the grasp of historical understanding.

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Salar, Ilker Yusuf. „The History And Experience Of Spanish, Greek And Portuguese Agriculture In The European Union“. Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604987/index.pdf.

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In this thesis, Greek, Portuguese and Spanish accession of European Union is investigated. Agricultural production, consumption and trade patterns of Greece, Portugal and Spain have changed by the full application of Common Agricultural Policy. The commodity composition of these countries experienced an adjustment, too. The production of vegetables, fruits, fish and other typical Mediterranean products have increased. The composition of consumption has moved from low-income elastic products to high-income elastic products. The agricultural trade direction of these countries has shifted to the European Union. Trade with neighbouring EU member states increased relatively faster than the trade increase with other members of the European Union. Most of the trade volume of these countries is with the Mediterranean countries of the European Union.

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Larkin, Clare. „Becoming liberal : a history of the National Union of South African students : 1945-1955“. Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7892.

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Includes bibliographical references.
The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was established in 1924 as a forum for white South African students. The rise of Afrikaner Nationalism in the 1930s and the establishment of the ultra-nationalist Afrikaanse Studentebond (ANS) led to the disaffiliation from NUSAS of the student bodies of the Afrikaans-medium universities. Until the end of the Second World War, two groups of students jostled for control of NUSAS. The first championed the ideal of a broad white South African national feeling and worked for the return of the Afikaans-speaking centres, while the second group, predominantly left-wing radicals based at Wits, called for NUSAS to become a racially more inclusive organisation and admit Fort Hare to membership.

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Strickland, John. „The church valuables campaign in the history of the new martyrdom in Russia“. Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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Bartram, Faye. „35mm bridges: cultural relations and film exchange between France and the Soviet Union, 1945 to 1972“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5413.

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In the divided atmosphere of the Cold War, East and West competed for the world’s hearts and minds through military standoffs and proxy wars, but more extensively through popular culture. While Cold War tensions generally separated East from West, the USSR maintained unusually friendly ties with France. I seek to understand how France and the Soviet Union reached détente in 1964, a full eight years before the US and other western nations. My research in public and private archives in France and Russia, of the French and Soviet press, and from interviews with key cinema figures reveals a solid base of cultural diplomatic relations that existed before 1964. Cinema in particular proved a useful tool for the French state to rebuild postwar relations with the Soviet Union. The Cannes International Film Festival and another cinema event called the Semaines du cinema led to an influx of film exchange that triggered the formation of a bilateral body in 1957, whose sole purpose was to negotiate cultural trade and exchange, called the Franco-Soviet Permanent Mixed Commission. These festivals and the Commission provided a bilateral framework upon which to build amicable political and diplomatic relationships, which helped ease tensions between France and the USSR and ultimately expedited détente in 1964.

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Scholl, Bruno. „Europas symbolische Verfassung : nationale Verfassungstraditionen und die Konstitutionalisierung der EU /“. Wiesbaden VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2795186&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Voogt, Ryan J. „MAKING RELIGION ACCEPTABLE IN COMMUNIST ROMANIA AND THE SOVIET UNION, 1943-1989“. UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/46.

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This dissertation focuses on religious gatherings in communist Romania and the Soviet Union, 1943-1989. Church was one of the few opportunities for voluntary associational life and is invaluable for the study of power, ideology, and belonging in an everyday social setting. This project is based on archival documents and memoirs, uncovering how state officials and religious representatives struggled to establish religious practice that would be acceptable to all. Although ideologically atheist, state officials regarded some religious gatherings as acceptable and others unacceptable, but not due to utterances of beliefs or performance of traditional sacraments, but because of social aspects: how people related to one another, what kinds of people came, the settings of the gatherings, and affective characteristics like enthusiasm, engagement, and authenticity. Even though believers participated in religious gatherings for their own reasons, state officials policed them as contests for mobilization. This project compares the cases of the Romanian Orthodox Church and Reformed Church of the Transylvanian region of Romania and the Russian Orthodox Church and the Baptist Church in the Moscow region of the Soviet Union. Based on comparisons, the role of a Church's culture in shaping church-state relations becomes clear. Officials largely considered traditional Orthodox hierarchy and rituals as religiously unproblematic, but they underestimated the power of such features of Orthodoxy to endure and mobilize successive generations. The hierarchical nature of the Orthodox Churches did not preclude spirited negotiations over acceptable Orthodox religiosity, but non-conforming or innovating priests were marginalized relatively easily. Protestant Churches have had a more entrenched custom of decentralization in governance and Scriptural interpretation, factors which presented officials with difficulty in centralizing the management of such churches and which at times led to protracted interpersonal battles and inner-church divisions. One such case sparked the Romanian Revolution in 1989. Officials in Romania and the Soviet Union handled the problem of religion very similarly in defining the acceptable limits of religious activity in practice, but virulent attacks on religion in the Soviet Union prior to WWII made for a stronger lingering religious antagonism there after the War than in Romania, where Orthodoxy was at times incorporated into the state’s nationalist discourse.

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Swenson-Chipman, Heidi. „Does today's teacher union fit tomorrow's educator? Perspectives from Millennials“. Thesis, California State University, Fullerton, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3582090.

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Throughout the nation, teacher unions are under fire. Their popularity in recent polls shows Americans see teacher unions as a negative influence on public schools; however, the polls also indicate Millennials express favorable opinions of and support for unions.

The primary objective of this quantitative study was to examine Millennial teachers' perceptions of the California Teachers Association (CTA) and their local unions. Using surveys, interviews, and document analysis from union leaders representing multiple school districts in Orange County, California, this study explored views of their profession, education reform, union leadership, and the role of the union in representing Millennial teachers. Once data was collected, themes were illuminated to identify common perceptions among the participants to determine the future of teacher unions in California.

Findings from the study suggest that Millennials' views on wages, benefits, and working conditions are not contradictory to those held by veteran colleagues. However, Millennials recommend a more inviting approach to generate more Millennial involvement in teacher unions. Finally, Millennials suggest the status quo change to be more open to reform and flexibility in teacher evaluations, tenure, and the traditional workday. This study provided data that suggests that Millennials' perceptions of the function of the union are that it should continue to play its historical and traditional roles of negotiating contracts and protecting working conditions, but as union membership changes the perceptions of union members have moved into the 21st century.

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Allen, Leslye. „For Union and Slavery, For Slavery and Union: Know-Nothings in Georgia 1854-1860“. restricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07122006-150447/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from title screen. Wendy Hamand Venet, committee chair; Glenn T. Eskew, committee member. Electronic text (155 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 25, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 140-147).

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Pierson, Madeleine. „A Model For Empowerment: Lugenia Burns Hope’s Community Vision Through the Neighborhood Union“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/890.

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This thesis examines the work of reformer Lugenia Burns Hope and her community organization, the Neighborhood Union, as a case study to unpack scholarly characterizations of black elite uplift strategies during the early 20th century. The Neighborhood Union was established in 1908 in Atlanta by Hope and women from the community to build stronger neighborhoods and to combat the deleterious effects of the 1906 Race Riots and Jim Crow laws. Neighborhood Union settlement houses provided basic and extracurricular services, including kindergartens for working mothers, vocational classes, and lecture series. The organization’s exceptional, multi-class leadership structure enabled members of the black poor and working classes to lead their own projects with the assistance of Neighborhood Union resources. Hope’s background provides evidence against broad generalizations of the black elite as paternalistic, and her vision of creating democratic communities that diminished class barriers provides a counter narrative to characterizations of clubwomen and the black elite as engaging in respectability politics in their social work. Understood within its historical and sociopolitical context, Hope’s life and work also challenge mainstream narratives of the Progressive Era and the Social Gospel movement.

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