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1

Bailly, Jean-Christophe. „Loin des tribunes“. Lignes 19, Nr. 2 (1993): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lignes0.019.0015.

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2

Delporte, Christian, und Isabelle Veyrat-Masson. „Campagnes politiques, tribunes médiatiques“. Le Temps des médias 7, Nr. 2 (2006): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tdm.007.0005.

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3

Larsen, Christian-Jacques. „Tribunes libres et débats transversaux“. Bulletin du Cancer 102, Nr. 10 (Oktober 2015): 801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bulcan.2015.10.001.

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4

Kocki, Wojciech. „The architecture of the sports tribunes of the Second Polish Republic in the interwar period, 1919−1939“. Teka Komisji Architektury, Urbanistyki i Studiów Krajobrazowych 18, Nr. 2 (19.12.2022): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/teka.3078.

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The tribunes are a group of sports facilities accompanying many sports facilities of various disciplines. These objects had many types of architectural forms, from small-scale wooden structures, through medium-sized steel structures, to large brick and reinforced concrete structures. The tribunes, depending on the rank of the sports facility, were designed as open or roofed. In some buildings, the function of the audience was combined with the back of sanitary rooms, cloakrooms, cash registers, entrances, restaurants, etc. Many of these buildings played a representative role. The stands built in the interwar period were one of the first facilities of this type. The later projects of the tribunes referred in their function and form to the examples from the Second Polish Republic.
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5

Smith, Christopher. „The Origins of the Tribunate of the Plebs“. Antichthon 46 (2012): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000162.

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AbstractThe tribunes of the people at Rome were an immensely significant constitutional institution and are intimately associated with the early days of the Republic. The sources present a varied account of their origin and powers, and the debates visible in those versions are strongly related to the disputed nature of the plebs and its role in the formation of Rome's political community. Moreover, the close connections of the tribunes with writing, record-keeping and with Greekness all raise questions about the sophistication of the early Republic, but are also implicated in debates over the reliability of the historiographical tradition. This paper considers the arguments for accepting the reliability of some aspects of that tradition and presents an account of the tribunes' functions in the early Republic, including their sacrosanctity.
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6

Barthas. „Interpreting Machiavelli's Tribunes of the Plebs“. Good Society 26, Nr. 1 (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/goodsociety.26.1.0055.

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7

Breeze, Andrew. „Roman Tribunes and Early Dyfed Kings“. Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 21, Nr. 4 (01.12.2003): 757–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.21.4.7.

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8

Poinsot, Marie, und Carine Bloch. „Des terrains aux tribunes : sortir le racisme“. Hommes & migrations, Nr. 1285 (01.05.2010): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/hommesmigrations.1192.

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9

George, D. „The Tribunes' Envy: Coriolanus, I.I.245-260“. Notes and Queries 50, Nr. 1 (01.03.2003): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/50.1.56.

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10

George, David. „The Tribunes' Envy: Coriolanus , I.I.245–260“. Notes and Queries 50, Nr. 1 (01.03.2003): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/500056.

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11

Kondratieff, Eric J. „READING ROME'S EVOLVING CIVIC LANDSCAPE IN CONTEXT: TRIBUNES OF THE PLEBS AND THE PRAETOR'S TRIBUNAL“. Phoenix 63, Nr. 3-4 (2009): 322–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2009.0062.

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12

Boulukos, Athanasios. „The Cobbler and the Tribunes in Julius Caesar“. MLN 119, Nr. 5 (2004): 1083–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2005.0002.

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13

Drogula, Fred K. „Plebeian Tribunes and the Government of Early Rome“. Antichthon 51 (2017): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.8.

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AbstractMany modern scholars have argued that the consulship was not created at the foundation of the Republic as Roman tradition maintained, and that the government of the early Republic went through several stages of development before it reached the familiar ‘classical constitution.’ Building on this work, this article considers what the early civilian government of Rome may have looked like. It is argued that the Romans did not create an entirely new government (based on consuls) following the removal of the monarchy, but instead made use of existing sources of power and authority: rich land-owning clans dominated military activity outside the city, while priests, thecuriae, and minor officials exercised responsibilities of civilian governance in Rome. The plebeian tribunate was probably the first significant office to be created in the Republic, and the unusual nature of its power (sacrosanctity) and the absence of any other chief magistracy enabled the tribunes to acquire a broad range of prerogatives. A series of reforms eventually led to the development of the familiar ‘classical constitution’, and the consulship and praetorship became the most prestigious and desired magistracies (and—outside the city—the most powerful), but the tribunes long retained the broadest prerogatives for civilian governance inside the city.
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14

Горик, О. В., С. Б. Ковальчук und С. В. Яхін. „АНАЛІТИЧНО-ЕКСПЕРИМЕНТАЛЬНЕ ВСТАНОВЛЕННЯ РЕСУРСУ НЕСУЧОЇ ЗДАТНОСТІ ЕЛЕМЕНТІВ КАРКАСУ СТАДІОНУ «ВОРСКЛА» ім. ОЛЕКСІЯ БУТОВСЬКОГО (м. ПОЛТАВА)“. Вісник Полтавської державної аграрної академії, Nr. 3 (25.09.2014): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31210/visnyk2014.03.35.

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Подано результати наступного (другого) етапукомплексного дослідження експлуатаційної надійно-сті трибунної споруди (Східної трибуни) стадіону.Даний етап включає прямі натурні випробовуванняжорсткості похилих ригелів поперечних рам у реаль-них умовах експлуатації і є наступним після визна-чення технічного стану. За оцінкою технічного ста-ну трибунної споруди визначальними – із точки зорунадійної експлуатації – елементами рам каркасу ви-явилися похилі ригелі покриття трибун, для яких уданому повідомленні наведені дані натурних експе-риментальних випробовувань, що лягли в основу мо-делювання роботоздатності трибунної спорудистадіону. The following report shows results of the following (second) stage of the complex research of operational reliability of construction tribune stadium (East tribune). This stage includes real-life operational tests of the direct natural rigidity of inclined crossbars of cross-section frames and follows after the determination of technical condition. According to a technical condition of the covering of the tribunes, inclined crossbars have appeared as defining model elements of the framework, from the point of view of reliable operation. This was shown from the natural experimental data tests that have laid down in a basis of modeling of working capacity of tribune construction of the stadium, which are also provided in this massage.
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Pellam, Gregory. „SACER, SACROSANCTUS, and LEGES SACRATAE“. Classical Antiquity 34, Nr. 2 (01.10.2015): 322–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2015.34.2.322.

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This paper offers a challenge to the conventional view of the lex sacrata which the Romans believed to have accompanied the establishment of the plebeian tribunate. According to most scholars, the lex sacrata was not technically a lex (law), but was rather an oath sworn by the plebs, enjoining them to protect the persons of the tribunes and to punish with death anyone who should harm the holders of this office. Originally it was only this oath that gave the tribunes their power, which developed into a true office of the Roman state only gradually. This interpretation serves as one of the major props in the widely-held interpretation of the early Roman Republic as being characterized by a “struggle of the orders” in which the plebeians formed a revolutionary “state within the state,” separate and distinct from the legitimate state, which was controlled by the patricians. By reexamining the sources for the traditional interpretation of the lex sacrata, this paper shows that all of the evidence suggests that the lex sacrata which guaranteed the inviolability of the plebeian tribunes was, in fact, a law of the Roman community, and that there is little if any support for the “oath” interpretation. With this understanding, a major prop in the communis opinio about the early Republic is undermined. Finally, the paper offers an alternative hypothesis for the role of leges sacratae in the development of the Republic.
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Telepen, Sergey V. „The Highest Command Structure of the Roman Army (Principate Period): to the Question of Viri Militares“. IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, Nr. 2 (214) (30.06.2022): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-2-53-59.

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The article analyzes the social characteristics of the senior officers of the Roman army in the period of the early Roman Empire in connection with the problem of its professionalization. Some features of the career and official activities of the legates of the legions and military tribunes are considered as an expression of this professionalization. The article notes that the fulfillment of the duties of commanders of the highest rank during the period of the Principate was an expression of the social function of representatives of the highest Roman ordines. The reason for such an attitude towards commanding functions among the nobility was the vitality of ancient aristocratic traditions. With regard to the “officers” and “generals” of the period of the early Roman Empire, one should speak of that aristocratic service, which was determined by the class affiliation of legates and tribunes, including representatives of equites. Only in isolated cases did it lead to the emergence of professional commanders, that is, viri militares. The article argues that the application of the concept of “officer corps” to the latter seems quite acceptable. At the same time, in relation to most Roman commanders, it can only be used with reservations, based on the fact that they held their posts for, as a rule, only a limited period of time, that is, they were not professionals in the real sense. The article concludes that there was a significant difference between the legates, to whom the designation “generals” is applicable, and the military tribunes, who corresponded to the concept of “officers”. Among both categories, viri militares can be found, but in the category of legates, these were more prominent that can be associated with the direct responsibility of the legates for ensuring the security of the borders of the Roman state.
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17

Lavoie, Marie-Hélène. „Les Tribunes Téléphoniques Au Coeur De La Radio Ma Québécoise“. Quebec Studies 18 (April 1994): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/qs.18.1.119.

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18

Roger, Olivier. „Les émissions culinaires à la télévision, nouvelles tribunes de l’engagement ?“ Communication & langages N°206, Nr. 4 (2020): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comla1.206.0085.

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19

Silberman, Roxane. „Parler de la couleur de la peau: d’un côté de l’Atlantique à l’autre“. Tocqueville Review 29, Nr. 1 (Januar 2008): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.29.1.9.

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Au printemps 2008, après des mois de débats houleux marqués par la parution de nombreuses tribunes dans les journaux, de pétitions1 des uns et des autres, chercheurs, intellectuels et politiques, l’INED (Institut National d’Etudes Démographiques) et l’INSEE (Institut National de statistiques et d’études économiques) prenaient la décision de retirer des tests puis de supprimer définitivement une question portant sur la couleur de la peau d’une enquête portant le nom de « Trajectoires et origines ».
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20

Horokhov, Yevheny, Vladimir Mushchanov und Vadim Kasimov. „NEW APPROACHES TO ANALYSIS AND DESIGN OF A STATIONARY COVERING ABOVE THE STADIUM TRIBUNES“. JOURNAL OF CIVIL ENGINEERING AND MANAGEMENT 12, Nr. 4 (31.12.2006): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13923730.2006.9636406.

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The stationary covering above tribunes of a stadium is reviewed as a truncated rod shell of positive curvature in the elliptical plan. The system of dimensionless spatially‐rigid parameters is obtained for this structure, and it stipulates features of stressed and deformed state of structure under the influence of assumed loads. The results of numerical and experimental studies, original positions of the suggested engineering procedure of design and calculation, results of experimental designing are adduced.
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21

Armstrong, Jeremy. „The Consulship of 367bcand the Evolution of Roman Military Authority“. Antichthon 51 (2017): 124–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.9.

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AbstractA tension exists within the literary sources for early Rome, between the supposedly static nature of military authority, embodied by the grant ofimperiumwhich was allegedly shared both by archaicregesand republican magistrates, and the evidence for change within Rome’s military hierarchy, with the early republican army being commanded by a succession of different magistrates including the archaicpraetores, the so-called ‘consular tribunes,’ and the finally the consuls and praetors of the mid-fourth centuryBC. The differences between the magistracies and the motivations driving the evolution of the system have caused confusion for both ancient and modern writers alike, with the usual debate being focused on the number of officials involved under each system and Rome’s expanding military and bureaucratic needs. The present study will argue that, far more than just varying in number, when viewed against the wider backdrop of Roman society during the period, the sources hint that the archaicpraetoresand consular tribunes might have exercised slightly different types of military authority – possibly distinguished by the designationsimperiumandpotestas– which were unified under the office of the consulship of 367BC.1The changes in Rome’s military hierarchy during the fifth and fourth centuriesBCmay therefore not only indicate an expansion of Rome’s military command, as is usually argued, but also an evolution of military authority within Rome associated with the movement of power from thecomitia curiatato thecomitia centuriata.
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Del Lucchese, Filippo. „Machiavellian Democracy, John P. McCormick, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011“. Historical Materialism 20, Nr. 2 (2012): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341237.

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AbstractMcCormick’s book engages with the theoretical and political positions discussed by the Italian philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli about five centuries ago, and, in particular, the creation of the tribunes of the plebs. In ancient Rome, plebeian power had been institutionalised through the creation of tribunes. According to McCormick, a similar institution would offer a legitimate forum for expression to the people in modern democracies. In fact, following Machiavelli’s suggestions, this would contribute to the implementation of a new form of democracy, more respectful of the people and more eager to defend values such as freedom and independence from the influence of the powerful and the rich. In this review, Filippo Del Lucchese comments on McCormick’s book from a Marxist point of view. One of the strongest points of the book is the discussion of the opposition between democracy and republicanism. Over the last decades, the latter has in fact been absorbed into the sphere of influence of the Cambridge School, and neutralised, or at least defused its most interesting and radical aspects. McCormick’s attempt to repoliticise the Machiavellian discourse is indeed praiseworthy, yet, by mainly focusing on the ‘institutionalisation’ of popular power, McCormick fails to discern the most radical elements of Machiavelli’s thought. From this angle, the review discusses McCormick’s use of the category of ‘class’ and offers a different perspective on the revolutionary dimension.
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Chatelain-Ponroy, Stéphanie, und Aude Deville. „Crise sanitaire et technocratie“. Revue Française de Gestion 46, Nr. 293 (November 2020): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3166/rfg.2020.00486.

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Lors de la crise sanitaire liée à la Covid-19 de nombreuses tribunes ont été publiées sur l’état de l’hôpital public et ses difficultés. À cette occasion, les analystes ont souligné combien « la gestion » et notamment les dispositifs de contrôle de gestion étaient en grande partie responsables des maux de l’hôpital public. Mais les perceptions des acteurs que nous avons collectées dans le quotidien Le Monde montrent que ceux-ci confondent contrôle de gestion et contrôle bureaucratique par les résultats.
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McCormick, John P. „Of Tribunes and Tyrants: Machiavelli's Legal and Extra-Legal Modes for Controlling Elites“. Ratio Juris 28, Nr. 2 (22.05.2015): 252–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/raju.12080.

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Mushchanov, Volodymyr, Ivan Protopopov, Olga Korsun und Marsel Garifullin. „Definition of the Rational Geometry of the Cable-beam Cover over Stadium Tribunes“. Procedia Engineering 117 (2015): 1001–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.proeng.2015.08.209.

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26

Le Texier, Emmanuelle. „L’Amérique au miroir de la presse française“. Tocqueville Review 22, Nr. 1 (Januar 2001): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.22.1.139.

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« Chaque fois que les Français se sentent mal dans leur peau (...) ils s'en prennent à nous, et ces jours-ci, ils ont beaucoup de raisons d'être mal dans leur peau »1 avail commenté en aparté un haut fonctionnaire américain. La tencur de ces propos constitue une exception pour le lecteur de la presse quotidienne et hebdomadaire française. Il se trouve en effet beaucoup plus soumis aux représentations que se fait la France de 1’Amérique, ou plus précisément à celles des auteurs qui publient articles, éditoriaux ou tribunes libres sur les États-Unis.
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Couture, Carol, und Jean-Pierre Therrien. „Le milieu des archives au Québec : un atout pour les administrations et le patrimoine“. Documentation et bibliothèques 54, Nr. 2 (26.03.2015): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029317ar.

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Les archives et les bibliothèques occupent de plus en plus les mêmes tribunes et sont souvent réunies au sein de mêmes institutions comme Bibliothèque et Archives Canada (BAC) et Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec (BAnQ). Pour mettre en contexte cet état de la situation des archives au Québec, les auteurs présentent l’évolution de l’archivistique québécoise et de l’encadrement juridique dans lequel oeuvrent les archivistes. Ils esquissent un portrait du milieu archivistique québécois et concluent en évoquant les principaux enjeux auxquels est confronté le milieu des archives au Québec.
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Laugrand, Frédéric B. „L’évangélisation de l’Ungava par le révérend S.M. Stewart“. Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 50, Nr. 2 (29.09.2021): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1082097ar.

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Grâce à plusieurs recherches ethnohistoriques, l’évangélisation de la Baie d’Hudson a été bien documentée, mais celle de l’Ungava et des régions limitrophes qui s’étendent jusqu’au Labrador reste méconnue. À partir des journaux personnels, des rapports et de la correspondance du révérend Stewart et de quelques lettres du révérend E. Hester qui vient le rejoindre en 1911, – la plupart de ces documents provenant des tribunes du Great Britain Messenger –, cet article décrit la christianisation de cette région. Le rôle des chamanes et celui des catéchistes est examiné pendant les vingt-cinq premières années de la mission du révérend Stewart (1899-1918).
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Chandelier, Marie, Raphaël Mathevet, Agnès Steuckardt und Jean-Marc Sarale. „Le loup en tribunes : analyse comparée de deux discours argumentatifs sur une espèce controversée“. Natures Sciences Sociétés 24, Nr. 2 (April 2016): 136–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/nss/2016020.

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Steel, Catherine. „Conclusion“. New Surveys in the Classics 36 (2006): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000222.

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On the front cover of this book is an image of a coin minted in 45 B.C. It shows the speaker's platform (rostra) in the Roman forum, decorated with the beaks of ships captured from the Antiates in 341 B.C., and the tribunes' bench. Above the image is the name of the coiner: ‘PALIKANUS’. It is an appropriate image for a book which has been concerned above all with oratory as a series of occasions which happened at specific times and places and which derived its importance from the fact of performance. However, from that perspective any image of the rostra would be suitable.
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Scapin, Andreia Cristina. „Limites normativos da responsabilidade do Estado por dano tributário no direito brasileiro vigente“. Revista da Faculdade de Direito, Universidade de São Paulo 112 (28.08.2018): 199–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2318-8235.v112i0p199-237.

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O propósito deste artigo é investigar os limites normativos da responsabilidade do Estado no âmbito das relações tributárias, emergentes da obrigação do contribuinte (ou responsável) de pagar tributos, a partir da interpretação do conjunto de enunciados prescritivos do Direito brasileiro vigente que versam sobre o exercício da função fiscal e sobre o dever jurídico de reparar danos dispostos na CF/88, no CTN e no CC/02, confrontando-os com a doutrina e a jurisprudência existentes sobre o tema. Serão examinadas algumas decisões proferidas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), pelo Superior Tribunal de Justiça (STJ) e por Tribunais Regionais brasileiros para verificar como o instituto tem sido compreendido por esses tribunais.
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Brown, Andrew S. „Ridiculous Subjects: Coriolanus, Popular Representation, and the Roman Tribunes in Early Modern Drama“. English Literary Renaissance 52, Nr. 2 (01.03.2022): 229–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/719058.

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Philo, John-Mark. „Tudor Humanists, London Printers, and the Status of Women: The Struggle over Livy in theQuerelle des Femmes“. Renaissance Quarterly 69, Nr. 1 (2016): 40–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/686326.

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AbstractThis essay discusses a novel contribution to the Renaissance debate over women. In 1551, William Thomas translated a brief but significant moment from Livy’sHistory of Romeconcerning the repeal of the Lex Oppia, a sumptuary law targeting women in particular. Thomas thereby adapted one of the most arresting examples of women’s engagement in Roman politics. The episode shows the women of Rome taking to the streets to demand the law’s repeal, forcing senators and tribunes alike to acknowledge their protest. By contextualizing Thomas’s translation amid Quattrocento debates over female apparel and contemporary, female-centric works printed by Thomas Berthelet, Thomas’s translation emerges as a clear though hitherto-unacknowledged intervention in the Englishquerelle des femmes.
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Santangelo, Federico. „Roman Politics in the 70sb.c.: a Story of Realignments?“ Journal of Roman Studies 104 (23.05.2014): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435814000045.

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AbstractThis paper revisits the political history of the Roman Republic in the third decade of the first centuryb.c.Its central contention is that the dominant feature of the period was neither a reshuffle of alliances within the ‘Sullan’ senatorial nobility nor the swift demise of Sulla's legacy. Attention should be focused instead on some crucial policy issues which attracted debate and controversy in that period: the powers of the tribunes, the corn supply of Rome, the rôle of the Senate, the revival of the census, and the full inclusion of the Allies into the citizen body. The political strategy of M. Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 78b.c.) and its medium-term repercussions also deserve close scrutiny in this connection.
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Devlin, Judith. „International Communism and the Cult of the Individual: Leaders, Tribunes and Martyrs Under Lenin and Stalin“. Revolutionary Russia 32, Nr. 1 (02.01.2019): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2019.1612171.

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36

McInnis, Edward. „The Antebellum American Textbook Authors' Populist History of Roman Land Reform and the Gracchi Brothers“. Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 7, Nr. 1 (01.03.2015): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2015.070102.

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This essay explores social and political values conveyed by nineteenth century world and universal history textbooks in relation to the antebellum era. These textbooks focused on the histories of ancient Greece and Rome rather than on histories of the United States. I argue that after 1830 these textbooks reinforced both the US land reform and the antislavery movement by creating favorable depictions of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus (known as the “Gracchi”) were two Roman tribunes who sought to restore Rome's land laws, which granted public land to propertyless citizens despite opposition from other Roman aristocrats. The textbook authors' portrayal of the Gracchan reforms reflects a populist element in antebellum American education because these narratives suggest that there is a connection between social inequality and the decline of republicanism.
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Hémeury, Lucie. „Entre tribunes et terrain. Les cultures sportives des chefs d'État argentins des années 1880 aux années 1990“. Histoire@Politique 23, Nr. 2 (2014): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/hp.023.0097.

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38

Fureix, Emmanuel. „Rites protestataires et tensions démocratiques en France à l'âge romantique (1820 - 1848)“. Almanack, Nr. 9 (April 2015): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-463320150901.

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Résumé L'article propose une réflexion sur la constitution d'un " espace public oppositionnel " avant l'avènement de la démocratie, dans la France des monarchies censitaires. Il s'agit, à la lumière de travaux récents, de montrer comment des rites coutumiers traditionnels (banquets, enterrements, charivaris) deviennent des tribunes politiques qui subvertissent les normes de la représentation. Face à un espace public officiel comprimé, ils constituent à la fois des rites de surveillance civique et de protestation explicite contre les pouvoirs. En mêlant des groupes sociaux distincts, en décernant des honneurs (ou des infamies) publics, en célébrant explicitement ou implicitement le peuple souverain, ils révèlent d'importantes tensions quant au mode de représentation politique espéré. Les classes populaires mobilisées voient dans ces rituels une occasion de se rendre visibles et de s'approprier ainsi une parcelle de souveraineté, déniée par les libéraux qui organisent pourtant ces rituels.
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Davies, Penelope J. E. „Vandalism and Resistance in Republican Rome“. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, Nr. 1 (01.03.2019): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.1.6.

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As political unrest seethed in late Republican Rome, a series of violent acts were perpetrated against well-known buildings, public and private, by the people (the plebs) and their elected representatives, the tribunes. On the rare occasions when scholars mention these events, they tend to treat them as random, isolated acts of vandalism; conspicuously missing is any accounting for them in commentaries on Rome's built environment. In Vandalism and Resistance in Republican Rome, Penelope J. E. Davies assesses these acts against a broad spectrum of political activism over the ages, as well as in the narrower context of contemporaneous politics, when strict, exclusionary norms governed the sponsorship of public architecture. She argues that the destructive acts were, in fact, deliberate, ideologically driven attempts by Rome's less powerful to defy and circumvent the language of power established by the dominant class.
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Winters, Jeffrey A. „Machiavellian Democracy by John P. McCormick“. Perspectives on Politics 10, Nr. 1 (März 2012): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004300.

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Imagine an America in which indictments by the people could be brought against Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger for the secret bombing of neutral Cambodia that killed thousands of civilians and paved the way for the rise of the murderous Khmer Rouge regime. Imagine a college of tribunes, drawn by lot exclusively from the pool of ordinary citizens, that could initiate charges against George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and John Yoo as torturers, or indict the heads of financial institutions for the crimes that triggered economic ruin in 2008. Consider how different American democracy might be if its governing institutions included a body of and for the plebs, empowered to veto one major piece of legislation a year (perhaps the recent extension of the Bush tax cuts) or oversee an annual national referendum (maybe on a single-payer health insurance plan).
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Kaufman, Peter Iver. „Augustine's Punishments“. Harvard Theological Review 109, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2016): 550–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816016000274.

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During Augustine's life, government authorities were generally friendly to the Christianity he came to adopt and defend. His correspondence mentions one imperial magistrate in Africa, Virius Nicomachus Flavianus, a pagan vicar of Africa who seemed partial to Donatist Christians whom Augustine considered secessionists. Otherwise, from the 390s to 430, assorted proconsuls, vicars, and tribunes sent from the imperial chancery and asked to maintain order in North Africa were willing to enforce government edicts against Donatists and pagans. To an extent, Augustine endorsed enforcement. He was troubled by punitive measures that looked excessive to him, yet scholars generally agree with Peter Burnell that Augustine unambiguously approved punitive judgments as an “unavoidable” necessity. But Burnell and others seem to make too much of it: Augustine's position on punishment supposedly indicates that he posited “an essential continuity” (rather than emphasized the contrast) between “any given state” and the celestial or “eschatological” city of God.
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McCormick, John P. „Machiavellian Democracy: Controlling Elites with Ferocious Populism“. American Political Science Review 95, Nr. 2 (Juni 2001): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002027.

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This essay demonstrates that Niccolò Machiavelli’s political thought addresses the deficiencies of two opposite poles of contemporary democratic theory: As do formal or minimalist approaches, he specifies electoral mechanisms for elite control; and similar to substantive or civic culture approaches, he encourages more direct and robust modes of popular participation. On these grounds, I cull from Machiavelli’s Discourses a theory of democracy in which the populace selects the elites who will hold office but also constantly patrols them through extraelectoral institutions and practices, such as the tribunes of the people, public accusations, and popular appeals. Machiavelli adds to these institutional features of popular government an important cultural dimension: The people should despise and mistrust elites, and they should actively confront the injustice that elite governing inevitably entails. Finally, I explore the ramifications of this theory for debates over elite accountability in contemporary democratic theory.
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Burguete Cal y Mayor, Araceli, und Margarita Gutiérrez. „CRISIS EN LA COMUNIDAD REVOLUCIONARIA INSTITUCIONAL.“ Revista Pueblos y fronteras digital 9, Nr. 17 (01.06.2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cimsur.18704115e.2014.17.62.

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En el año 2010 Chamula asiste en dos ocasiones al Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF ). Siendo un municipio cuyos habitantes han defendido con fuerza sus propias instituciones de gobierno y lo que ellos llaman sus «usos y costumbres» para decidir desde dentro los asuntos relativos a su vida política, sorprende su presencia en los tribunales electorales ¿Cómo llega Chamula a los tribunales y por qué? ¿Qué coyuntura surgió en el año 2010 que fracturó esa estructura sólida de voluntad autonomista? ¿Qué factores intervinieron para hacer posible que se configurara una conflictividad de dimensiones tales que debilitara su capacidad para resolver desde dentro sus conflictos electorales, y tuviera que recurrirse a los tribunales estatal y federal? Adicionalmente, el caso muestra las serias dificultades que enfrenta el TEPJF para interpretar adecuadamente el ejercicio de derechos políticos y electorales cuando están en juego los sistemas normativos internos de los pueblos indígenas THE INSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNITY CHAMULA CRISIS. Chamula in the Electoral Tribunal (2010) the year 2010, Chamula attended the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judicial Branch (TEPJF by its acronym in Spanish) on two different occasions. Chamula is a municipality the inhabitants of which have strongly defended their own government institutions as well as their own indigenous customary law, known as «usos y costumbres» (i.e., «customs and traditions »), in order to make decisions within the community regarding issues related to their political life. It is thus surprising to find the Chamula community present in the electoral tribunals. How did Chamula get to the tribunals and why? What juncture was created in Chamula in the year 2010 that fractured its firm autonomy-based structure? What factors intervened to give shape to a conflict of such dimensions that it weakened their capacity to solve electoral issues from within, pushing them to resort to state and federal tribunals? In addition, the case illustrates the serious difficulties that the TEPJF faces to appropriately interpret the exercise of political and electoral rights when indigenous internal regulatory systems are at stake
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Obuibé Bassa, Komla. „Les conseils des notables au Togo. Du mandat à la tutelle (1922-1958) : tribunes d'expression d'une future opposition.“ Outre-mers 98, Nr. 370 (2011): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.2011.4536.

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45

A. Rees, E. „Kevin Morgan, International Communism and the Cult of the Individual: Leaders, Tribunes and Martyrs under Lenin and Stalin“. European History Quarterly 47, Nr. 4 (25.09.2017): 765–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417729639af.

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46

Vieira, Gustavo Oliveira. „El derecho internacional privado del MERCOSUR en la práctica de los tribunales internos de los estados partes“. Rev. secr. Trib. perm. revis. 9, Nr. 17 (11.05.2021): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.16890/rstpr.a9.n17.p234.

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O compêndio organizado pelas eminentes professoras Luciana Scotti e Luciane Klein Vieira, publicado em Assunção, na República do Paraguai em 2020 pela Secretaria do Tribunal Permanente de Revisão do MERCOSUL, sob o título “El Derecho Internacional Privado del MERCOSUR en la práctica de los tribunales internos de los Estados Partes” traz contribuição sem igual acerca do panorama da aplicação do Direito da Integração mercosulino nos tribunais dos países do bloco, destacando-se pela combinação de amplitude com profundidade.
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Andrianimanana, Fortunat Miarintsoa, und Carles Roca-Cuberes. „Blogging as Digital Citizen Participation“. African Diaspora 13, Nr. 1-2 (04.11.2021): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-bja10018.

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Abstract This article analyses the political blogging of the Malagasy diaspora as part of their transnational political participation. It focuses on three aspects of the blogs: the most frequent topics addressed, how are the topics addressed, and the political bloggers. To do this, a Thematic Content Analysis based on four categories (‘soapboxes’, ‘transmission belts’, ‘conversation starters’ and ‘mobilisers’) of four of their most active and influential political blogs was conducted. The analysis revealed that (i) the blogs are mostly “soapboxes” that consist of commenting the political issues in Madagascar, (ii) their contents were mostly focused on the coup d’ état in 2009, and (iii) the bloggers are involved in direct political participation in parallel offline. This paper shows the role of the studied blogs as tribunes of opinions that gather a partisan audience discussing the Malagasy political issues, and as judgment tools contributing to the braking or fuelling of Madagascar’s international relations.
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Hourcade, Nicolas. „Bordeaux et Toulouse, Des supporters de football en terre de rugby“. Sud-Ouest européen 13, Nr. 1 (2002): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rgpso.2002.2782.

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Les Girondins de Bordeaux et le Toulouse Football Club sont les deux seuls clubs de football de haut niveau du Sud-Ouest. Toulouse se considère comme une ville de rugby, du fait des résultats médiocres du TFC et des grandes performances de l'équipe de rugby locale, alors que les Girondins sont le club emblématique de Bordeaux. Par conséquent, le public des Girondins est plus nombreux et plus engagé que celui du TFC. Plutôt que du public, il convient de parler des publics puisque les comportements varient selon les tribunes. Notre enquête porte sur les associations de supporters de ces deux clubs. Elle met en évidence la diversité des formes du supportérisme organisé toulousain et les oppositions entre elles. À Bordeaux, elle se centre sur les groupes ultras, qui sont de loin les plus actifs, et elle analyse leur évolution. Si les mêmes types de supportérisme se retrouvent auprès des deux clubs, le contexte local leur donne des formes et des enjeux particuliers.
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Kengne Gatsing, Lucie. „Discours hégémonique et relent colonial : les tribunes de La Baule (1990) et de Dakar (2007) ou la Françafrique discursivée“. Voix Plurielles 19, Nr. 1 (27.04.2022): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v19i1.3939.

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Bergman, Jay. „International Communism and the Cult of the Individual: Leaders, Tribunes and Martyrs under Lenin and Stalin, by Kevin Morgan“. English Historical Review 133, Nr. 564 (06.08.2018): 1348–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey253.

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