Thematische Bibliographien / Transnational public governance

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Transnational public governance“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 21. September 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Transnational public governance"

Hancic, Maja Turnšek. „No Synonyms: Global Governance and the Transnational Public“. Croatian International Relations Review 19, Nr. 69 (01.12.2013): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0001.

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Abstract Building on the classical literature of the public, the article critically analyses the current literature on global governance. After briefly presenting the classical understanding of the public the author goes on to argue that in global governance the effectiveness of collective problem-solving is seen as a compensation for its lack of inclusiveness which in turn makes it impossible to equate global governance with (transnational) public. The author criticizes the substitution of the term “the public” by “stakeholders” since the notion of stakeholders allows for economically powerful voices to intervene in public decision-making processes. The article furthermore criticizes ideas on global governance as “strong publics” on the basis that even if the decision-making seen in global governance was to follow the ideal of rational deliberation, this would not make it equal to the transnational publics, since the deliberations of transnational “strong publics” are per definition exclusive in nature.

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Andonova, Liliana B., Michele M. Betsill und Harriet Bulkeley. „Transnational Climate Governance“. Global Environmental Politics 9, Nr. 2 (Mai 2009): 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2009.9.2.52.

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In this article we examine the emergence and implications of transnational climate-change governance. We argue that although the study of transnational relations has recently been renewed alongside a burgeoning interest in issues of global governance, the nature of transnational governance has to date received less attention. We contend that transnational governance occurs when networks operating in the transnational political sphere authoritatively steer constituents toward public goals. In order to stimulate a more systematic study of the diversity and significance of this phenomenon, the article develops a typology based on the actors involved and their authority—public, private, or hybrid—and the primary governance functions performed in order to steer network constituents—information-sharing, capacity building and implementation, or rule-setting. A comparative discussion of transnational governance networks for climate change illustrates each category and the value of the typology in assessing the multiple mechanisms through which transnational governance occurs. In conclusion, we suggest that our typology provides a useful starting point for future research and reflect on the implications for the study of global affairs.

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Whytock, Christopher A. „Private-Public Interaction in Global Governance: The Case of Transnational Commercial Arbitration“. Business and Politics 12, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1324.

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Scholars of international relations and global governance are increasingly interested in the transnational commercial arbitration system. So far, they have tended to characterize the system as a form of private global governance. However, using a combination of empirical and legal analysis, this article draws attention to the critical role of the state in the transnational commercial arbitration system, and shows that both rule-making and enforcement in the system depend largely on interactions between private and public actors. By treating arbitration as a form of private governance, scholars run the risk of obscuring these interactions and hindering their understanding of how transnational economic activity is governed. This article therefore argues for a modest reorientation of global governance scholarship on transnational commercial arbitration in a direction that focuses more closely on private-public interaction. More broadly, this article suggests that understanding interactions between private and public actors is a key to understanding global governance in general, and it raises doubts about the analytical desirability of a sharp distinction between private and public forms of global governance.

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Nanz, Patrizia, und Jens Steffek. „Global Governance, Participation and the Public Sphere“. Government and Opposition 39, Nr. 2 (2004): 314–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00125.x.

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AbstractWe argue that the democratization of global governance will ultimately depend upon the creation of an appropriate public sphere that connects decision-making processes with transnational constituency. The emergence of such a public sphere would require more transparency in international organizations as well as institutional settings in which policy-makers respond to stakeholders’ concerns. Organized civil society plays a key role by exposing global rule-making to public scrutiny and bringing citizens’ concerns onto the agenda. We illustrate the prospects and difficulties of building a transnational public sphere with the example of the WTO.

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GERMAIN, RANDALL. „Financial governance and transnational deliberative democracy“. Review of International Studies 36, Nr. 2 (April 2010): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000124.

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AbstractRecent concern with the institutional underpinning of the international financial architecture has intersected with broader debates concerning the possibility of achieving an adequate deliberative context for decisions involving transnational economic governance. Scholars working within traditions associated with international political economy, deliberative democracy, cosmopolitanism and critical theory have informed this broader debate. This article uses this debate to ask whether the structure of financial governance at the global level exhibits the necessary conditions to support deliberative democracy. In particular, it considers the extent to which publicness and a public sphere have become part of the broader structure of financial governance. Although in some ways financial governance is a hard case for this debate, an argument can be made that a public sphere has emerged as an important element of the international financial architecture. At the same time, the analysis of the role of the public sphere in financial governance reveals important lessons which public sphere theorists and deliberative democracy advocates need to consider in order to extend their analysis into the realm of global political economy.

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Steffek, Jens. „Public Accountability and the Public Sphere of International Governance“. Ethics & International Affairs 24, Nr. 1 (2010): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2010.00243.x.

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In much of the current literature on global and European governance, “public accountability” has come to mean accountability to national executives, to peers, to courts, and even to markets. I argue that such a re-conceptualization of “public accountability” as an umbrella term blurs a crucial dimension of the original concept: the critical scrutiny of citizens and the collective evaluation of government through public debate. In this article I critically discuss the advance of managerial and administrative notions of accountability that accompanied the steep rise of the governance concept. I advocate a return to a conception of public accountability as accountability to the wider public. I investigate the prospects for such public accountability beyond the state, which depends upon the emergence of a transnational public sphere, consisting of media and organized civil society. The function of such a transnational public sphere is to put pressure on governance institutions in case of massive maladministration, and to make sure that emergent political concerns and demands are recognized in the process of international policy making.

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CHRISTOU, GEORGE, und SEAMUS SIMPSON. „The Internet and Public–Private Governance in the European Union“. Journal of Public Policy 26, Nr. 1 (24.02.2006): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000419.

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The EU plays a significant role in public policy aspects of Internet governance, having created in the late 1990s the dot eu Internet Top Level Domain (TLD). This enables users to register names under a European online address label. This paper explores key public policy issues in the emergent governance system for dot eu, because it provides an interesting case of new European transnational private governance. Specifically, dot eu governance is a reconciliation resulting from a governance cultural clash between the European regulatory state and what can be described broadly as the Internet community. The EU has customised the governance of dot eu towards a public–private dispersed agencification model. The paper extends the evidence base on agencification within trans-European regulatory networks and the emergence of private transnational network governance characterised by self-regulation.

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Stone Sweet, Alec. „The newLex Mercatoriaand transnational governance“. Journal of European Public Policy 13, Nr. 5 (August 2006): 627–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600808311.

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Zumbansen, Peer. „The Ins and Outs of Transnational Private Regulatory Governance: Legitimacy, Accountability, Effectiveness and a New Concept of “Context”“. German Law Journal 13, Nr. 12 (01.12.2012): 1269–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200017855.

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The continuing proliferation of transnational private regulatory governance challenges conceptions of legal authority, legitimacy and public regulation of economic activity. The pace at which these developments occur is set by a coalescence of multiple regime changes, predominantly in commercial law areas, but also in the field of internet governance, corporate law and labor law, where the rise to prominence of private actors has become a defining feature of the emerging transnational regulatory landscape. One of the most belabored fields, the transnational law merchant or, lex mercatoria, has gained the status of a poster child, as it represents a laboratory for the exploration of “private” contractual governance in a context, in which the assertion of public or private authority has itself become contentious. The ambiguity surrounding many forms of today's contractual governance in the transnational arena echoes that of the far-reaching transformation of public regulatory governance, which has been characteristic of Western welfare states over the last few decades. What is particularly remarkable, however, is the way in which the depictions of “private instruments” and “public interests” in the post-welfare state regulatory environment have given rise to a rise in importance of social norms, self-regulation and a general anti-state affect in the assessment of judicial enforcement or administration of contractual arrangements. A central challenge resulting from case studies such as the transnational law merchant is from which perspective we ought to adequately study and assess the justifications, which are being offered for a contractual governance model, which prioritizes and seeks to insulate “private” arrangements from their embeddedness in regulated market contexts, on both the national and transnational level.

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Westerwinter, Oliver. „Transnational governance as strategy? Mapping and explaining the European Union’s participation in transnational public-private governance initiatives“. Journal of European Integration 44, Nr. 5 (04.07.2022): 695–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2022.2086981.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Transnational public governance"

Nakueira, Sophie. „New architectures of governance : transnational private actors, enrolment strategies and the security governance of sports mega events“. Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12916.

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Includes bibliographical references.
The FIFA World Cup has become one of the most sought after sports mega events by many countries in today’s society, as well as one of the most controversial. As I put the finishing touches on this thesis, the FIFA World Cup is taking place in Brazil. As with previous World Cups, the planning stage of the 2014 World Cup has been characterised by protests and considerable criticism, particularly concerned with the expenditures on mega event structures such as stadiums. FIFA, along with host country’s governments, has been a major recipient of criticism. This controversy has prompted many people to focus their gaze on the negative impacts of these events, particularly on disadvantaged populations. Sports mega events will no doubt continue to occupy a crucial space in political and economic debates within host countries. As important as these debates are, they have tended to direct attention away from the governance mechanisms that FIFA deploys in staging World Cups. This thesis seeks to redirect attention to these governance issues.

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Zlotos, David. „INGOs and the concept of good governance: the case of Amnesty International“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194225.

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In this paper, Jürgen Habermas' account on 'The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere' will be set into relation with the emergence of INGOs as actors in the public sphere. The emergence of NGOs, and later INGOs, can be closely linked to the transformation of the public sphere as described by Habermas. An account from the early beginnings of non-governmental associations to the institutionalized status of INGOs following the establishment of the UN aims to describe the roots and roles of such organizations as actors within the public sphere more precisely. The concept of 'good governance' will be related to the commitments of the INGO Accountability Charter of which Amnesty International (AI) is a signatory. The case of AI will then be used as an example to apply the insights gained from the theoretical perspectives explored before. The question of whether AI is successful in its application of good governance relies on the definition of 'successful'. In this paper, the definition is given by Habermas' definition of the actorness in the transformed public sphere and the fulfilment of the commitments to the INGO Accountability Charter. Identifying AI as an actor in the public sphere provides the ground on which the development and controversies surrounding this INGO will be analyzed. Understanding the role AI aspires to play is an important factor. In this context, the controversies AI has faced in the public eye become a starting point into the inquiry of what role good governance plays in AI's communicative efforts. These, in turn, are a key to the organization's attempts to counterbalance negative perceptions and to maintain its position as a successful communicative actor. The end will be formed by conclusions given on the analysis of AI's employment of good governance in transformed, transnational civil society. Points for future research will be indicated if applicable.

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Brockmyer, Brandon Isaac. „Global standards in national contexts| The role of transnational multi-stakeholder initiatives in public sector governance reform“. Thesis, American University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10242775.

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Multi-stakeholder initiatives (i.e., partnerships between governments, civil society, and the private sector) are an increasingly prevalent strategy promoted by multilateral, bilateral, and nongovernmental development organizations for addressing weaknesses in public sector governance. Global public sector governance MSIs seek to make national governments more transparent and accountable by setting shared standards for information disclosure and multi-stakeholder collaboration. However, research on similar interventions implemented at the national or subnational level suggests that the effectiveness of these initiatives is likely to be mediated by a variety of socio-political factors.

This dissertation examines the transnational evidence base for three global public sector governance MSIs—the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the Construction Sector Transparency Initiative, and the Open Government Partnership—and investigates their implementation within and across three shared national contexts—Guatemala, the Philippines, and Tanzania—in order to determine whether and how these initiatives lead to improvements in proactive transparency (i.e., discretionary release of government data), demand-driven transparency (i.e., reforms that increase access to government information upon request), and accountability (i.e., the extent to which government officials are compelled to publicly explain their actions and/or face penalties or sanction for them), as well as the extent to which they provide participating governments with an opportunity to project a public image of transparency and accountability, while maintaining questionable practices in these areas (i.e., openwashing).

The evidence suggests that global public sector governance MSIs often facilitate gains in proactive transparency by national governments, but that improvements in demand-driven transparency and accountability remain relatively rare. Qualitative comparative analysis reveals that a combination of multi-stakeholder power sharing and civil society capacity is sufficient to drive improvements in proactive transparency, while the absence of visible, high-level political support is sufficient to impede such reforms. The lack of demand-driven transparency or accountability gains suggests that national-level coalitions forged by global MSIs are often too narrow to successfully advocate for broader improvements to public sector governance. Moreover, evidence for openwashing was found in one-third of cases, suggesting that national governments sometimes use global MSIs to deliberately mislead international observers and domestic stakeholders about their commitment to reform.

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Leal, Garcia Jose Manuel. „The International Political Economy of Transnational Climate Governance in Latin America. Urban Policies Related to Low Carbon Emissions Public Transportation in Lima - Peru and Mexico City - Mexico“. Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41555.

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The thesis aims to uncover and challenge the prevailing assumptions related to transnational networks in the field of climate change (TNCCs). TNCCs are often seen as promoters of a more horizontal model for global climate governance. Throughout the chapters, the thesis challenges this common conception. Focusing on the relation between the C40 cities network and two Latin American cities, Lima and Mexico City, I argue that transnational networks are actors facilitating access to cities by transnational companies instead of solely promoting the sharing of experiences and the support for a more inclusive global climate governance model. Put differently, based on the empirical evidence, the thesis claims that transnational climate networks work as an instrument for the transnational capitalist class (TCC, see Carroll, 2010) promoting market-based solutions and economic hegemony in climate politics. Empirically, the thesis shows how the C40 operates as a facilitator to transnational corporate investment in a range of infrastructures in cities from the global South. In particular, the study focuses on the intervention in urban policies related to Low Carbon Emissions Public Transportation (LCEPT) infrastructures. Both directly and indirectly – through other Western Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (e.g., WRI, ITDP) - the C40 creates channels for transnational corporate actors to gain access to local policy-makers and, in that way, gain access to such transnational investments. As a result, these interventions impact the type of urban climate politics promoted in southern cities (a constant struggle between mitigation vs. adaptation policies) and the actors who benefits from these policies (private companies or the population). The chapters in the first part help us to fill the gap in the conceptualization of the role of transnational networks in urban public policy. The literature survey shows that governance is conceptualized, for the most part, with an institutionalist framework undermined by the evidence given in the case studies. The theoretical chapters also reveal the misconceptions in the literature related to transnational networks, not as promoters of horizontal collaboration, but as facilitators for transnational companies and the private sector, promoting transnational corporate (TNC) developed solutions to climate change. Differing from the conceptions in the literature, transnational networks do not always promote an exchange of information and practices among its members. The transnational networks that have the support of philanthropic organizations or multimillionaire companies such as C40, prioritize the creation of public/private partnerships, as well as the endorsement of technical and TNC-developed responses when addressing climate change. Likewise, like the C40, transnational networks encourage a transfer of climate policies from IOs (mainly from the global north), multinational and philanthropic foundations that involve technological and market-based solutions with a top-bottom approach. As shown in the empirical chapters, legislation in both cases – Mexico City and Lima - promotes private actors. Nonetheless, access to the design and decision-making process of climate politics for local NGOs and civil society in general, is not the same as for transnational NGOs and wealthy philanthropies. What transnational networks have brought to cities in the global South is the expansion and the reinforcement of economic links among the TCC. As a result, these transnational actors have included cities in Latin America in the last decades, utilizing business relations and infrastructure projects aligned to this TCC network. In other words, transnational networks promote economic relations and economic globalization at the city level. The present study reflects the dominance of Northern corporations and think-tanks in the ‘green sector’ as part of climate colonialism (Bachram, 2004; Katz-Rosene & Paterson, 2018; P. J. Newell & Paterson, 2010), indicating the way this transnational class drives the 'solutions' in urban climate politics. The empirical section of the study shows the result from interviews performed between March 2017 and March 2018, and the analysis of the empirical evidence from official documents, legislation, and governmental programs until September 2018. The second part aims to illustrate the complexity of transnational governance through the observation, interpretation, and analysis of two representative cities in Latin America. The main goal is to show the how of transnational climate change relations in Latin American cities. For instance, how does the network C40 facilitate access to urban climate politics for other actors, and how do they work as intermediaries between multinational corporations and cities? The study further demonstrates this argument by analyzing the influence of transnational actors in Lima and Mexico City, who working within the network C40 promote the implementation of a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system in each city. The chapter on LCEPT describes how transnational actors influence public transportation policies mainly in two ways: by offering technical solutions or contacting those who have technical solutions with city officers. These transnational actors contribute to shaping different cities' strategies in the public transportation sector. Throughout the rest of the chapters, the study demonstrates where the most substantial influence comes from. By observing urban climate policies in each city, the thesis shows the level of influence from transnational actors in LCEPT politics.

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Valdovinos, Joyce. „Transnational corporations in Water Governance. Veolia and Suez in Mexico and the United States (1993-2014)“. Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA030027/document.

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La participation du secteur privé dans la gouvernance de l’eau a considérablement évolué au cours des vingt dernières années. Aujourd’hui, les firmes transnationales de l’eau ne sont pas des opérateurs locaux mais sont devenues des acteurs économiques et politiques dans la gouvernance mondiale de l’environnement. Leur vaste offre de services et l’expansion de leurs activités sur des marchés internationaux ont largement contribué à construire une image de ces entreprises en tant qu’acteurs-clés, à coté des autorités publiques locales. Le rôle des firmes transnationales dans la gouvernance de l’eau ne se limite plus à la gestion des services dans des territoires locaux spécifiques, mais comprend également la création et la diffusion de modèles de gouvernance de l’eau à l’échelle mondiale.Cette thèse étudie les firmes transnationales de l’eau en tant qu’acteurs actifs et puissants dans la gouvernance de l’eau à des échelles multiples. Le pouvoir des deux plus grandes firmes de l’eau dans le monde, les groupes français Veolia et Suez, est analysé en termes d’intérêts, de ressources et de stratégies dans le cadre de l’« espace transnational de l’eau ». Ce concept est utilisé pour analyser les stratégies de développement et d’adaptation de Veolia et de Suez au Mexique et aux Etats-Unis de 1993 à 2014.Les échelles de gouvernance de l’eau s’avèrent déterminantes pour le pouvoir des entreprises transnationales de l’eau. Alors que Veolia et Suez créent leur pouvoir à l’échelle locale, elles le cultivent et diffusent à l’échelle mondiale. Ce processus est toutefois conditionné à l’échelle nationale et peut être potentiellement limité à l’échelle régionale
The involvement of the private sector in water governance has greatly evolved over the last 20 years. Private water companies have gone from being local operators to becoming economic and political actors of global environmental governance. Their vast array of services and the expansion of their operations in international markets have contributed to building the image of these companies as key stakeholders alongside public authorities. The role of transnational corporations (TNCs) in water governance is no longer limited to the provision of services in specific local territories, but also includes the creation and diffusion of models of water governance at the global scale.This dissertation studies water TNCs as active and powerful actors in water governance at multiple scales. The power of the two largest water companies worldwide, the French groups Veolia and Suez, is analyzed in terms of interests, resources and strategies within the framework of the “transnational space for water.” This concept is used to analyze the development and adaptation strategies of Veolia and Suez in Mexico and the U.S. from 1993 to 2014. The study argues that scales of water governance are central to understanding the power of water TNCs. While Veolia and Suez create their power at the local scale, they cultivate and diffuse it at the global scale. This process, however, is conditioned at the national scale and can be potentially limited at the regional scale
La participación del sector privado en la gestión del agua ha evolucionado considerablemente en los últimos veinte años. Hoy en día, las empresas transnacionales del agua han pasado de ser operadores locales a actores económicos y políticos en la gobernanza ambiental mundial. Su amplia gama de servicios y la expansión de sus actividades en mercados internacionales han llevado a construir una imagen de estas empresas como actores clave, junto a las autoridades locales. El papel de las empresas transnacionales del agua ya no se limita a la prestación de servicios públicos en territorios específicos sino que también incluye la creación y la difusión de modelos de gestión del agua a nivel internacional.La presente tesis explora a las empresas transnacionales del agua como actores activos y poderosos en la gobernanza del agua a partir de una perspectiva multi-escalar. El poder de las dos compañías más grandes a nivel mundial, los grupos franceses Veolia y Suez, es analizado en términos de intereses, recursos y estrategias en el marco del “espacio transnacional del agua”. Este concepto es propuesto y utilizado para analizar las estrategias de desarrollo y de adaptación de Veolia y Suez en México y en Estados Unidos de 1993 a 2014.Al final de este trabajo se demuestra que las escalas de gobernanza del agua son determinantes para el poder de las firmas transnacionales del agua. Mientras Veolia y Suez crean su poder en la escala local, éste es cultivado y promovido en la escala internacional. Este proceso, sin embargo, se encuentra condicionado por la escala nacional y puede ser potencialmente limitado por la escala regional

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Dieng, Ndèye Sokhna. „Gouverner des forêts sans forêt ? Processus de construction de l'Etat et de politisation de l'action publique transnationale dans les forêts politiques en Côte d'Ivoire“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, AgroParisTech, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024AGPT0006.

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Comment repenser les processus de politisation des forêts dans des territoires qualifiés comme « déforestés », et néanmoins marqués par un repositionnement de la lutte contre la déforestation dans l’agenda politique ? A partir de ces situations contrastées, cette thèse explore les relations entre les processus de territorialisation des forêts et la construction étatique, à la croisée de la sociologie politique de l’action publique et de la géographie politique. Elle a pour objet les forêts classées de Côte d’Ivoire, qui sont des espaces sociaux contestés, de par leur appartenance à l’État depuis la période coloniale. Depuis 2018, des politiques forestières visent à maintenir et regagner du couvert forestier dans ces forêts classées, notamment en les requalifiant en aires protégées ou en agro-forêts classées. D’une part, à partir d’une analyse socio-historique, cette thèse démontre que les requalifications contemporaines des forêts classées s’inscrivent dans des processus continus de construction étatique et de reterritorialisation des forêts, dans un contexte post-crise, par différents réseaux d’action publique. Ces requalifications montrent la pluralité des forêts politiques, davantage caractérisées par leur appartenance à l’État. D’autre part, cette thèse propose une discussion de l’intermédiation sociale entre les acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques (agences de développement, entreprises privées, ONG environnementales). Si les élites administratives négocient la souveraineté étatique par des processus d’hybridation et d’intermédiation sociale avec ces acteurs non-étatiques internationaux et nationaux, ces derniers mobilisent également l’appareil étatique et les élites administratives pour déployer leurs narratifs et leurs ingénieries socio-écologiques, avec des ressources différenciées. Enfin, cette thèse conceptualise l’ethno-environnementalisme, en étudiant sa sociogenèse et ses mobilisations sociales. Celui-ci se caractérise par un recadrage politique de la déforestation autour des migrations paysannes, une redéfinition de luttes sociales anciennes pour le foncier autour de la lutte contre la déforestation, et la mobilisation de l’autochtonie, en tant qu’identité politique, dans un contexte ethno-nationaliste. L’ethno-environnementalisme contribue à une redistribution de ressources sociales, politiques et symboliques entre groupes sociaux, définis par leur autochtonie ou leur appartenance à la catégorie sociale de l’« étranger »
How to reconsider forest politics in territories described as “deforested”, yet characterized by a repositioning of the fight against deforestation on the political agenda? Based on these contrasting situations, this research explores the relationships between forest territorialization processes and state construction, at the crossroads of political sociology and political geography. The research studies the gazetted forests in Côte d'Ivoire, as contested social spaces, due to their belonging to the state since the colonial period. Since 2018, forestry policies have aimed to maintain and regain forest cover in these gazetted forests, by reclassifying them as protected areas or gazetted agro-forests. On the one hand, based on a socio-historical analysis, this research demonstrates that these reclassifications are part of ongoing processes of state construction and forest reterritorialization, in a post-crisis context, by different networks of public governance. These reclassifications show the plurality of political forests, more characterized by their belonging to the state. On the other hand, this research discusses the social intermediations between state and non-state actors (development agencies, private companies, environmental NGOs). While administrative elites negotiate state sovereignty through processes of hybridization and social intermediation with these international and national non-state actors, the latter also mobilize the state apparatus and administrative elites to deploy their narratives and socio-ecological engineering, with differentiated resources. Finally, this thesis conceptualizes ethno-environmentalism and studies its sociogenesis and social mobilizations. Ethno-environmentalism is characterized by a political reframing of deforestation around peasant migrations, a redefinition of long-standing social struggles over land tenure around the fight against deforestation, and the mobilization of autochthony, as a political identity, in an ethno-nationalist context. Ethno-environmentalism contributes to a redistribution of social, political and symbolic resources between social groups, defined by their autochthony or their belonging to the social category of the “foreigner”

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Filho, Adalberto Felicio Maluf. „A efetividade do regime internacional da mudança climática: a contribuição dos governos locais“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-08112013-111958/.

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A partir dos conceitos de regime internacional e de governança global, busca-se compreender a influência dos governos subnacionais no âmbito das negociações multilaterais intergovernamentais, no que diz respeito à efetividade do regime internacional da mudança climática. O indicador de influência foi desenvolvido levando em consideração a criação e implementação das agendas políticas domésticas. Dessa forma, destacam-se as grandes cidades como atores subnacionais públicos, reunidas nas Redes de Cidades líderes contra as mudanças climáticas, entre elas a Rede C40. A transformação de atores públicos locais em agentes de mudança no âmbito transnacional, por meio da constituição de uma rede, abre novas perspectivas teóricas para a discussão acerca do papel de atores subnacionais nas Relações Internacionais, o que deve repercutir sobre o debate a respeito das abordagens teóricas nas subáreas de regimes e de governança global.
Following the conceptual framework of global governance and international regimes, we tried to demonstrate the relevance of subnational governments towards the conclusion of the international negotiations and the effectiveness of the international regime on climate change. This influence can be measured by their role in the domestic agenda setting, in the decision-making process and in the implementation of public policies, as well as in the increase in cooperation agreements with non-state actors. The Climate Leadership Group, the C40 network, gathering the largest cities in the world, have become an important international player, transforming itself into a new transnational actor in the Climate Change arena, which is going to have a influence on scholars of international regimes and global governance.

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de, Campos Thana Cristina. „Responsibilities for the global health crisis“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3e22ef01-09ec-435c-8264-ae05d6a371ba.

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This thesis aims to provide a framework for analyzing the moral responsibilities of global agents in what I call the Global Health Crisis (GHC), with special attention devoted to the moral responsibilities of pharmaceutical companies. The main contribution of this thesis is to provide a general account of the moral responsibilities of different global players, mapping the different kinds of duties they have, their content and force, and their relation to the responsibilities of other relevant actors in the GHC. I also apply this account to current debates surrounding the need for reforms to the international legal rules addressing the GHC, notably the TRIPs regime. In doing so, this thesis will discuss the allocation of responsibilities for the GHC among different global players, such as state and non-state actors, the latter including pharmaceutical companies. In order to investigate the allocation of duties, I will first analyze the object of such allocation which constitutes the object of the current GHC (Part A); then the agents responsible for addressing this crisis (Part B); and finally, existing institutional alternatives to reform the international legal rules addressing the GHC, such as the TRIPs regime (Part C).

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Kinuthia, Wanyee. „“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.

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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

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Starobin, Shana Miriam. „Institutions, Innovation, and Grassroots Change: Alternatives to Transnational Governance in the Global South“. Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/12817.

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Transnational governance has been advanced as a viable option for regulating commodities produced in emerging economies—where incapable or unwilling states may undersupply institutions requisite for overseeing supply chains consistent with the quality, safety, environmental, or social standards demanded by the global marketplace. Producers from these jurisdictions, otherwise left with few venues for securing market access and price premiums, ostensibly benefit from whatever pathways transnational actors offer to minimize barriers to entry—including voluntary certification for compliance with a panoply of public and private rules, such as those promulgated by NGOs like the Fair Trade Federation or multinational retailers like Wal-Mart. Yet, such transnational “sustainability” governance may neither be effective nor desirable. Regulatory schemes, like third-party certification, often privilege the interests of primary architects and beneficiaries—private business associations, governments, NGOs, and consumers in the global North—over regulatory targets—producers in the global South. Rather than engaging with the international marketplace via imported and externally-driven schemes, some producer groups are instead challenging existing rules and innovating homegrown institutions. These alternatives to commercialization adopt some institutional characteristics of their transnational counterparts yet deliver benefits in a manner more aligned with the needs of producers. Drawing on original empirical cases from Nicaragua and Mexico, this dissertation examines the role of domestic institutional alternatives to transnational governance in enhancing market access, environmental quality and rural livelihoods within producer communities. Unlike the more technocratic and expert-driven approaches characteristic of mainstream governance efforts, these local regulatory institutions build upon the social capital, indigenous identity, “ancestral” knowledge, and human assets of producer communities as new sources of power and legitimacy in governing agricultural commodities.

Dissertation

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Bücher zum Thema "Transnational public governance"

Warning, Michael J. Transnational Public Governance. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818.

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Warning, Michael J. Transnational public governance: Networks, law, and legitimacy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Condon, Mary. Transnational market governance and economic citizenship: New frontiers for feminist legal theory. Toronto: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 2006.

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Warning, Michael J. Transnational Public Governance. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Transnational public governance: Networks, law, and legitimacy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Warning, M. Transnational Public Governance: Networks, Law and Legitimacy. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Transnational Corporations in Urban Water Governance. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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Cutler, A. Claire, und Thomas Dietz. Politics of Private Transnational Governance by Contract. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Cutler, A. Claire, und Thomas Dietz. Politics of Private Transnational Governance by Contract. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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Stone, D. Knowledge Actors and Transnational Governance: The Private-Public Policy Nexus in the Global Agora. Palgrave Macmillan Limited, 2013.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Transnational public governance"

Warning, Michael J. „Introduction“. In Transnational Public Governance, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_1.

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Warning, Michael J. „Conclusion“. In Transnational Public Governance, 134–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_10.

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Warning, Michael J. „Analysing the System of International Chemical Safety“. In Transnational Public Governance, 139–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_11.

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Warning, Michael J. „Evaluation“. In Transnational Public Governance, 161–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_12.

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Warning, Michael J. „Conclusion“. In Transnational Public Governance, 173–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_13.

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Warning, Michael J. „Concepts of Legitimacy“. In Transnational Public Governance, 179–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_14.

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Warning, Michael J. „Legitimacy and Law Beyond the State“. In Transnational Public Governance, 190–204. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_15.

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Warning, Michael J. „Legitimacy and Technical Standards“. In Transnational Public Governance, 205–26. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_16.

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Warning, Michael J. „Legitimacy of Transnational Public Governance“. In Transnational Public Governance, 227–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_17.

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Warning, Michael J. „Prospects“. In Transnational Public Governance, 236–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230244818_18.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Transnational public governance"

East, Sidonie. Is Transparency Enough? An Examination of the Effect of the Extractive Industry Initiative (EITI) on Accountability, Corruption and Trust in Zambia. Institute of Development Studies, April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2024.020.

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Extractive industry governance is a hot topic in both academic research and the public arena. The area that has been most heavily studied in the academic field is the resource curse, which documents the negative effects of dependence on resource-rents in resource-rich developing countries. The political strand of this literature argues that a strong dependence on resource-rents negatively impacts three governance outcomes: accountability, corruption and trust. Scholars argue that these governance issues can be improved if transparency is increased, which inspired the creation of the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI). The EITI is a transnational non-governmental organisation launched in 2002, with the aim of improving accountability, corruption and trust in the extractive industry by increasing transparency in the sector. In order to be EITI-compliant, countries must make key documents and data from their extractive industry publicly available and form a multi-stakeholder group with members of civil society organisations (CSOs), extractive industry and government representatives to oversee reporting. Summary of ICTD Working Paper 175.

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Jefferson, Brian. Reviewing Information Technology, Surveillance, and Race in the US. Just Tech, Social Science Research Council, Mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3033.d.2022.

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The past decade has been marked by a growing awareness of the potential harms of personal computing. This recent development was spurred by a surge of news reports, films, and studies on the unforeseen side effects of constantly using networked devices. As a result, the public has become increasingly aware of the cognitive, ideological, and psychological effects associated with the constant use of personal computing devices. Alongside these revelations, a growing chorus of activists, journalists, organizers, and scholars have turned attention to surveillance technology-related matters of a different kind—those related to the carceral state and border patrol. These efforts have sparked a shift in the public consciousness, from individual experiences of technology users to how technology is used to maintain social divisions. These studies show how the explosion of network devices not only changes society but also maintains longstanding divisions between social groups. This field review highlights key concepts and discussions on information technology, surveillance, carceral governance, and border patrol. Specifically, it explores the evolution of information communication technology and racial surveillance from the late nineteenth century until the present. The review concludes by exploring avenues for bringing these conversations into a transnational dialogue on surveillance, technology, and social inequality moving forward.

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