Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Translations from Babylonian“

Abstract Most English translations of the story of the Star of Bethlehem either say explicitly or seem to imply that Herod learns from the magi the point in time at which the star appeared. This translation reflects an unusual understanding of two words in the Greek text, as well as raising the question why he killed children aged over a range of two years if he knew the exact age of the baby. These problems have been raised in the critical literature, yet many modern versions continue to offer a grammatically and logically strange interpretation. This article will argue that this interpretation is based on the assumption of a Hellenistic genethliac astrological background for the text, and that the perceived need for this common translation disappears if a Babylonian astrological background is assumed.

Abstract We offer transliterations, translations, and autograph copies of three Old Babylonian tablets held by the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire (MAH) in Geneva. MAH 15899 adds a new name to the roster of temple administrators in Ur, and leads us to propose a new interpretation of the year-name Rīm-Sîn IIa. MAH 16042 concerns a second son of the Uqqû first recognized in MAH 15896. MAH 15953 extends the family tree of the well-known Balamunamḫe of Larsa and connects the family with the religious life of the city. It probably postdates Samsu-iluna’s reconquest of Ur (Si 10) but it is difficult to say by how long. The witness lists of the tablets are intertwined with each other and with tablets from scientific excavations. These interrelationships reflect a common origin in Ur, and permit speculation about the location of the site from which they were plundered for the antiquities market.

Targums are a kind of ancient Jewish translation literature that may have played an important role in synagogues, private devotion, and education. The reason scholars adduce such widespread use for the targums is because they translate the Hebrew Bible from Hebrew into Aramaic, another ancient Semitic language widely used by Palestinian and Babylonian Jews. Despite their supposed popularity, there are no sustained discussions in ancient Jewish literature concerning how to produce a targum, or what makes a quality targum. This is in direct contrast to some of the early theoretical discussions that informed ancient Christian translations of the Bible. Similarly, internal evidence from the targums suggests they underwent extended diachronic growth, thus eliminating the possibility of a single author, translator, or—as conventionally designated—targumist. As a result, theorizing the situation of a targumist is extremely difficult, in that to do so modern scholars must rely exclusively on the evidence presented by the targums themselves. Furthermore, the targumist must remain at the level of a hypothetical composite in order to reflect the historical realities of targumic production and development. Nevertheless, in this paper I will examine three issues that might give some insight into the situation of the Pentateuch Targums (targums to the first five books of the Hebrew Bible): 1) the targumic “shadow” of the Hebrew Bible; 2) the basic unit of meaning in the targums; and 3) the possible translational role of the targumic narrative expansion—extended portions of text that add new material to the Hebrew Bible narrative. By examining these issues I hope to tease out some of the translational dynamics and cross-cultural issues that likely influenced the production of the targums. And although the targumist must remain a hypothetical construct, the consistency of translational dynamics within the Pentateuch Targums probably reflects a tacit consensus of approach among the targums’ producers. As a result, it becomes possible to theorize in the absence of a theory.

The article is devoted to the use of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite texts. This logogram was borrowed from Mesopotamian cuneiform, in which it rendered the Akkadian word muškēnum (lit. ‘the one who bows down, performs proskynesis’). In 1950 E. Laroche showed that the logogram should be read as ašiwant- ‘poor’ in Hittite. However, subsequently several scholars have pointed out that this meaning did not fit well into many contexts. Therefore it was suggested that LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK was rather a social term referring to a certain group of Hittite population dependent of the state (‘palace’) (V. Souček, I. M. Diakonoff). Such renderings of the logogram as ‘semi-free, dependent, serfs, servants’ which are widely used in the literature conform with this interpretation. But there seem to be insufficient evidence in the sources to substantiate these translations. The article analyses two texts from ancient Tapikka (HKM 8, 105) which were not yet known in the 1960s when the main study on the Hittite LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK appeared. It is suggested that the solution should be sought in the Mesopotamian tradition of the Old Babylonian time in which the Akkadian equivalent of the logogram, the noun muškēnum, denoted commoners, ordinary citizens economically independent of the palace.

This article presents a few issues in the making of our film A Long History of Madness that pertain to the ‘Babylonic’. Spoken in 12 languages, ranging across six centuries, and shot in five countries, the film possesses an inherent Babylonism. It makes a case for a multilingual mode of communicating. Yet, beyond the obvious need for verbal communication, for which subtitles are necessary but insufficient, the film presents other reasons for extending the concept of translation. The knot of potential confusion and the need for ‘translation’ are the ontological uncertainties surrounding ‘madness’ itself. The key questions are: are people mad? Do they perform madness, or do others perceive them as mad because they are too dissimilar from them to be accepted as ‘normal’? This fundamental uncertainty affects all forms of alterity. Translation becomes, then, a tool to negotiate alterity under the terms of the acceptance of this ontological uncertainty.

Writing in 1931, Eckhard Unger observed that published Neo-Babylonian texts written at or referring to Dilbat and dated by the Neo-Babylonian kings were scarce; those dated by the early Achaemenid kings, up to the end of the reign of Darius I, were more numerous; the latest unequivocally dated text from Dilbat was VAS 6, 331, dated by Bēl-šimânni, one of the Babylonian rebels against Xerxes; Seleucid and Parthian texts from Dilbat were unknown. In 1976 these observations still held, and Joachim Oelsner contemplated the possibility that the dearth of later texts from Dilbat was connected with Xerxes' suppression of the Babylonian revolts in the early years of his reign.Oppert-Menant, Doc. jur. 276 ff. No. VI was problematic. Its publication in 1877 did not include a facsimile of the cuneiform text, but relied on a transliteration that is now antiquated and partly incomprehensible, accompanied by a largely unsuccessful effort at translation. It was plainly written at Dilbat on 7/IX/14 Darius, called “Kings of Lands”. Oppert ascribed it to Darius I, but the omission of “King of Babylon” from the royal title (or at least from the transliteration of the title) suggests to a modern reader that Darius II was intended. Oelsner judged properly that as long as the cuneiform text was not available there was no way to assign the text confidently to the reign of one Darius or the other.

This article presents a number of short, but important, inscriptions found on objects excavated at Tell Haddad and elsewhere. Texts nos. 1–6 are from Tell Haddad or the neighbouring site of Tell al-Sib, no. 7 is from Sippar and nos. 8–10 are of unknown provenance.1. Inscription of Arīm-Līm of Mê-Turan. IM 124744; Haddad 577 (Figs. 1–2)This inscription, written on a stone foundation tablet re-used as a door socket (overall dimensions 36 × 22 × 13·8 cm), was excavated at Tell Haddad, out of context near the Neo-Assyrian buildings in Area 3, Level 1, but derives originally from the early Old Babylonian period. The text was made available some years ago to the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project of the University of Toronto, in whose system it is catalogued as E4.16.1. A transliteration and translation has been published by D. Frayne, Old Babylonian Period (RIME 4), p. 700.

Abstract The paper explores the uses of the Sumerian expression ser3-ku3, with a view to clarifying its sense.The paper arises from my study of Babylonian šerkugû, which I argue to have the meaning ‘incantation’ (see fn. 16). This is a loan from Sumerian *ser3-ku3-ga. The form with -ga (arising from the addition of the ‘adjectival a’ to ku3.g ‘holy, pure’) is not currently attested in Sumerian. (I thank Pascal Attinger, pers. comm., for the observation that apparent attestations of ser3-ku3-ga, e.g. in Martu A 58, are in fact locatives in -a). It does however occur in spellings of Babylonian šerkugû (CAD Š/2, 316b). It argues that there are two main uses, ‘incantation’ and ‘hymn’, probably correlating respectively with one-word (‘univerbated’) and two-word incarnations of the expression. This hypothesis finds support in the phrase’s loan and translation into Babylonian.

In my The Death of the Messiah, preparatory to examining the Gospel accounts of the trial/interrogation of Jesus by the chief priest(s) and San-hedrin, I surveyed the extra-Gospel evidence for authoritative Jewish involvement in the death of Jesus, derived from Jewish, Christian, and pagan sources. From the Jewish evidence I discussed two items: the witness of Josephus (Ant. 18.3.3; #63–t) and a baraita from TalBab Sanhedrin 43a which I quoted from the London Soncino translation (Nezikin volume 3.281):On the eve of Passover Yeshu was hanged. For forty days before the execution took place, a herald went forth and cried, ‘He is going forth to be stoned because he has practised sorcery and enticed Israel to apostacy. Anyone who can say anything in his favour, let him come forward and plead on his behalf.’ But since nothing was brought forward in his favour he was hanged on the eve of Passover.

This article examines UET 6/2, 414, the Old Babylonian dialogue between a fuller and a client, commonly referred to as “At the Cleaners”, from the point of view of ancient technology. Drawing upon a wide range of Talmudic and Classical sources mentioning laundry, and based on a careful philological reading of the Akkadian text, this study offers a new understanding of the different stages of washing and treatment of luxury garments in the Old Babylonian period. It is argued that the possible humorous aspect of the text is irrelevant to the fact that UET 6/2, 414 is a unique composition in antiquity, offering a long and accurate sequence of laundry instructions. Washing procedures and ways of treating luxury garments in Mesopotamia are outlined step by step; new Akkadian terms pertaining to garments and clothing are presented; wages of laundry workers in ancient Mesopotamia are briefly discussed. The study concludes with a new edition and translation of UET 6/2, 414.

Abstract YOS 20, 87 is a scholarly cuneiform tablet from Hellenistic Uruk. The study of its unusual content shows that it is an Akkadian translation of a collection of Greek official documents issued by the Seleucid administration in the first quarter of the third century BC, concerning the rebuilding of the Bīt Rēš, the main sanctuary of Uruk at the time. These works, which had been recognized on the ground by archaeologists a long time ago, remained unattested until now in the textual records. YOS 20, 87 therefore significantly enhances our understanding of the temple’s history and provides a valuable addition to the dossier of Seleucid euergetic policy in Babylonia.

The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumerian and Babylonian celestial body names as a source of corresponding terms in other cultures, up to the conventional inventory of modern astronomy, and to reveal four strategies by which other cultures drew ideas for name-giving from the treasury of Mesopotamia's lexicon of celestial bodies. Whereas one of these strategies -- echoing, or full translation, of a Sumero-Akkadian term -- is axiomatic, the other three -- shift of meaning or interpretation of a Sumero-Akkadian term; lexical, or "material" borrowing; and, especially, folk etymology, or misinterpretation -- are understudied and practically unnoticed. The authors do not focus on such complicated matters as a historical background of Mesopotamian influence, direct or indirect, on Greek culture; a direction and routes of inter-borrowing between different speaking areas other than Akkadian and their contacts with the Greek world; a chronology of all kinds of cultural contacts and influences; probable connections between the early pre-Islamic Arabic and Babylonian traditions; or the problem of identification of Mesopotamian constellation and stars. However, the data presented may give a certain impulse to further investigation of these matters, while feasible etymologies and relations established between names can even throw some light upon debatable identification cases.

The myth of the fallen angels, as it is known from the intertestamental literature, narrates the story of the angels who break the divine law, marry earthly women, and beget malevolent hybrid progeny. The latter element of this narrative can be found in the Babylonian Talmud, where it is invested with new significance: these are the distinguished rabbis who are the heavenly messengers’ offspring. I start this paper by outlining the traces of the rabbis’ familiarity with the myth of the fallen angels and then move on to an analysis of the tradition about the angelic origins of the sages found in bShabb 112b. I offer that this passage should be read as exemplifying the practice of associating rabbis and angels that permeates the whole Babylonian Talmud. I base on two methodological paradigms: cognitive linguistics, which allows for the translation of this problem into two conceptual metaphors (SAGES ARE ANGELS and ANGELS ARE SAGES), and the Elyonim veTachtonim – a system of quantitative and qualitative analysis of the traditions involving supernatural entities, which permits to locate all the Talmudic passages utilizing these metaphors and to interpret their place in the broader conceptual network. The data show that the sages and rabbinized biblical figures are frequently juxtaposed with angels, and the main dimension of comparison is their intellectual proficiency. When it comes to the mapping of specific rabbinic competencies onto the angels, the most popular is the ability to engage in halakhic scrutiny and teaching. In sum, this presentation of the sages as angels can be taken as an expression of the sense of elitism entertained by the Babylonian sages and, as such, sheds additional light on the interpretation of the passage in bShabb 112b.

Assyrian and Babylonian medical texts written in cuneiform from the first millennium BCE provide a window onto how symptoms and illness were understood. Akkadian medical language employs various strategies to convey aspects of an illness experience, including metaphor, which may provide one way of conceptually organising the experience of illness and filling in blanks in existing knowledge. One metaphor that appears in medical therapeutic texts is a low heart, often phrased as "his heart is low," to denote a depressed state. This article will explore references to this symptom to determine if depression is an appropriate translation and, if so, whether this metaphor can provide clues as to how depression may have been physically experienced.

Present-day terms such as the usufruct – in civil law systems – and its equivalent, the life-right – in common law systems – were foreign to ancient Near Eastern legal texts. Prima facie both terms – usufruct and life-right – direct the “time-limited interest” of the use and enjoyment by a person over the property of another. However, mainstream ancient Near Eastern scholars’ unqualified use of the foreign terms – diverged in time and space – affect the translation and our insight into ancient texts. In addition, differences in land ownership institutions and philosophies in present-day law systems and those of ANE contribute to variances in the meaning and interpretation of the intrinsic aspects of property and as such “time-limited interest” applicable: a usufruct, life-right or even a hybrid form of both. In the article, I focus on the maintenance – a time-limited interest – of the nadītu priestess in the Old Babylonian city-state of Nippur. The application of Stone’s theory on Nippur’s land ownership – the institutions’ economy – prima facie shows that the nadiātu of Nippur held a freestanding life-right, rather than a usufruct which the majority of ANE scholars assigned to the nadiātu’s maintenance. However, I propose a deviation with the superficial overlay of present-day terms on the maintenance of the nadiātu by presenting a time-limited interest framework. The framework serves as a delineation method of identifying the characteristics of the maintenance-construction of the nadiātu from OB Nippur: communicating a “unitary concept” in context of the ancient texts – rather than only assigning coined terms – taking recognition of the influences of Nippur’s land ownership philosophy.

The biblical story of Babel has long served as a powerful image for translators in western civilization, stimulating much productive discourse about translation history, mythology, theory and practice. It is therefore interesting to note that the biblical story itself, despite its apparent antiquity and remarkable brevity, has been strongly influenced by even earlier sources stemming from societies antedating its ancient Israelite authors. This article examines some of the most interesting examples of cross-cultural and intertextual references from ancient proverbs and writings including well-known works such as the <i>Gilgamesh</i> epic and the Babylonian creation epic, <i>Enûma Eliš</i>. The delightfully subtle translingual wordplay in the name ‘Babel’ is also clarified. The biblical Tower of Babel reveals a startling complexity resulting from the wealth of intercultural and multilingual contacts that constitute the distant foundation of western tradition.

In the first verses of the Super flumina, the Hebrews are forced to remain silent. They quit their Kinnors and refuse to sing for their victors. From 1700 to 1820, the numerous poetic translations, imitations and paraphrases use an important instrumentarium in order to orchestrate this touching silence, the study of which, regardless of the skill of the poets, allows an interesting approach to the conception of lyric poetry.

The “Frau Professor Hilprecht Collection”, kept at the Institute of Languages and Cultures of the Middle East at Friedrich Schiller University in Jena, is the largest collection of Babylonian antiquities in Germany, rivaling in its cultural and historical significance the collections of the Museum of the Ancient Middle East in Berlin, the University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia, the Yale Babylonian Collection in New Haven, the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul, the British Museum in London, the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and a number of other thematic museum collections. Standing out from their background due to the quality of objects, mainly discovered during the excavations of Nippur and dated from the Sumerian and Old Akkadian period (IV–III thousand BC) up to the early Islamic period, the Jena collection plays an important role in the study of culture, history, science and literature of the peoples of ancient Mesopotamia. The purpose of this article is an analytical review of this collection, highlighting the most significant and interesting artifacts, as well as considering the history of the origin, movement and study of this collection. Special attention is paid to the literary cuneiform tablets, some of which are unique and no longer found in any of the Mesopotamian collections, as well as the one-of-a-kind map of Nippur, dating from the middle of the II millennium BC and considered as the oldest map of the city in the world. The most important topic of the publication and translation of the texts of the tablets and the step-by-step digitization of all the objects of the collection is also touched upon.

To the memory of the library's excavator,my good friend Walid al-JadirAs reported in Iraq 49, four tablets of the bilingual version of Lugale, the myth of Ninurta, were excavated in the library of Šamaš's temple at Sippar: complete manuscripts of Tablets I, III and IX, and a fragment of Tablet XIII. All the tablets have brief colophons, three of which identify the owner of the tablet as Nabû-ēṭir-napšāti, a member of the Potter family (Paḫāru), who is known from other colophons as the son of one Marduk-šuma-uṣur. They all come from niche 3 A.The tablets are given here in copy, photograph and transliteration. The transliterations are based on a first draft made directly from the original tablets in 1986, the year that they were discovered. The copies are provisional, having been traced from the photographs, which, with the transliterations, must be regarded as the primary witnesses to the cuneiform. Collations were made from a different set of photographs, not published here, which became available after the copies were made. Such collations are marked in the text with an asterisk.Since the text of the Tablets given here was already fundamentally complete in the Old Babylonian version when the myth as a whole was last edited, there is no call for a fresh translation. Where the new sources add significantly to our knowledge is in filling out the often extensive lacunae of the bilingual version, especially in Tablets III and IX. The changes in the Sumerian text that seem to have been engendered by the exercise of furnishing it with an Akkadian translation are a matter which needs to be tackled with reference to the whole text, and a topic which cannot be addressed at length here. Nevertheless, some commentary on these and other points has been provided by A. R. George and follows the transliterated text as an appendix.

The chronological/genealogical narrative structure of the Hebrew Bible points to an editorial aim: to give a history of Israel as a nation from Creation to the 6th century BCE Babylonian exile and the return to the land of Israel, and in so doing to bring to life and unite two dead Near Eastern kingdoms. This article considers the scribes and editors who created the structure of the Hebrew Bible as forerunners of modern cultural nationalists, especially of defeated or endangered peoples, who sought the survival and growth of the nation in literature. However, the monotheisms that derived from Judaism, and adopted Hebrew scripture as sacred, rarely accepted the Bible as the translation or adaptation of a Jewish work in the Jewish national language mostly on Jewish soil and under Jewish government in the 1st millennium BCE. Rather, anti-Semites taught a genealogy of Jewish guilt to the world, with extra charges based on supersessionist theology and anti-Jewish fantasies.

Abstract Translation is hardly an exceptional event. On the contrary, it is quite common and reflects the necessity of communication despite the obvious multiplicity of human languages. Therefore, it has often exhibited a practical and prescriptive nature – as a discourse characterised by instructions to translators about how, what and why to translate. In the present article, I will pay special attention to the treatment of Hebrew and Aramaic terms in the thirteenth-century Latin translation of the Talmud – better known as Extractiones de Talmud (‘Excerpts from the Talmud’). This translation is a large anthology from the Babylonian Talmud that was compiled by Christian authorities in consequence of the famous Paris process of 1240, when the Jewish convert Nicholas Donin confronted the prominent Rabbi Yehiel of Paris regarding the allegedly blasphemous, anti-Christian nature of the Talmud. This large anthology frequently emphasises linguistic difference and abounds in providing details about specific terms from Talmudic literature. Yet the Extractiones appear to neglect the complex nature of the Talmud. They never mention that the Talmud is bilingual – as it collects Hebrew and Aramaic texts – while emphasising that in it the Jews still employ the so-called ‘Holy Tongue’. I will argue that the Extractiones’ emphasis on Hebrew has both ideological and practical purposes. On the one hand, the notion that Hebrew abounds in the Talmud resonates well with the Christian expectation that Judaism is still bound to the “hebraica veritas” (‘Hebrew truth’). On the other hand, an unexperienced Christian reader might have found it difficult to come to terms with the linguistically and historically complex nature of the Talmud. Therefore, the focus on Hebrew may have been the result of an oversimplification for the readers’ sake. The case will be proven on account of one central example: the translation of the Hebrew term “yeshivah”. I will show that the treatment of this term illustrates how the Latin translator of the Talmud intended to emphasise the cultural difference between Jews and Christians, without abandoning the practical need of offering some form of cultural adaptation.

Abstract The Aramaic fragments of the Toldot Yeshu have long been recognized as the oldest version of this polemical tradition which was translated, and elaborated, into many other languages, and transmitted throughout the centuries after its inception. The Aramaic dialect of these fragments has been described as an artificial mixture of Palestinian and Babylonian Aramaic. A grammatical analysis of each of these fragments reveals that they display the signs of an incomplete dialectal translation from Western to Eastern Aramaic, with conspicuous Western Aramaic morphemes in one fragment. On the other hand, the vast majority of the text of the other fragments is written in a blend of two Eastern Aramaic stocks, one literary type Aramaic which resembles that of Onqelos, and one more colloquial dialect which comes very close to Talmudic Aramaic. Finally, the hybrid construction of the agreement pronoun attached to the nota objecti, followed by the direct object marked by, suggests that the text received further linguistic updating in the West at a relatively late stage in the textual history of this tradition.

Astral magic, the capturing of celestial spirits or rays in engraved stones at astronomically propitious times, enters the West with Adelard of Bath’s 12th century translation of Thabit ibn Qurra’s treatise on talismanic magic, Liber Prestigiorum. Derived from Greek, Babylonian, Sabian, Egyptian and Neo-Platonic magical theory and practice, astral magic requires profound knowledge of astronomy. Talismans draw down planetary spirits along stellar rays, the vehicles of transmission, following sympathetic correspondences between astronomical and terrestrial phenomena. In the 12th century works Guillaume de Palerne and Le Chevalier au Lion, magic rings and werewolves are tied to astral magic. These works were written for the English court that supported Adelard, and Gervase of Tilbury’s Otia Imperialia where ‘in England we have often seen men change into wolves according to the phases of the moon’ and ‘there is no precious stone which may not be consecrated for the exercise of its extrinsic power with the herb of the same name or with the blood of the bird or animal, combined with spells’. Adelard’s version of Thabit’s text, along with the Latin Picatrix, also derived from Thabit, had the greatest impact on learned magic in the medieval and early modern periods

Abstract This article challenges the assumption that insofar as the Jewish communities of Babylonia were a ‘people of the book’, their book was a Hebrew Bible. Functionally the Bible that most people would have known was the Aramaic Targum of Onqelos and Jonathan. The Bible’s content—its law, narrative, and prophecy—was culturally mediated through Aramaic. Even in Rabbinic communities, where some had competence in Hebrew that gave them ready access to the original, the lack of formal and systematic study of Miqra may have made the Targum the tradition of first resort for understanding the Hebrew. The situation in the Aramaic-speaking east may not, then, have been all that different from the west, where a Greek Bible shaped the religious identity of the Greek-speaking Jewish communities. This essay is offered as a contribution to the neglected study of the role of Bible translation in the history of Judaism.

Ignorada por la poesía esteticista de fin de siglo, la gran ciudad irrumpe como tema literario para la lengua alemana hacia 1910. Berlín y Viena, grandes babilonias de placer y apocalipsis, nutren una riquísima producción. Ante los insólitos paisajes de la tecnología y la masificación, se exploran nuevos estilos, en particular, los ritmos sincopados y la yuxtaposición de imágenes atrevidas e inesperadas, a modo de collage. En estas páginas se ofrece una selección de autores de la etapa expresionista, escogidos entre los menos familiares para el público español; en su práctica totalidad se trata de poemas no traducidos previamente al castellano. Ignored by the aestheticist poets of the turn of the century, the great city suddenly grows into a literary theme in Germany around 1910. Berlin and Vienna, great Babylonian metropoles of pleasure and apocalypse, deliver an overwhelming production. Against the backdrop of unprecedented landscapes, built out of technology and overcrowding, new styles are explored, in particular, the syncopated rhythms and the juxtaposition of daring and unexpected collage-like images. In the following we offer a selection of authors from the expressionist years, chosen from among the least familiar to the Spanish public. Nearly all the poems included have no previous translation into Spanish.

Epilepsy is a long-term medical disorder that frequently causes unpredictable, unprovoked repeated seizures that have an impact on both physical and mental abilities. It is among the most prevalent neurological conditions. Greek term epilambanein, which is the root of the English word epilepsy, means "to be seized." Both the sickness and the one-time attack were meant by this. The word refers to the magical beliefs of the time, which led to the stigma associated with epilepsy because people with epilepsy were seen to be dirty or bad. A recent study found that nearly 90% of the 70 million epileptics worldwide live in developing countries. Genetic testing has expanded the possibility of figuring out the aetiology of different types of epilepsies. It needs some prior clinical application knowledge to complete this challenging endeavour. Genetic testing techniques include chromosome microarray analysis, karyotyping, single-gene testing, gene panel testing, whole exome sequencing, and whole genome sequencing. The allegedly first documented account of epilepsy, as it was then perceived and understood, may be found in one of the earliest Babylonian medical manuals, Sakikku (English translation: "All Diseases"), which dates from around 1050 BC. The pathogenesis, aetiology, treatment, biomarkers, and risk factors for epilepsy are reviewed in this review article.

Based on skeleton examination, cave-paintings and mummies the study of prehistoric medicine tells that the surgical experience dated with skull trepanning, male circumcision and warfare wound healing. In prehistoric tribes, medicine was a mixture of magic, herbal remedy, and superstitious beliefs practiced by witch doctors. The practice of surgery was first recorded in clay tablets discovered in ancient rests of Mesopotamia, translation of which has nowadays been published in Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine. Some simple surgical procedures were performed like puncture and drainage, scraping and wound treatment. The liability of physicians who performed surgery was noted in a collection of legal decisions made by Hammurabi about the principles of relationship between doctors and patients. Other ancient cultures had also had surgical knowledge including India, China and countries in the Middle East. The part of ancient Indian ayurvedic system of medicine devoted to surgery Sushruta Samhita is a systematized experience of ancient surgical practice, recorded by Sushruta in 500 B.C.E. Ancient Indian surgeons were highly skilled and familiar with a lot of surgical procedures and had pioneered plastic surgery. In the ancient Egyptian Empire medicine and surgery developed mostly in temples: priests were also doctors or surgeons, well specialized and educated. The Edwin Smith Papyrus, the world?s oldest surviving surgical text, was written in the 17th century B.C.E., probably based on material from a thousand years earlier. This papyrus is actually a textbook on trauma surgery, and describes anatomical observation and examination, diagnosis, treatment, and prognosis of numerous injuries in detail. Excavated mummies reveal some of the surgical procedures performed in the ancient Egypt: excision of the tumors, puncture and drainage pus abscesses, dentistry, amputation and even skull trepanation, always followed by magic and spiritual procedures. Various types of instruments were innovated, in the beginning made of stone and bronze, later of iron. Under the Egyptian influence, surgery was developed in ancient Greece and in Roman Empire. Prosperity of surgery was mostly due to practice in treating numerous battlefield injuries. Records from the pre-Hippocrates period are poor, but after him, according to many writings, medicine and surgery became a science, medical schools were formed all over the Mediterranean, and surgeons were well-trained professionals. Ancient surgery closed a chapter when Roman Empire declined, standing-by up to the 18th century when restoration of the whole medicine began.

In Libanius' speech For the Temples (Or. 30), sometimes regarded as the crowning work of his career, he refers to an unnamed city in which a great pagan temple had recently been destroyed; the date of the speech is disputed, but must be in the 380 s or early 390 s, near the end of the speaker's life. After deploring the actions of a governor appointed by Theodosius, often identified with the praetorian prefect Maternus Cynegius, Libanius continues (30.44–5): Let no-one think that all this is an accusation against you, Your Majesty. For on the frontier with Persia (πρὸς τοῖς ὁρίοις Περσῶν) there lies in ruins a temple which had no equal, as one may hear from all who saw it, so very large was it and so very large the blocks with which it was built, and it occupied as much space as the city itself. Why, amid the terrors of war, to the benefit of the city's inhabitants, those who took the city gained nothing because of their inability to take the temple as well (τοῖς ἑλοῦσι τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἔχουσι κἀκεῖνον προσεξελεῖν), since the strength of the walls defied every siege-engine. Besides that, one could mount up to the roof and see a very great part of enemy territory, which gives no small advantage in time of war. I have heard some people disputing which of the two sanctuaries was the greater marvel, this one that has gone, or one that one hopes may never suffer in the same way, and contains Sarapis. But this sanctuary, of such a kind and size, not to mention the secret devices of the ceiling and all the sacred statues made of iron that were hidden in darkness, escaping the sun – it has vanished and is destroyed. Jacques Godefroy (Gothofredus), best known for his edition of the Theodosian Code, also produced the editio princeps of the speech For the Temples, supplying a Latin translation and extensive notes. He hesitated whether to identify the city in question with Apamea in Syria or with Carrhae, ‘urbs superstitione Gentilicia tum referta’, but opted for a third choice: Edessa, the capital of Osrhoene. In doing so he took for granted that a law of the Theodosian Code (16.10.8), in which the emperors order that a pagan temple in Osrhoene remain open, referred to the same temple; I shall argue below that this is incorrect. Opinion continues to be divided, though with a majority favouring Edessa. But this lay some ten or fifteen miles from the border with Persia, whereas Carrhae was directly on it, and is much more likely than Edessa to have had a temple from which one ‘could observe a vast area of enemy country’. The principal deity of Carrhae (Harran) was Sîn, the Moon God, said by some sources to be male, by others to be female. Describing how Caracalla was assassinated while on a pilgrimage to the god, Cassius Dio says that he had ‘set out from Edessa for Carrhae’, and was murdered on the way: according to Herodian, he was staying in Carrhae when he decided to go in advance of his army ‘and to reach the temple of the Moon, whom the local people greatly revere: the temple is a long way from the city [presumably Carrhae], so as to require a (special) journey’. Another emperor to visit the sanctuary was Julian on his march into Babylonia. Theodoret of Cyrrhus alleges that ‘he entered the sanctuary honoured by the impious’ and cut open a human victim, a woman suspended by the hair, in order to obtain an omen of his future victory.

Las ciudades mesopotámicas estaban amuralladas desde sus orígenes. Muralla y ciudad, símbolo de civilización, eran dos conceptos inseparables. Por mandato de los dioses, el rey era el responsable de la fundación de las ciudades y de la construcción de sus sistemas de defensa, que fueron evolucionando como respuesta a los cambios producidos en el arte de la guerra en el Próximo Oriente antiguo. En este artículo se analiza, en particular, la documentación arqueológica y textual de dos modelos de ciudad fortificada: Mari (III-II milenio a. C.), en el norte, y Babilonia (II-I milenio a. C.), en el sur. Se realiza una nueva propuesta de interpretación del recinto defensivo interior de Babilonia. Palabras clave: Ciudades mesopotámicas, fortificacionesTopónimos: Habuba Kabira, Mari, BabiloniaPeríodo: IV-I milenio a. C. ABSTRACTMesopotamian cities were walled from their origins. Wall and city, a symbol of civilisation, were two inseparable concepts. By mandate of the gods, the king was responsible for the foundation of the cities and the construction of their defence systems, which evolved in response to changes in the art of warfare in the ancient Near East. This article analyses, in particular, the archaeological and textual documentation of two models of fortified cities: Mari (3rd-2nd millennium B.C.), in the north, and Babylon (2nd-1st millennium B.C.), in the south. A new approach to the interpretation of the inner wall of Babylon is proposed. Keywords: Mesopotamian cities, fortificationsPlace names: Habuba Kabira, Mari, BabylonPeriod: IVth-Ist millennium B. C. REFERENCIASAbrahami, Ph. (1997), L’armée à Mari, tesis doctoral, Université de Paris I (inédita).al-Rawi, F.N.H. (1985), “Nabopolassar’s Restoration Work on the Wall Imgur-Enlil at Babylon”, Iraq, 47, pp. 1-9.Aurenche, O. (dir.) (1977), Dictionnaire illustré multilingue de l’architecture du Proche Orient Ancien, Lyon, MOM.Azara, P. (dir.) 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(1992), Los orígenes de la civilización, México DF, FCE (1ª edición de 1936).Collon, D. (2008), “Le développement de l’arc en Mésopotamie”, en Les armées du Proche-Orient ancien (IIIe et Ier mil. av. J.-C.), Oxford, BAR.Durand, J. M. (1997), Les documents épistolaires du palais de Mari, tome I, Paris, Éditions du Cerf.— (1998), Les documents épistolaires du palais de Mari, tome II, Paris, Éditions du Cerf.George, A. R. (1992), Babylonian Topographical Texts, Leuven, Peeters.Herzog, Z. (1997), “Fortifications”, en The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, New York-Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 319-326.Hnaihen, K. H. (2020), The Defensive Brick Architecture in Mesopotamia from the end of Early Bronze Age to th end of Early Iron Age, tesis doctoral, Universidad de Almería (inédita).Houben, H. y Guillaud, H. (2006), Traité de construction en terre, Marseille, Éditions Parenthèses.Kenyon, K. M. 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(2012), “Fortifications and Fortification Strategies of Mega-Cities in the Ancient Near East”, en Mega-cities Mega-sites, the Archaeology of Consumption Disposal, Landscape, Transport Communication, 7th ICAANE vol. 1, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 74-91.Montero Fenollós, J. L. (2004), “Revisando a Gordon Childe, el concepto de Revolución Metalúrgica en los albores de la historia de Mesopotamia”, en Miscelánea en homenaje a Emiliano Aguirre, Alcalá de Henares, Museo Arqueológico Regional, pp. 312-319.— (2017), “Bronze Metallurgy in the Times of Earliest Cities. New Data on the City I of Mari”, Ash-Sharq, 1, pp. 48-54.— (2019), “La frontera noroccidental del reino de Mari a comienzos del II milenio a. C. a la luz de los textos y la arqueología. Reflexiones sobre la localización de Dur-Yahdun-Lim”, Claroscuro, 18, pp. 1-21.Nadali, D. (2007), “Ashurbanipal against Elam. Figurative Patterns and Architectural Location of Elamite Wars”, Historiae, 4, pp. 57-91Nigro, L. (2015), “Tell es-Sultan 2015. A Pilot Project for Archaeology in Palestine”, Near Eastern Archaeology, 79, pp. 4-17.Pedersén, O. (2011), “Excavated and Unexcavated Libraries un Babylon”, en Babylon. Wissenskultur in Orient und Okzident, Berlin-Boston, De Gruyter, pp. 47-67.— (2021), Babylon. The Great City, Münster, Zaphon.Reade J. E. (2008), “Early Travellers on the Wonders: Suggested Sites”, en Babylon: Myth and Reality, London, British Museum, pp, 112-118.Rey, S. (2012), Poliorcétique au Proche-Orient à l’âge du Bronze. Fortifications urbaines, procédés de siège et systèmes défensifs, Beyrouth, IFPO.Sanmartín, J. (2018), Gilgamesh, rey de Uruk, Madrid, Trotta.Sasson, J.M. (1969), The Military Establishments at Mari, Roma, Pontifical Biblical Institute.Sollberger, E., Kupper, J. R. (1971), Inscriptions royales sumériennes et akkadiennes, Paris, Éditions du Cerf.Thomas, A. (dir.) (2016), L’histoire commence en Mésopotamie, París, Louvre.Van Ess, M. 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IN THE SHADOW OF THE PALMS: The Selected Works of David Eugene Smith by Tristan Abbey, ed. Alexandria, VA: Science Venerable Press, 2022. xii + 155 pages, including a Glossary of Biosketches. Paperback; $22.69. ISBN: 9781959976004. *David Eugene Smith (1860-1944) may not be a household name for readers of this journal, but he deserves to be better known. An early-twentieth-century world traveler and antiquarian, his collaboration with publisher and bibliophile George Arthur Plimpton led to establishing the large Plimpton and Smith collections of rare books, manuscripts, letters, and artefacts at Columbia University in 1936. He was one of the founders (1924) and an early president (1927) of the History of Science Society, whose main purpose at the time was supporting George Sarton's ongoing management of the journal ISIS, begun a dozen years earlier. Smith also held several offices in the American Mathematical Society over the span of two decades and was a charter member (1915) and President (1920-1921) of the Mathematical Association of America (MAA). *Smith is best known, however, for his pioneering work in mathematics education, both nationally and internationally. In 1905, he proposed setting up an international commission devoted to mathematics education (now the International Commission on Mathematical Instruction) to explore issues of common concern to mathematics teachers on all levels, worldwide. He was actively involved in reviving this organization after its dissolution during the First World War and served as its President from 1928 to 1932. Nationally, Smith was instrumental in inaugurating the field of mathematics education, advancing this discipline professionally both in his role as mathematics professor at the prestigious Teachers College, Columbia University (1901-1926) and as an author of numerous best-selling mathematics textbooks for elementary and secondary schools. These texts were not focused solely on mathematical content; they also dealt substantively with teaching methodology, applications, rationales for studying the material, and significant historical developments. *Throughout his life Smith championed placing mathematics within the wider liberal arts setting of the humanities, highlighting history, art, and literary connections in his many talks, articles, and textbooks. For him there was no two-cultures divide, as it later came to be known. While acknowledging the value of utilitarian arguments for studying mathematics (he himself published a few textbooks with an applied focus), he considered such a rationale neither sufficient nor central. For him, mathematics was to be studied first of all for its own sake, appreciating its beauty, its reservoir of eternal truths, and its training in close logical reasoning. But again, for him this did not mean adopting a narrow mathematical focus. In particular, given his wide-ranging interest in how mathematics developed in other places and at other times, he tended to incorporate historical narratives in whatever he wrote. *This interest led him later in life to write a popular two-volume History of Mathematics. The first volume (1923) was a chronological survey from around 2200 BC to AD 1850 that focused on the work of key mathematicians in Western and non-Western cultures; the second volume (1925) was organized topically around subjects drawn from the main subfields of elementary mathematics. His History of Mathematics was soon supplemented by a companion Source Book in Mathematics (1929), which contained selected excerpts in translation from mathematical works written between roughly 1475 and 1875. Smith wrote at a time when the history of mathematics was beginning to expand beyond the boundaries of Greek-based Western mathematics to include developments from non-Western cultures (Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Chinese, Japanese, and Arabic), a trend he approved of and participated in professionally. *Smith's interest in broader issues extended even to exploring possible linkages between religion and mathematics. His unprecedented parting address to members of the MAA as its outgoing President is titled "Religio Mathematici," a reflection on mathematics and religion that was reproduced a month later as a ten-page article in The American Mathematical Monthly (1921) and subsequently reprinted several times. Smith's article "Mathematics and Religion" appearing in the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics' sixth yearbook Mathematics in Modern Life (1931) touched on similar themes. These two essays maintain that mathematics and religion are both concerned with infinity, with eternal truths, with valid reasoning from assumptions, and with the existence of the imaginary and higher dimensions, "the great beyond," enabling one to draw fairly strong parallels between them. Thus, a deep familiarity with these facets of mathematics may help one to appreciate the essentials of religion. Mathematics itself was thought of in quasi-religious terms, as "the Science Venerable." Smith's farewell address partly inspired Francis Su in his own presidential retirement address to the MAA in 2017 and in its 2020 book-length expansion Mathematics for Human Flourishing (see PSCF 72, no. 3 [2020]: 179-81). Su's appreciation of Smith's ideas also led him to contribute a brief Foreword to the booklet under review, to which we now turn. *First a few publication details: In the Shadow of the Palms is an attractive booklet produced as a labor of love by someone obviously enamored with his subject. Tristan Abbey is a podcaster with broad interests that include being a "math history enthusiast," but whose primary professional experience up to now has been focused on the environmental politics of energy and mineral resources. This work is the initial (and so far the only) offering by a publication company Abbey set up. Its name, Science Venerable Press, was chosen in honor of Smith's designation for mathematics. *One might classify this work non-pejoratively as a coffee-table booklet. It contains 50 excerpts (Su terms them "short meditations") from a wide range of Smith's writings, selected, categorized, and annotated by Abbey, along with full-page reproductions of eight postcards mailed back home by Smith on his world travels, and two photos, including Smith's Columbia-University-commissioned portrait. Smith's excerpted writing occupies only 109 of the total 167 pages, nearly two dozen of which are less than half full. The amply spaced text appears on 3.25 inches of the 7 inch-wide pages, the outer margins being reserved for Abbey's own auxiliary notes explaining references and allusions that appear in the excerpt. This gives the book lots of white space; in fact, eighteen pages of the booklet are completely blank. Another nine pages contain 75 short biographical sketches of mathematicians taken from Smith's historical writings; these are unlinked to any of the excerpts, but they do indicate the breadth of his historical interests. Unfortunately, no index of names or subjects is provided for the reader who wants to learn whether a person or a topic is treated anywhere in the booklet; the best one can do in this regard is consult the titles Abbey assigns the excerpts in the Table of Contents. *The booklet gives a gentle introduction to Smith's views on mathematics, mathematics education, and the history of mathematics. The excerpts chosen are more often literary than discursive. Smith was a good writer, able to keep the reader's attention and convey the sentiments intended, but these excerpts do not develop his ideas in any real length. They portray mathematics in radiant--sometimes fanciful--terms that a person disposed toward the humanities might find attractive but nevertheless judge a bit over-the-top: mathematicians are priests lighting candles in the chapel of Pythagoras; mathematics is "the poetry of the mind"; learning geometry is like climbing a tall mountain to admire the grandeur of the panoramic view; progress in mathematics hangs lanterns of light on major thoroughfares of civilization; and retirement is journeying through the desert to a restful oasis "in the shadow of the palms." Some passages are parables presented to help the reader appreciate what mathematicians accomplished as they overcame great obstacles. *While the excerpts occasionally recognize that mathematics touches everyday needs and is a necessary universal language for commerce and science, without which our world would be unrecognizable, their main emphasis--in line with Smith's fundamental outlook--is on mathematics' ability on its own to deliver joy and inspire admiration of its immortal truths. These are emotions many practicing mathematicians and mathematics educators share; Smith's references to music, art, sculpture, poetry, and religion are calculated to convey to those who are not so engaged, some sense of how thoughtful mathematicians value their field--as a grand enterprise of magnificent intrinsic worth. *In the Shadow of the Palms offers snapshots of the many ideas found in Smith's prolific writings about mathematics, mathematics education, and history of mathematics. It may not attract readers, though, who do not already understand and appreciate Smith's significance for these fields. Abbey himself acknowledges that his booklet "only scratches the surface of [Smith's] contributions" (p. 4). A recent conference devoted to David Eugene Smith and the Historiography of Mathematics (Paris, 2019) is a step toward recognizing Smith's importance, but a comprehensive scholarly treatment of Smith's work within his historical time period remains to be written. *Reviewed by Calvin Jongsma, Professor of Mathematics Emeritus, Dordt University, Sioux Center, IA 51250.

Bible translation activities have been documented since the return of the Jewish people from the Babylonian captivity in the period of the 5th century BCE (Before the Common Era). In Ghana, the earliest translation of portions of Scripture was in Ga in 1805. Bible translation into mother tongues overtly or covertly employs one or more of the philosophies known in translating the Bible. This article examined the philosophy that underpinned the translation of the Asante-Twi Bible, a mother-tongue Scripture that is widely used by the Akan-speaking people of Ghana. Two texts (Acts 1:12 and Hebrews 12:1) were examined exegetically through the lens of mother tongue biblical hermeneutics. The researcher discovered that the two main theories of formal and dynamic equivalences have been employed where appropriate in the translation. However, there are a lot of passages (such as Jewish systems of measurements and dates) that call for using appropriate equivalences in the mother-tongue to make the message of the New Testament understandable and unambiguous. The article also argues for the need for commentaries in the mother-tongue Bibles. Keywords: Bible translation, theories of translation, skopos theory, functional equivalence, formal equivalence, Asante-Twi Bible, mother tongue biblical hermeneutics.

Abstract:In a recently published Old Babylonian Sumerian solar hymn, a diseased supplicant inquires into the nature of a past but unknown religious offence with which he has angered his personal god. The present article contains an interpretation of this passage and a discussion of its various Hittite versions, which range from an almost literal translation (in the Prayer of Kantuzili) to renderings that were strongly adapted to Hittite customs (in the prayers of Mursili II.). This unusually well-documented case offers new insights into the translation and adaptation of literary texts in the ancient Near East.

This short letter of Samsu-iluna (1749–1712 B.C), king of Babylon, is preserved in the Slemani Museum, along with a number of other Old Babylonian documents. The article gives a brief overview of the letters of Samsu-iluna. The short letter appears to be addressed to one Ipqu-Gula, who may be a šassukkum-official (the head of the cadastre-office) from Isin. The article presents a copy, transliteration, translation of and commentary on this cuneiform document, which adds to the small number of letters sent directly by Samsu-iluna that are currently available.

Abstract In the framework of the CUNE-IIIF-ORM project the aim is to train an Artificial Intelligence Optical Character Recognition (AI-OCR) model that can automatically locate and identify cuneiform signs on photorealistic representations of Old Babylonian texts (c. 2000–1600 B.C.E.). In order to train the model, c. 200 documentary clay tablets have been selected. They are manually annotated by specialist cuneiformists on a set of 12 still raster images generated from interactive Multi-Light Reflectance images. This image set includes visualisations with varying light angles and simplifications based on the dept information on the impressed signs in the surface. In the Cuneur Cuneiform Annotator, a Gitlab-based web application, the identified cuneiform signs are annotated with polygons and enriched with metadata. This methodology builds a qualitative annotated training corpus of approximately 20,000 cropped signs (i.e. 240,000 visualizations), all with their unicode codepoint and conventional sign name. It will act as a multi-layerd core dataset for the further development and fine-tuning of a machine learning OCR training model for the Old Babylonian cuneiform script. This paper discusses how the physical nature of handwritten inscribed Old Babylonian documentary clay tablets challenges the annotation and metadating task, and how these have been addressed within the CUNE-IIIF-ORM project to achieve an effective training corpus to support the training of a machine learning OCR model. ACM CCS Applied computing → Document management and text processing → Document capture → Optical character recognition; Applied computing → Arts and humanities → Language translation.

A reflection on the identity of the club of Yahweh in Jeremiah 51:20: This article reflected on the identity of the club of Yahweh referred to in Jeremiah 51 v.20. Various solutions have been offered. These solutions generally have a decisive effect on the interpretation as well as the translation of Jeremiah 51 vv. 20–23. This article commenced with an examination of Jeremiah 51 vv. 20–23. Subsequently, the immediate context of Jeremiah 51 vv.20–23, namely the other oracles against Babylon in Jeremiah vv. 50–51, was used as an interpretative lens. Attention was specifically paid to possible catchword connections with the surrounding material. The immediate context of the club song suggests that the Medes should be identified as the club of Yahweh. The translation of Jeremiah 51vv.20–23 in the Afrikaans 2020-Bible translation should therefore be preferred. The author of Jeremiah 51v.20 deliberately does not disclose the identity of the club in order to emphasise Yahweh’s sovereignty. Yahweh would bring about the demise of the Neo-Babylonian empire. The Median king was merely the instrument used by Yahweh to bring about the downfall of Babylon.Contribution: This article demonstrated that the club song in Jeremiah 51vv.20–23 emphasises that Yahweh is sovereign – a notion prevalent in the book of Jeremiah. Yahweh would use a nation from the north as club to destroy Babylon.

Abstract Within this paper we will account for a cooperation between Ghent University based Assyriologists and computational linguists that has set up a pilot study to analyse the language used in Old Babylonian (OB) letters using Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques. OB letters make up an interesting dataset because (1) they form an invaluable source for everyday vernacular language, and (2) more than 5000 have been recovered, many of which are accessible in transliteration and translation through the series Altbabylonische Briefe and the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative. Based on a first batch of letters from OB Sippar, later extended by other Akkadian letters, we aim to develop machine learning approaches to perform semi-automatic text analysis and annotation of the letters. We will here present a Part-of-Speech (PoS) tag prediction model using machine learning. The input data is Akkadian in transliteration and the best performing model is a fine-tuned Multilingual BERT Transformer with Word embeddings (weighted avg F1: 90.19 %). When compared to the benchmark attempt of PoS tagging on a larger Akkadian corpus (97.67 %), it leaves room for improvement. However, analysing the results shows us that multilingual word embeddings improve the model performance and with an enlargement of the corpus targeting certain classes, we could considerably better the macro average F1 scores.

The Beta vulgaris complex includes sugar beet, mangel wurzel, Swiss chard, fodder beet, and table beet. Mangel wurzel and fodder beet are considered to be the same general crop type, with the former possessing lower dry matter content (&lt;13%) than the latter. Mangel is likely derived from crosses between table beet and chard, while fodder beet may have a more recent origin, arising from crosses between mangel and sugarbeet. The table beet was derived from the wild sea beet, B. vulgaris (L.) subsp. maritima (L.) Arcang, with small non-spherical roots. Table beet is presently a popular vegetable cultivated for its pigmented roots, typically red but also yellow and other colors. Wild forms were consumed in antiquity mainly for their leaves with roots used medicinally. Beet is referred to in the Septuagint, a Greek translation of the first five books of the Hebrew bible, made in Ptolomeic Egypt in the third century BCE. A beet identified as Beta maritima is included in De Material Medicus of Pedanius Dioscorides written in the first century CE, and the first illustrated version of 512, known as the Juliana Anicia Codex, includes an image with non-spherical root. Beet is mentioned in several tractates of the Talmud, a sixth century collection of history and civil law written in Babylonia. Beta maritima possesses supernumerary root cambia, which facilitated selection of swollen rooted forms. The first colored illustration of swollen rooted table beet, B. vulgaris, can be found in the 1515–1517 frescos of Raphael Sanzio and Giovanni Martina da Udine in the Villa Farnesina in Rome. Swollen roots in Roman beet are illustrated and described in the 1587 French herbal Historia Generalis Plantarum of Jacques Dalechamps. Conically shaped beet roots are found in the market painting of Franz Snijders in the 17th century. Various spherical forms of beet root are found in the work of American painter James Peale in 1826. A complete array of beet root types is found in the Benary catalog of 1876. Modern, spherical beet roots were depicted in 1936 by the Russian painter Zinaida Serebriankov, 1936. Artistic and historical representations of table beet suggest that swollen rooted forms have existed during the past five centuries, but conically shaped roots were gradually replaced by spherically shaped roots during this period.

The purpose of the article is to reveal the symbolic foundations of Ch. Alkan's second chamber concerto op. 10, which are also the basis for the composer's subsequent opuses. Chamber concerts are not sufficiently covered by foreign researchers and are unknown in our musicology, therefore this study is relevant both as an example of early manifestations of symbolism in Ch. Alkan's work (romanticism), which was a precursor to the French symbolist composers who studied his work (for example, Debussy), and from a performance perspective. The research methodology is based on the use of systemic and structural, analytical, semiotic, hermeneutical, biographical and historical, comparative analyses to identify the symbolic foundations and indexical and iconic signs of Ch. Alkan's second concerto da camera cis-moll op.10. Scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time, the theory about the origin of Ch. Alkan's symbolic style, starting with Concerto da camera No. 2 op. 10, is presented, including the method of letter-note encryption of the composer's musical language, based on the historical and cultural perspective of such examples, which come from the combinatorics of the Middle Ages and the wit of the Baroque, biblical numerology and sacred calculus in the cultures of ancient civilisations. In addition to the Second Chamber Concerto cis-moll op. 10, the composer used this method in his other works, such as the paraphrase “Super Flumina Babylonis” op. 52 or the Grand Sonata “Four Ages” op. 33. The proposed concept of the figurative sphere of the work can be used in the construction of performing interpretations. Conclusions. Ch. Alkan's Second Concerto da Camera op.10 cis-moll is one of the first works in which we find the first manifestations of symbolism in the composer's work. In it, the composer begins to use one of the Baroque principles of endowing its constituent elements with symbolism, showing in a somewhat pathetic style (“Trois Morceaux Dans le Genre Pathétique” will appear in the subsequent opuses) the search for his place in the world and the state of his soul, the polarity and at the same time the unity of the forces that govern the universe. The second concerto da camera outlined a special thematic line in Ch. Alkan's work, dedicated to the work on the individual and the preaching of Salvation in Christ, continued in the “Grand Sonata” op. 33, as well as in “Benedictus” op. 54, in which we observe the Baroque principles of inventing difficulties, playing with numbers, notes and words for the sake of playing. The above works show the complexity of the cipher compared to the second chamber concerto, which is explained by the author's continuous deepening of encyclopaedic knowledge, his awareness of the Apocrypha, ancient manuscripts in Greek, Latin and Syriac, translations of the Bible into French, and works of Greek philosophers. The art of solving musical riddles formed the essential basis of Ch. Alkan’s language, which can only be solved by people with the same encyclopaedic knowledge. Key words: Charles Alkan, concerto da camera, semantics, symbolism, creative method.

Följande böcker recenseras: Aasgaard, Reidar, Ona Maria Cojocaru och Cornelia B. Horn (red), Childhood in History: Perceptions of Children in the Ancient Medieval Worlds (Mikael Larsson) Ben Zvi, Ehud and Diana Vikander Edemann, Imagining the Other and Constructing Israelite Identity in the Early Second Temple Period (Karin Tillberg) Biblica, nuBibeln (Per-Olof Hermansson) Brodersen, Alma, The End of the Psalter: Psalms 146–150 in the Masoretic Text, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and the Septuagint (David Willgren) Dodson Joseph R. and David E. Briones (eds.), Paul and Seneca in Dialogue (Adam Sabir) Dodson, Joseph R. and Andrew W. Pitts (eds.), Paul and the Greco-Roman Philosophical Tradition (Adam Sabir) Eidsvåg, Gunnar Magnus, The Old Greek Translation of Zechariah (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer) Fredriksen, Paula, Paul: The Pagan’s Apostle (Lukas Hagel) Frevel, Christian, Gottesbilder und Menschenbilder: Studien zu Anthropologie und Theologie im Alten Testament, samt Wagner, Andreas, Menschenverständnis und Gottesverständnis im Alten Testament: Gesammelte Aufsätze 2 (Richard Pleijel) Gertz, Jan C., Bernhard M. Levinson, Dalit Rom-Shiloni och Konrad Schmid (red.), The Formation of the Pentateuch: Bridging the Academic Cultures of Europe, Israel, and North America (Josef Forsling) Graybill, Rhiannon, Are We Not Men? Unstable Masculinity in the Hebrew Prophets (Mikael Larsson) Gundry, Robert H., Peter – False Disciple and Apostate according to Saint Matthew (John-Christian Eurell) Hays, Richard B., Echoes of Scripture in the Gospels (James Starr) Heilig, Christoph, Paul’s Triumph: Reassessing 2 Corinthians 2:14 in Its Literary and Historical Context (Ludvig Svensson) Himmelfarb, Martha, Between Temple and Torah: Essays on Priests, Scribes, and Visionaries in the Second Temple Period and Beyond (Stefan Green) Hurtado, Larry W., Destroyer of the Gods: Early Christian Distinctiveness in the Roman World (Mikael Tellbe) Keener, Craig S., Spirit Hermeneutics: Reading Scripture in Light of Pentecost (Bo Krister Ljungberg) Keener, Craig S. and John H. Walton (gen. eds.), NIV Cultural Backgrounds Study Bible: Bringing to Life the Ancient World of Scripture (Bo Krister Ljungberg) Kok, Michael J., The Gospel on the Margins: The Reception of Mark in the Second Century (Joel Kuhlin) Licona, Michael R., Why Are There Differences in the Gospels? What We Can Learn from Ancient Biography (Tobias Ålöw) Lin, Yii-Jan, The Erotic Life of Manuscripts: New Testament Criticism and the Biological Sciences (Joel Kuhlin) Lied, Liv Ingeborg och Hugo Lundhaug (red.), Snapshots of Evolving Traditions: Jewish and Christian Manuscript Culture, Textual Fluidity and New Philology (Kamilla Skarström Hinojosa) Mermelstein, Ari and Shalom E. Holtz (eds.), The Divine Courtroom in Comparative Perspective (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer) Miller, Stuart S., At the Intersection of Texts and Material Finds: Stepped Pools, Stone Vessels, and Ritual Purity Among Jews of Roman Galilee (Cecilia Wassén) Moxon, John R. L., Peter’s Halakhic Nightmare: The “Animal” Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective (Carl Johan Berglund) Neudecker, Reinhard, Moses Interpreted by the Pharisees and Jesus: Matthew’s Antitheses in the Light of Early Rabbinic Literature (Tobias Ålöw) Penner, Todd and Davina C. Lopez, De-Introducing the New Testament: Texts, Worlds, Methods, Stories (Martin Wessbrandt) Schellenberg, Ryan S., Rethinking Paul’s Rhetorical Education: Comparative Rhetoric and 2 Corinthians 10–13 (Johannes Leckström) Schreiner, Patrick, The Body of Jesus: A Spatial Analysis of the Kingdom in Matthew (Tobias Ålöw) Sprinkle, Preston (red.), Two Views on Homosexuality, the Bible, and the Church (Bo Krister Ljungberg) Stökl, Jonathan and Caroline Waerzeggers (eds.), Exile and Return: The Babylonian Context (Karin Tillberg) Thurén, Lauri, Parables Unplugged: Reading the Lukan Parables in Their Rhetorical Context (Lennart Thörn) Thörn, Lennart, Ordets tillblivelse. Lukasevangeliet (Magnus Evertsson) Weima, Jeffrey A. D., Paul the Ancient Letter Writer: An Introduction to Epistolary Analysis (Adam Sabir) Winninge, Mikael (red.), Dödahavsrullarna – i svensk översättning (Søren Holst)

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