Zeitschriftenartikel: „Trade-union struggles“

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Cake, Susan. „Trade union struggles“. Work, Employment and Society 28, Nr. 4 (August 2014): 663–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017014540976.

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Pringle, Tim, und Quan Meng. „Taming Labor: Workers’ Struggles, Workplace Unionism, and Collective Bargaining on a Chinese Waterfront“. ILR Review 71, Nr. 5 (12.04.2018): 1053–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918768791.

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This article examines the case of the Yantian International Container Terminal (YICT) to consider under what conditions unions can provide effective workplace representation in China. The authors draw on semi-structured interviews to analyze how and why the union was effective, despite rigid prohibitions against organizing outside of the Party-led All-China Federation of Trade Unions. The authors argue that the YICT union developed a system of annual collective bargaining that tamed the power of militant dockworkers and helped prevent strikes. This outcome required an effective enterprise-level trade union that was nevertheless able to influence and manage members’ somewhat ambiguous acceptance of its role. Ultimately, workers’ interests were partially represented and their acquisition of associational power—in the form of trade unions—increased.

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Chan, Chris King-Chi. „Contesting Class Organization: Migrant Workers’ Strikes in China's Pearl River Delta, 1978–2010“. International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000082.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the process of working-class formation under the ongoing industrialization in China by studying how the trade union has been contested by migrant workers in their strikes in the Pearl River Delta (PRD) over the past three decades. The cases presented here are emblematic of workers’ struggles that have aroused public attention in the specific period of analysis. The author suggests that the trade union as a class organization has been a contested domain for migrant workers’ struggles in the PRD. Through their collective actions, workers’ class consciousness and strategies towards class organization have steadily advanced in the process of China's integration into the global economy.

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Kabeya muase, Charles. „Un pouvoir de travailleurs peut-il être contre les syndicats ?“ Politique africaine 33, Nr. 1 (1989): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1989.5247.

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Can workers power negate «union power» ? The CNR lays claims to being the legitimate successor to the trade union struggles of th 1970’s and is thus the repository of workers power, a belief that led to the supression of trade unions in Burkina Faso. The unions have however responded by mobilising their members against the government and shown that they are a counter power to reckon with.

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Paret, Marcel. „Building Labor Solidarity in Precarious Times: The Danger of Union Paternalism“. Labor Studies Journal 44, Nr. 4 (27.11.2018): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18814310.

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In a global context of union decline and widening economic insecurity, unions must decide how to relate to extra-workplace struggles and those without stable or unionized employment. One possibility is that unions will adopt a paternalistic view, in which they attempt to serve the interests of nonunion individuals and groups by disciplining them or speaking for them. Drawing on seventy-five brief interviews with participants in a protest led by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), I examine how union activists understood their relationship to the unemployed and local protests within residential areas. Revealing support for union involvement in extra-workplace struggles, the results show that South Africa’s legacy of social movement unionism remains strong. Yet, some union activists also wanted to discipline or substitute for community struggles, and felt the need to educate or speak for the unemployed. Such paternalistic views may become an obstacle to broad working-class solidarity, in South Africa or elsewhere.

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Locke, Cybèle. „The New Zealand Northern Drivers’ Union: Trade Union Anti-Racism Work, 1937-80“. Labour History 120, Nr. 1 (01.05.2021): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.3.

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In 1960, the Northern Drivers’ Union of New Zealand instituted its anti-racism policy. How this came about, and what it meant for union struggles in the following two decades, are the central concerns of this article. Effectively, the implementation of democratic organising principles within the Northern Drivers’ Union assisted the formation of anti-racism policy and practice. Union officials linked domestic racism with the experiences of black workers under apartheid in South Africa from 1960, which generated calls for a boycott of South Africa and local support for the Citizens’ Association for Racial Equality. Anti-apartheid sentiment in relation to South African rugby tours, which had galvanised unionists in the 1960s, became a source of division by the 1970s as attention turned to more “local” experiences of racism. In particular, this article considers how Māori rank and file, working together with Pākehā union officials such as communist Bill Andersen, extended trade union anti-racism work across the northern regions of the country, especially Auckland.

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Anigstein, Cecilia, und Gabriela Wyczykier. „Union Actors and Socio-environmental Problems: The Trade Union Confederation of the Americas“. Latin American Perspectives 46, Nr. 6 (05.08.2019): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19868179.

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The Trade Union Confederation of the Americas is analytically interesting because international trade unions have promoted the framework of a “just transition” to protect workers’ rights during the shift to sustainable energy and the response to climate change and because the confederation has undertaken something of a “Latin-Americanization” of the just-transition notion that is nurtured by the environmental/territorial turn of social struggles on the continent. The current convergence between unions and social movements (peasant, feminist, environmentalist) has contributed to an important renewal of the union movement in Latin American environmental matters. La Confederación Sindical de las Américas reviste interés analítico porque las organizaciones sindicales internacionales promovieron una “transición justa” para resituar y visibilizar a los trabajadores en las negociaciones multilaterales del clima y procesos de transición energética y porque la confederación ha emprendido una “latinoamericanización” de la noción de la “transición justa” nutrida de un giro eco-territorial de las luchas sociales en el continente. El actual proceso de convergencia entre sindicatos y movimientos sociales (campesinos, feministas, ambientalistas) ha contribuido a una importante renovación de la narrativa del movimiento sindical en materia medioambiental en América Latina.

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Claeys, Jos. „Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989“. Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, Nr. 1 (01.07.2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.

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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.

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Berger, Stefan. „German Trade Unions, Their History, and the Use of Memory“. Labor 18, Nr. 3 (01.09.2021): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061563.

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This article summarizes the results of the work of a commission of the German Trade Union Confederation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), on the memory cultures of social democracy and trade unionism in Germany and highlights its recommendations on how to strengthen the public memory of the achievements of trade unionism in German society. It argues that the contemporary memory cultures are highly deficient and in need of a major boost in order to make trade unionism fit for the struggles of the twenty-first century. Memory will be a crucial resource for trade unions, as it gives them a “practical past” with which to operate in the presence with a view to strengthening and protecting workers’ rights in the future.

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Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca. „Globalisation and the dilemmas of international trade unionism“. Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, Nr. 1 (Februar 2000): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600105.

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This article presents the author's reflections on the possibilities of a restructuring of the international trade union movement, on the basis of a collective research project to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) which seeks to open a debate within the movement over the lessons to be learned from its history as a guide for its future action. The most important question facing the trade union movement today is what is generally called 'globalisation', a phenomenon that goes back many years, both in terms of economic developments and labour struggles. From this perspective, the paper examines the basis for the existing divisions of the international labour movement, before going over the work of the ICFTU and of the International Trade Secretariats (ITSs) to achieve the regulation of the multinational corporations and of the international economy, and concluding on the prospects for unity of action in the unions' work around the global economy.

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Schmalz, Stefan, Teresa Conrow, Dina Feller und Maurício Rombaldi. „Two forms of transnational organizing: Mapping the strategies of Global Union Federations“. Tempo Social 33, Nr. 2 (16.08.2021): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.185622.

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It has become a commonplace belief among academics and trade union officials that globalization has weakened trade unions. However, the expansion of global capital has also led to a rise of transnational labor organizing. Since the 2000s, Global Union Federations have developed different strategies to tackle the challenges of globalization. In this article, we analyze two such forms of transnational organizing: A network-based and an event-based form of organizing. While the network-based approach brings together unions from different countries in a company or industry-wide cross-border network, the event-based strategy is built on the engagement of the GUFs at large international events to wage local struggles with a lasting impact on labor relations. By drawing on a power resource approach and labor geography and by using empirical data from two case studies, the Building and Woodworkers International’s Fifa World Cup campaign of 2014 and the International Transport Workers Union’s Latam Union network, we demonstrate how GUFs are using different pathways of transnational activism to link the global with the local and why local trade union action is crucial for success in transnational organizing.

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Hurl, Chris. „The Structure of Betrayal: Trade Union Bureaucracy and Public Sector Struggles in British Columbia“. Studies in Political Economy 83, Nr. 1 (März 2009): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2009.11675059.

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Connolly, Heather. „‘We just get a bit set in our ways’: renewing democracy and solidarity in UK trade unions“. Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, Nr. 2 (30.04.2020): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920920822.

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In a broader context of austerity, sustained financial pressures and policies of restructuring and outsourcing have steadily eroded traditional features of UK public sector employment such as job security, fair reward and collective representation through trade unions. This article examines how a UK trade union representing local government workers attempted to respond more effectively to radical restructuring plans. By engaging in a process of democratic experimentation, full-time officials from above and activists from below sought to challenge the existing ‘insider’ relationship between branch officers and management, which was seen as ineffective in responding to a severe disruption in the regulation of local government employment. Drawing on participatory ethnographic research, the findings show the importance of leadership in the processes towards union renewal and the tensions and struggles underlying democracy and solidarity. Union renewal is presented here as a dialectical process and set of responses involving both strategic direction from above and membership pressure and activism from below.

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Gruni, Giovanni. „Labor Standards in the eu-South Korea Free Trade Agreement“. Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 5, Nr. 1 (07.06.2017): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340081.

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The European Union (eu) includes clauses on labor rights in free trade agreements with partner countries. One of these clauses was added to the Free Trade Agreement between the eu and South Korea. This article looks at the clause as an attempt of the eu to include labor rights in international trade law. The argument of the article is that the labor clause does include several innovative features which entrench the presence of labor law in international trade agreements. However, the clause remains mainly about political cooperation and struggles to define enforceable legal obligations on states. This is so because of the exceptions in the first part of the clause, the vagueness of the labor rights obligations and the lack of an enforcement mechanism.

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Spadoni, Paolo. „The External Sector of Cuba’s Economy: Performance and Challenges“. FIU Law Review 17, Nr. 3 (20.03.2023): 635–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.17.3.11.

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Amid ongoing economic reforms, Cuba faces its most severe crisis since the 1990s Soviet Union collapse. Transitioning into a service-oriented economy, it grapples with inefficiencies, a feeble production base, and a struggling external sector. Traditionally reliant on sugar, Cuba now depends on international tourism and professional services for hard currency. However, these lack domestic production ties, limiting economic impact. Systemic constraints, a trade deficit, and dependence on imports compound challenges. Fading Venezuelan support, U.S. sanctions, the COVID-19 pandemic, and geopolitical events exacerbate economic woes. This study delves into GDP growth, trade, financial struggles, and external factors, highlighting critical hurdles impeding Cuba's economic development.

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Bramble, Thomas. „Trade Union Organization and Workplace Industrial Relations in the Vehicle Industry 1963 to 1991“. Journal of Industrial Relations 35, Nr. 1 (März 1993): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500103.

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An underlying theme in the development of industrial relations in the car industry in the last three decades has been the replacement of an old by a new mode of accommodation, a network of management and union strategies which provides the basic infrastructure necessary for profit-making and the stabilization of class relations inside factories. The post-war mode of accommodation in the vehicle industry, which survived until the early 1970s, was destroyed and replaced by a new mode in the 1980s. Struggles within the major industry union, as well as between the workforce and management, played an important part in this process. This article examines the role of full-time officials in the Vehicle Builders Employees Federation and their changing relations with workplace stewards and rank-and-file union members in the key period of transition, from 1963 to 1991. By studying the evolution of the political and economic challenges faced by the leadership of this union in this period, and its responses, we may gain some insights into the behaviour of full-time officials. It will be argued that the changing internal politics of this union validate what Jonathan Zeitlin has called the 'rank and filist perspective' on union government, and cast doubt on the arguments of its recent critics.

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Choudry, Aziz. „Examining the Disconnect Between Mass Mobilizations and International Trade Union/NGO Networks in Struggles over Bilateral Free Trade and Investment Agreements“. Globalizations 11, Nr. 1 (02.01.2014): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2014.860802.

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Melling, Joseph. „Leading the White-Collar Union: Clive Jenkins, the Management of Trade-Union Officers, and the Politics of the British Labour Movement, c.1968–1979“. International Review of Social History 49, Nr. 1 (April 2004): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001378.

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The growth of white-collar unionism and its impact on British trade unions in the postwar period has received little attention from social historians. Radical critics have noted the failure of Clive Jenkins to provide a clear lead in defending workers' conditions, while mainstream, institutionalist commentators more often stress the diversity of specific interests served by such unions. Recent research has called into question earlier models of union governance, though there remain few studies of the history of officer relations within trade unions. This article examines the leadership of ASTMS in the decade after its formation. It is argued that the strategies pursued by Jenkins, including the recruitment, training, and deployment of fieldworkers, were guided by accumulated knowledge and culture (as well as brilliant opportunism) rather than by the structure of the union or the composition of the membership. In offering educated officers a career structure, ASTMS increased its capacity for expertise and effective communication without descending into the political sectarianism of the postwar years. The charismatic, capricious style adopted by Jenkins, as well as the difficulties of absorbing a diverse membership in this period of rapid growth, contributed to the tensions which culminated in a series of struggles between the union and its bargainers during the 1970s.

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Duara, Mridusmita, und Sambit Mallick. „Non-Inclusive Trade Unionism in the Tea Estates in Assam“. Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 21, Nr. 2 (09.09.2022): 152–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341622.

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Abstract The state of Assam alone produces nearly 53 percent of the total tea production in India. Around one million workers are engaged in the tea industry in India. Tea – as a commercial product first cultivated and expanded by the British – is an outcome of the toil and struggle of the Adivasi workers or indigenous people of central and east India who were made to migrate to Assam under extremely brutal conditions, and they form one of the most oppressed communities in the state. This section of the population has been waging struggles to protect its rights in the state. Tea production is a labor-intensive enterprise in which trade unions should ideally play an assertive role at every stage. However, trade unions in the tea estates are gradually being questioned on their functionality in shaping industrial relations and upholding the rights of the workers. The key respondents, comprising plantation workers, trade union members, owners of the tea estates, and management staff, belong to the major tea producing districts of Assam: Dibrugarh, Sibsagar, Jorhat, Golaghat, Sonitpur, and also the lesser producing district, Kamrup. The present study ascertains the role of trade unions in dealing with the key issues faced by plantation workers, such as non-inclusion of women workers and casual workers and its failure to play an effective role in the negotiation or collective bargaining process with management and the state. It is observed that the trade unions function under the principles of the political parties and acquisition of political power is their sole motto.

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Seifert, Roger. „Wal Hannington and the unemployed workers’ struggles in Britain in the 1930s“. Theory & Struggle 122, Nr. 1 (01.06.2021): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2021.3.

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Wal Hannington’s hallmark leadership of the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement (NUWM) in the UK in the 1930s was built on a clear understanding of the causes of unemployment and therefore possible remedies; a highly sensitive and morally profound awareness of the consequences of unemployment for both the unemployed and their families and for those still in work; and a realisation that the struggle was political in the true sense — a question of the abuse of power by those in charge and the need to mobilise countervailing power of the people in struggle. It was this communist emphasis on class struggle that enabled the movement to be effective at every level — in the labour exchanges, in the streets and homes, in the trade union offices, and in the council and parliamentary chambers.

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Montgomery, Claude D. „David Montgomery: A Biography“. International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000191.

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David Montgomery, union organizer, political and civil rights activist, and well-known scholar of American labor history died suddenly on December 2, 2011. A retired Yale University Farnum Professor of History, he is equally well known for his publications and skill as a teacher as he was as an advocate for equality and for his tireless support for workers and trade unions. Through his published works and lectures—in English, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish—Montgomery's influence as a historian of workers' history and their struggles for equality and survival was felt by workers, students, and academics in several countries.

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Beach, Charles. „Frontera Combustible: Conceptualising the State Through the Experiences of Petrol Smugglers in the Colombian/Venezuelan Borderlands of Norte de Santander/Táchira“. Journal of Extreme Anthropology 2, Nr. 2 (22.09.2018): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.6257.

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This paper is based on an ongoing ethnographic research project conducted in the borderlands between Colombia and Venezuela, in particular the Colombian city of Cúcuta. There is a thriving smuggling trade between the two countries caused by Venezuela’s economic crisis and the extreme devaluation of goods. The area has become one of Colombia’s ‘hottest’ regions due to the proliferation of armed gangs that make money by smuggling of contraband, especially petrol. The article aims to describe how petrol vendors, transporters and smugglers conceptualise the state and how they negotiate and interact with state actors present in the borderlands. It engages in an anthropology of the state through the ethnographic lens of organised informal workers. Starting with a theoretical framework, it criticizes attempts to do anthropology in the margins of the state for its uncomfortably Hobbesian vision of the world, and settles instead on a ‘critical phenomenology of power’ (Krupa and Nugent 2015) as a methodology. It goes on to introduce two pimpinero trade unionists and the struggles of running petrol from the border as well as of political organising. The final section analyses this struggle as ‘insurgent citizenship’, a citizenry’s bottom up attempt to claim full access to their rights as citizens (Holston 2013), as well as ethnographically justifying the need for a conceptual borderland region. All informants’ names are anonymized apart from two trade union leaders who requested not to be anonymous.

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Constantinou, Angelo G. „Harming the very people whom the law is seeking to protect? The nexus between international, European Union and domestic law on human trafficking and undercover police operations“. New Journal of European Criminal Law 8, Nr. 4 (23.11.2017): 476–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2032284417743145.

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The conundrum of trade in women for sex has engendered many feminist struggles that sought to influence the political and legal actions on the matter, in an attempt to eliminate female sexual exploitation. However, albeit a number of transnational legal means (especially European Union law) have been put into effect for such purpose and, also, for universalizing the national anti-trafficking approaches, the very recipients of exploitation (victims of human trafficking) are still marginalized. A case in point is the role of the Cypriot law in the execution of undercover police operations, where deceit, exploitation and subjectification of prostituted women are predicated as standard procedure.

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Wilcke, Holger. „Imperceptible Politics: Illegalized Migrants and Their Struggles for Work and Unionization“. Social Inclusion 6, Nr. 1 (29.03.2018): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i1.1297.

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This article argues that illegalized migrants carry the potential for social change not only through their acts of resistance but also in their everyday practices. This is the case <em>despite </em>illegalized migrants being the most disenfranchised subjects produced by the European border regime. In line with Jacques Rancière (1999) these practices can be understood as ‘politics’. For Rancière, becoming a political subject requires visibility, while other scholars (Papadopoulos & Tsianos, 2007; Rygiel, 2011) stress that this is not necessarily the case. They argue that political subjectivity can also be achieved via invisible means; important in this discussion as invisibility is an essential strategy of illegalized migrants. The aim of this article is to resolve this binary and demonstrate, via empirical examples, that the two concepts of visibility and imperceptibility are often intertwined in the messy realities of everyday life. In the first case study, an intervention at the ver.di trade union conference in 2003, analysis reveals that illegalized migrants transformed society in their fight for union membership, but also that their visible campaigning simultaneously comprised strategies of imperceptibility. The second empirical section, which examines the employment stories of illegalized migrants, demonstrates that the everyday practices of illegal work can be understood as ‘imperceptible politics’. The discussion demonstrates that despite the exclusionary mechanisms of the existing social order, illegalized migrants are often able to find work. Thus, they routinely undermine the very foundations of the order that produces their exclusions. I argue that this disruption can be analyzed as migrants’ ‘imperceptible politics’, which in turn can be recognized as migrants’ transformative power.

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Matthews, Weldon C. „The Kennedy Administration, the International Federation of Petroleum Workers, and Iraqi Labor under the Ba‘thist Regime“. Journal of Cold War Studies 17, Nr. 1 (Januar 2015): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00532.

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The International Federation of Petroleum Workers (IFPW) was an international trade secretariat based in the United States and secretly funded by the U.S. government. The federation supported the Kennedy administration's policy of rapprochement with Iraq during the country's first Ba’thist regime by defending the regime against criticism of its violent suppression of the Iraqi Communist Party and by fostering the development of Ba’thist-led Iraqi labor unions, free of Communist influence. Simultaneously, left-wing Ba’thist union leaders strove to establish an autonomous, radically democratic, and nonaligned labor movement in the face of their own government's efforts to subordinate unions to government control. The leftist labor leaders also confronted the Iraq Petroleum Company as it attempted to reduce the size of its Iraqi work force. The IFPW focused solely on Cold War goals and did not support the union organizers in their struggles for either labor autonomy or economic security for oil workers.

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Benvegnù, Carlotta, David Gaborieau und Lucas Tranchant. „Fragmented But Widespread Microconflicts: Current Limits and Future Possibilities for Organizing Precarious Workers in the French Logistics Sector“. New Global Studies 16, Nr. 1 (28.03.2022): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2022-0004.

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Abstract The logistics sector in France is emblematic of contemporary labor processes in the service sector, where working conditions are at the root of a long-term, but silent, health crisis. Although the unionization of French logistics workers has gained some strength since the early 2000s, struggles over wages and working conditions remained segmented and local, and were unable to contain the progressive casualization of the employment or to counter the intensification of work. This article is a reflection on the fragmented and low-intensity conflictuality of the French logistics sector. Drawing on three ethnographic studies and on quantitative data, we analyze labor conflicts in various segments of the warehouse industry during the last decade in France, and identify some of the limits of French trade union strategies toward organizing logistics workers. We show that the massive use of temporary work and the weakness of the efforts made by traditional trade unions federations prevent the emergence of a larger labor movement in the sector. We argue that the fragmentation and the very high turnover that characterizes the French warehouse industry should encourage trade unions to invest more resources, often local and rooted in logistics zones, from outside the workplace.

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Simms, Melanie, Jane Holgate und Carl Roper. „The Trades Union Congress 150 years on“. Employee Relations: The International Journal 41, Nr. 2 (11.02.2019): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-09-2018-0242.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on how the UK’s Trade Union Congress, in the 150th year of its formation, has been responding to the significant changes in the labour market, working practices and union decline. The paper considers Trades Union Congress (TUC) initiatives to recruit and organise new groups of workers as it struggles to adapt to the new world of work many workers are experiencing. Although the paper reviews progress in this regard it also considers current and future challenges all of which are becoming increasingly urgent as the current cohort of union membership is aging and presents a demographic time bomb unless new strategies and tactics are adopted to bring in new groups of workers – particularly younger workers. Design/methodology/approach This is a review paper so it mainly draws on writings (both academic and practitioner) on trade union strategy and tactics in relations to organising approaches and in particularly the TUC’s initiatives from the period of “New Unionism” onwards. Findings The authors note that while unions have managed to retain a presence in workplaces and industries where they membership and recognition, there has, despite a “turn to organising” been less success than was perhaps hoped for when new organising initiatives were introduced in 1998. In order to expand the bases of organisation into new workplaces and in new constituencies there needs to be a move away from the “institutional sclerosis” that has prevented unions adapting to the changing nature of employment and the labour market restructuring. The paper concludes that in order to effect transformative change requires leaders to develop strategic capacity and innovation among staff and the wider union membership. This may require unions to rethink the way that they operate and be open to doing thing radically different. Originality/value The paper’s value is that it provides a comprehensive overview of the TUC’s role in attempting to inject an organising culture with the UK union movement by drawing out some of the key debates on this topic from both scholarly and practitioner writings over the last few decades.

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Battista, Andrew. „Capital, Labor, and State: The Battle for American Labor Markets from the Civil War to the New Deal. By David Brian Robertson. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000. 320p. $75.00 cloth, $22.95 paper.“ American Political Science Review 96, Nr. 1 (März 2002): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540237432x.

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This important new study argues that American labor markets have been and are governed by employers to a degree unique among Western capitalist democracies; that this pattern of governance is the outcome of crucial struggles among unions, employers, and middle-class labor reformers from the Civil War to the New Deal; and that American political institutions strongly shaped the struggles and their outcome. In the nineteenth century, all Western countries largely protected employer control of hiring, firing, wages, hours, and working conditions, but in the twentieth century nations other than the United States began to curb employer prerogatives and extend worker protection in the form of labor regulations, trade union and collective bargaining laws, public management of labor supply and demand, and work insurance (the four major types of policy in Robertson's framework). In the United States, fewer such protections were established, and the fragmented federal and state labor policies that were enacted were often undermined by lax enforcement or court rulings. On the eve of the New Deal, Robertson shows, U.S. employers had a degree of autonomy in labor markets unparalleled in European and other industrialized countries.

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Lewis, Su Lin. „“We Are Not Copyists”: Socialist Networks and Non-alignment from Below in A. Philip Randolph’s Asian Journey“. Journal of Social History 53, Nr. 2 (2019): 402–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz101.

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Abstract In 1952, A. Philip Randolph, the head of America’s largest black union and a prominent civil rights campaigner, traveled to Japan and Burma funded by the American Committee for Cultural Freedom. In Asia, he encountered socialists and trade unionists struggling to negotiate the fractious divides between communism and capitalism within postwar states. In Burma, in particular, Western powers, the Soviet bloc, and powerful Asian neighbors used propaganda, aid missions, and subsidized travel to offer competing visions of development while accusing each other of new forms of imperialism and foreign interference. In such an environment, a battle for hearts and minds within Asian labor movements constituted the front lines of the early years of the Cold War. Randolph’s journey shows us how Asian socialists and trade unionists responded to powerful foreign interests by articulating an early sense of non-alignment, forged in part through emerging Asian socialist networks, well before this was an official strategy. The Asian actors with whom Randolph interacted in Japan and Burma mirrored his own struggles as a socialist, a trade unionist, and a “railway man” while furthering his campaign for civil rights at home. This article uses Randolph’s journey to examine parallels and divergences between African-American and Asian socialists and trade unionists during the early Cold War, an age characterized by deepening splits in the politics of the Left.

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Pitts, Frederick Harry, Paolo Borghi und Annalisa Murgia. „Organising the self-employed: combining community unionism, coworking and cooperativism across contexts“. Open Research Europe 3 (16.05.2023): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.15798.1.

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The growing insecurity, flexibilisation and fragmentation of labour markets goes hand-in-hand with the decrease of social protection levels and collective representation for workers in non-standard employment relationships, such as the hybrid category of ‘solo self-employed workers’. In response, on the one hand, trade unions attempt to approach and organise this heterogenous category of workers. On the other, new freelancer organisations are emerging to improve worker rights and safety, and overcome their social and professional isolation. Reporting the findings of long-term, slow ethnography, we describe a failed collaboration between three new collective actors in the representation and organisation of self-employed workers. In the second half of the 2010s, two UK organisations, Coworking (all names pseudonyms), a coworking space operator working in a deprived ex-industrial area, and Union, a former industrial union, created Coworking.Union, a cooperative trade union offering services and advocacy for the self-employed. Coworking.Union collaborated with Cooperative, a freelancer cooperative based in Northern Europe, with a view to emulate aspects of its model in the UK. We present a detailed reconstruction of the interactions of the three actors over time, including their context, expectations, and visions, starting from the motivations that generated the first contacts, through to the development of operational agreements, up to the failure of these agreements as relations cooled. The case study, and the failed experiment it captures, constitutes an important opportunity to understand the dynamism, complexity, and contradiction manifest in organising the self-employed. While the strategic ingredients of significant organisational innovation were in evidence between the three actors, it generated instead a failure. The case study thus demonstrates the importance of an in-depth analysis of failed attempts at organising the self-employed and their meaning for broader struggles by old and new actors to alter the terrain of the hybrid areas of employment more generally.

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Suha, György, und Péter Szatmári. „Adaptive Dynamics of Foreign Trade and Foreign Policy Strategy in Sub-Saharan Africa“. Polgári szemle 17, Special Issue (2021): 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24307/psz.2021.0026.

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Geographically situated in the Global South as the geological extension of the Afro-Eurasian land mass, Africa is centrally situated at the very intersection of global strategic dynamics. Based on this special political and economic position, Africa is re-defining its partnership with various regions of the world, including Central Eastern Europe. These countries played an important role during the African anti-colonial struggles and their early years of nation-formation in the development of the African human capital. Hungary as member of the European Union prides itself with its extensive experience in agriculture, education, science, technology and innovation, it will actively participate in reshaping relations with the countries of the continent. This paper attempts to analyze the current government policy for Hungarian involvement in Africa, with a fuller insight into the foreign economic relations as the most dynamic and thriving framework of cooperation. Finally, it touches upon issues of various trade and investment related financial instruments, and best practice methods of intervention as key elements of a successful long-term strategic Hungarian policy towards Africa.

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AlShehabi, Omar Hesham. „Divide and Rule in Bahrain and the Elusive Pursuit for a United Front: The Experience of the Constitutive Committee and the 1972 Uprising“. Historical Materialism 21, Nr. 1 (2013): 94–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341267.

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Abstract This article focuses on the ‘The Constitutive Committee’, the 1971–2 mass-movement to create a general trade union in Bahrain. The first mass-movement after independence, it was also the country’s first public non-sectarian organised movement. Initially a joint effort between ‘The Popular Front’ and the ‘National Liberation Front’, it represented the first formal collaboration between the two major factions of the Left, which had historically entertained an ambivalent relationship. This article traces the committee’s establishment and development, culminating with the ‘March 1972 uprising’. The article places the Constitutive Committee within a historical narrative that begins with the Higher Executive Committee movement of 1954–6 and leads up to the February 2011 Arab uprisings. The framework emphasises the dialectical struggles of popular movements searching for a united front for political change, faced by a regime that has mastered the use of divide and rule to entrench social and political fragmentation.

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Ngulumbu, Benjamin Musembi, und Fanice Waswa. „Abdul, G., A., & Sehar, S. (2015). Conflict management and organizational performance: A case study of Askari Bank Ltd. Research Journal of Finance and Accounting. 6(11), 201. Adhiambo, R., & Simatwa, M. (2011). Assessment of conflict management and resolution in public secondary schools in Kenya: A case study of Nyakach District. International Research Journal 2(4), 1074-1088. Adomi, E., & Anie, S. (2015). Conflict management in Nigerian University Libraries. Journal of Library Management, 27(8), 520-530. https://doi.org/10.1108/01435120610686098 Amadi, E., C., & Urho, P. (2016). Strike actions and its effect on educational management in universities in River State. Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review, 5(6), 41-46. https://doi.org/10.12816/0019033 Amah, E., & Ahiauzu, A. (2013). Employee involvement and organizational effectiveness. Journal of Management Development, 32(7), 661-674. https://doi.org/10.1108/JMD-09-2010-0064 Amegee, P. K. (2010). The causes and impact of labour unrest on some selected organizations in Accra. University of Ghana Awan, A., G., & Anjum K. (2015). Cost of High Employees turnover Rate in Oil industry of Pakistan, Information and Knowledge Management, 5 (2), 92- 102. Bernards, N. (2017). The International Labour Organization and African trade unions: tripartite fantasies and enduring struggles. Review of African Political Economy, 44(153), 399-414. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2017.1318359 Blomgren Amsler, L., Avtgis, A. B., & Jackman, M. S. (2017). Dispute System Design and Bias in Dispute Resolution. SMUL Rev., 70, 913. Boheim, R., & Booth, A. (2004). Trade union presence and employer provided training in Great Britain industrial relations 43: pp 520-545. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0019-8676.2004.00348.x Bryson, A., & Freeman, R. B. (2013). Employee perceptions of working conditions and the desire for worker representation in Britain and the US. Journal of Labor Res 34(1), 1–29. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12122-012-9152-y Buccella, D., & Fanti, L. (2020). Do labour union recognition and bargaining deter entry in a network industry? A sequential game model. Utilities Policy, 64, 101025. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jup.2020.101025 Constitution, K. (2010). Government printer. Kenya: Nairobi. Cortés, P. (Ed.). (2016). The new regulatory framework for consumer dispute resolution. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198766353.001.0001 Creighton, B., Denvir, C., & McCrystal, S. (2017). Defining industrial action. Federal Law Review, 45(3), 383-414. Daud, Z., & Bakar, M. S. (2017). Improving employees' welfare. European Journal of Industrial Relations, 25(2), 147-162. Deery, S., J., Iverson, R., D., & Walsh, J. (2010). Coping strategies in call centers: Work Intensity and the Role of Co-workers and Supervisors. International Journal of employment relations, 48(1), 189-200. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2009.00755.x Durrani, S. (2018). Trade Unions in Kenya's War of Independence (No. 2). Vita Books. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r4j2 Dwomoh, G., Owusu, E., E., & Addo, M. (2013). Impact of occupational health and safety policies on employees’ performance in the Ghana’s timber industry: Evidence from Lumber and Logs Limited. International Journal of Education and Research, 1 (12), 1-14. Edinyang, S., & Ubi, I. E. (2013). Studies secondary school students in Uyo Local government area of AkwaIbom State, Nigeria. Global Journal of Human Resource Management, 1(2), 1-8. Ewing, K., & Hendy, J. (2017). New perspectives on collective labour law: Trade union recognition and collective bargaining. Industrial Law Journal, 46(1), 23-51. https://doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwx001 Fitzgerald, I., Beadle, R., & Rowan, K. (2020). Trade Unions and the 2016 UK European Union Referendum. Economic and Industrial Democracy. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X19899483 Gall, G., & Fiorito, J. (2016). Union effectiveness: In search of the Holy Grail. Economic and Industrial Democracy, 37(1) 189211. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X14537358 Gathoronjo, S. N. (2018). The Ministry of labour on the causes of labour disputes in the public sector. University of Nairobi. Iravo, M. A. (2011). Effect of conflict management in performance of public secondary schools in Machakos County, Kenya. Kenyatta University. Jepkorir, B. M. (2014). The effect of trade unions on organizational productivity in the cement manufacturing industry in Nairobi. University of Nairobi. Kaaria, J. K. (2019). Trade Liberalization and Export Survival In Kenya. University of Nairobi. Kaburu, Z. (2010). The relationship between terms and conditions of service and motivation of domestic workers in Nairobi. University of Nairobi. Kambilinya, I. (2014). Assessment of performance of trade unions. Master’s Thesis Submitted to University of Malawi. Kamrul, H., Ashraful, I., & Arifuzzaman, M. (2015). A Study on the major causes of labour unrest and its effect on the RMG sector of Bangladesh. International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, 6 (11). Kazimoto, P. (2013). Analysis of conflict management and leadership for organizational change. International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 3(1), 16-25. Khanka, I. (2015). Industrial relations in Tanzania. University of Dar-es-salaam. Kisaka, C. L. (2010). Challenges facing trade unions in Kenya. Master’s Thesis Submitted to University of Nairobi. Kituku, M. N. (2015). Influence of conflict resolution strategies on project implementation. A Case of Titanium Base Limited Kwale County Kenya. University of Nairobi. Kmietowicz, Z. (2016). Ballot on industrial action by GPs averted as government accepts BMA’s demands. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.i4619 KNHCR (2020). Key Business and Human Rights Concerns in Kenya. Retrieved from http://nap.knchr.org/NAP-Scope/Key-Business-and-Human-Rights-Concerns-in-Kenya. Magone, J. (2018). Iberian trade unionism: Democratization under the impact of the European Union. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351325684 Menkel-Meadow, C. J., Porter-Love, L., Kupfer-Schneider, A., & Moffitt, M. (2018). Dispute resolution: Beyond the adversarial model. Aspen Publishers. Mlungisi, E. T. (2016). The liability of trade unions for conduct of their members during industrial action. MoLSP (2020). Ministry of Labor and Social Protection, Registrar of Trade Unions. Retrieved from https://labour.go.ke/department-of-trade-unions/ Msila, X. (2018). Trade union density and its implications for collective bargaining in South Africa. University of Pretoria. Mulima, K. J. (2017). Trade Union Practices on Improvement of Teachers Welfare. University of Nairobi). Năstase, A., & Muurmans, C. (2020). Regulating lobbying practices in the European Union: A voluntary club perspective. Regulation & Governance, 14(2), 238-255. https://doi.org/10.1111/rego.12200 Otenyo, E. E. (2017). Trade unions and the age of information and communication technologies in Kenya. Lexington Books. Powell, J. (2018). Towards a Marxist theory of financialised capitalism. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.013.37 Razaka, S. S., & Mahmodb, N. A. K. N. (2017). Trade Union Recognition in Malaysia: Transforming State Government’s Ideology. Proceeding of ICARBSS 2017 Langkawi, Malaysia, 2017(29th), 175.“ Journal of Strategic Management 6, Nr. 1 (22.01.2022): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53819/81018102t2041.

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The Constitution of Kenya specifically recognizes the freedom of association to form and belong to trade unions. However, despite the adoption of the Labour Relations Act, union practice is still hampered by excessive restrictions. The EPZ companies are labor intensive requiring a large amount of labor to produce its goods or service and thus, the welfare of the employees play a key role in their functions. This study sought to determine the effect of trade union practices on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The specific objectives sought to determine the effect of collective bargaining agreements, industrial action, dispute resolution and trade union representation on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The study employed a descriptive research design. Primary data was collected by means of a structured questionnaire. The target population of the study was employees in EPZ companies in Athi River, Kenya with large employees enrolled in active trade unions. The unit of observation was the employees in the trade unions. The findings indicated that collective bargaining agreements had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Industrial action had a positive but non-significant effect with employees’ welfare at Export Processing Zones industries. Dispute resolution had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Trade union representation had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. The study recommended that trade union should avoid the path of confrontation but continue dialogue through the collective bargaining process and demands should be realistic in nature with what is obtainable in the related industry. An existence of a formal two way communication between management and trade unions will ensure that right message is properly understood and on time too. Keywords: Collective Bargaining Agreements, Industrial Action, Dispute Resolution, Trade Union Representation, Employees Welfare & Export Processing Zones

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Barton, Ruth, und Peter Fairbrother. „What can unions do? Addressing multinational relocation in North West Tasmania“. Journal of Industrial Relations 56, Nr. 5 (15.05.2014): 691–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185614533693.

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Trade unions often face complex and uncertain relations with multinational employers, particularly in old industrial regions. Such corporations have long histories in such regions, often attracted by a range of incentives such as financial support, cheap energy and a skilled workforce. However, the plants themselves often experience changes in ownership and face economic uncertainty. This constitutes the terrain within which recognised unions seek to organise, exercise their capacities and realise their purposes. Workers and their unions organise and operate in these plants, usually developing established routines and practices in relation to the terms and conditions of employment and advocacy of worker concerns. However, they also face difficult choices in relation to corporate decisions to restructure and/or close regional plants. In order for unions to respond to the shifting terrain of the employment landscape they must be able to mobilise around political and economic factors that impact on employment. These themes are addressed with specific reference to union struggles in North West Tasmania, a region that is undergoing a process of de-industrialisation.

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Sheehy, Chris, und Suryia Nayak. „Black feminist methods of activism are the tool for global social justice and peace“. Critical Social Policy 40, Nr. 2 (11.01.2020): 234–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018319896231.

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We use the method of conversation as a tool of living activist struggles to end social injustice. We draw on Black feminism to create an intersectionality of diverse activist voices across time and space. We insist on an intersectional acuity to analyse Global alienation, subjugation and exploitation. We use examples from activist contexts such as the Trade Union and Rape Crisis movements. Our conversation speaks of the tensions and risks of solidarity and organizing across difference. We use Gramsci’s idea of the ‘interregnum’ to look at the in-between space of protest and transformation. We argue that the ‘interregnum’ is an opportunity to build solidarity for Global justice. In the context of intersectional racism, we ask, can the racial grief of Black women speak? We like Lorde’s idea that ‘Caring for myself is not self-indulgence, it is self-preservation, and that is an act of political warfare’ (Lorde, 1988: 332). We argue that the relationship of Black feminism to oppression, constitutes its revolutionary potential, and this distinguishes Black feminist activist methodologies from other methodologies as the tool for Global social justice and peace.

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Borghi, Paolo. „Democratizing Platform Work from Below“. STUDI ORGANIZZATIVI, Nr. 2 (Februar 2024): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/so2023-002003.

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This article aims at contributing to the debate on democratizing work by looking at platform work and food delivery in particular. Based on an extended multi-sited ethnography, the article analyses two relevant case studies of workers' organisations, the Independent Workers' Union of Great Britain in the UK and the grassroots group Deliverance Milano in Italy. First, it shows how efforts to democratise and decommodify platform work, as well as the issue of decarbonisation, take shape collectively from below and through conflict in order to compensate the absence of a robust and effective regulatory system. Therefore, it is primarily an effort to create a dêmos with the right to demand rights. Second, the conflict emerges as a means of improving working conditions, denouncing greenwashing practices, an opportunity for collective learning and experimenting practices of resistance. Due to these reasons, practices of conflict inspire the renewal of collective representation strategies in non-standard working contexts with a workforce scattered and casualised. Finally, the struggles for democratization, decommodification and decarbonisation in food delivery show that the contribution of independent unions and grassroots group plays a fundamental role, complementary to that of well-established trade unions and public institutions.

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Ambedkar, Pindiga, und Vijay Prashad. „India’s Liberalisation Project and the Future of Trade Unions“. Tempo Social 32, Nr. 1 (15.04.2020): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.164980.

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India’s ruling class, since the liberalisation period that began in 1991, has attempted to fragment and weaken India’s trade union movement. The main instrument for this weakening is to be the imf-drive ‘labour market reform’ agenda. However, the Indian working class has struggled against the structural process of being integrated into the global value chain, a process that has put pressure on the trade union movement even as trade union laws remain in place. Drawing upon a survey we have conducted amongst garment workers in the Delhi region, we describe the nature of the class struggle faced by Indian workers, and we introduce the reader to the character of the resistance offered by the workers and the unions.

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Manley, John. „Canadian Communists, Revolutionary Unionism, and the “Third Period”: The Workers’ Unity League, 1929-1935“. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5, Nr. 1 (09.02.2006): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031078ar.

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Abstract In compliance with the Third Period "line" of the Communist International (Comintern), the Communist Party of Canada (CPC) launched The Workers' Unity League (WUL) as a centre of "revolutionary" or "red" unionism in December 1929. Until it was "liquidated" during the winter of 1935-6, the WUL had a significance in Canada's Depression labour struggles far outweighing its maximum membership of between 30,000 and 40,000; a significance, moreover, that has yet to be fully acknowledged or analysed. This article seeks to look beyond the conventional view that presents the CPC as a Comintern cipher and the WUL (when it is considered at all) as a "sectarian", "adventurist", "ultra-left" organisation with no real interest in building stable labour unions. While there is no doubt that the two most crucial decisions concerning the WUL — to create it and to liquidate it — were taken in Moscow, neither the Comintern nor the CPC leadership in Toronto was in a position to supervise the implementation of the Third Period line on the ground. Within the broad parameters of the line, local organisers tended to operate as "good trade unionists" rather than "good bolsheviks", using every available opportunity to modify and adapt tactics to local realities. They used their room for manoeuvre to considerable effect, especially during the economic and political upturn of 1933-34, when the WUL led a majority of all strikes and established union bases in a host of hitherto unorganised or weakly organised industries. At the height of its power, however, the WUL knew that it had barely dented the essential mass production industries — auto, steel, rubber, farm machinery. This fact, coupled with the experience of defeat in several key strikes,forced the party to reconsider the WUL's future. Whether the WUL could have survived as part of a national union centre remains open to question. Indisputably, the Comintern terminated that option in 1935.

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Sharqi, Assist prof Dr Nahreen Jawad. „Democratic Peace and Liberal Peace: Argumentative and Intentions“. International and Political Journal, Nr. 55 (01.06.2023): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i55.176.

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Some people believe that the concept of liberal peace should be seen in relation to the thesis of democratic peace. This literature focused more on whether democratic countries are more peaceful in their foreign relations and tried to provide a theoretical and empirical explanation for this. The democratic peace thesis states the following: 1) Democratic states rarely fight each other. 2) Democratic countries tend to be more open to international trade than non-democratic ones, which creates interdependencies that prevent war from breaking out between them.3) Democracies tend to be more internally peaceful than other systems. Here, it is important to point out that the thesis of democratic peace is closely related to Immanuel Kant’s idea of “perpetual peace”. As for the liberal peace thesis, from Richmond’s point of view, it bears four main aspects that emerged from the discussions in international theory and the different historical contexts related to the subject, especially in the West. These include the four aspects of liberal peace (victorious peace, constitutional peace, institutional peace, and civil peace). Richmond noted that the peace of the victor is the result of the old realist argument that peace depends on military victory and on the domination of the victor. But the peace of the victor may result in political resistance, as in Iraq and Afghanistan. The second, constitutional peace, derives from the Kantian argument that peace is the result of democracy, commerce, and a set of universal values based on individualism. Richmond notes that "the constitutional peace struggles with those who do not want to share power, and who do not want to entrench local legal structures that might prohibit their activities." As for institutional peace, it is the peace that results from normative and legal institutional arrangements between countries that agree - in a multilateral manner - on ways to act and impose or define their behavior. This can be found in international institutions such as the United Nations as well as regional organizations such as the European Union, the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States (AL), the Organization of American States (OAS), and subregional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The fourth aspect, (civil peace), which emphasizes the importance of the participation of citizens and civil society institutions in making peace. Unlike the other three aspects of liberal peace, the contribution of individuals rather than the state or international organization is included in this strategy.

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Thörnquist, Annette. „Trade union struggle for workwear in Swedish elder care“. Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 27, Nr. 3 (26.07.2021): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10242589211031369.

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This article investigates why it took over 20 years of trade union struggle before workers in Swedish elder care were granted the right to free workwear. How did the Swedish Municipal Workers’ Union (Kommunal) tackle the problem; what obstacles did the union face; and why was the matter finally regulated by the state (in 2015 and 2018) and not by collective agreement in line with the Swedish model of self-regulation? The study draws mainly on an analysis of important court cases. The results indicate that the process was protracted mainly because of the unclear legal basis for pursuing demands concerning workwear, municipalities’ (local authorities’) opposition to a general obligation to provide workwear, mainly for financial reasons, and the fact that the issue was deadlocked between the remits of two government authorities, representing patient safety and work safety respectively. The main reason why the union eventually preferred to fight for a legislative solution was that a negotiated solution would probably have come at the expense of other urgent union demands in this female-dominated low-wage sector. When Kommunal intensified the struggle for free workwear in the 2010s, the union also stepped up its struggle against the structural gender differences in wages in the municipal sector.

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Mа, Weiyun. „A Review of Chinese Eastern Railway Study in China“. Problemy dalnego vostoka, Nr. 6 (2021): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120017866-3.

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The article reviews research on Chinese Eastern Railway in China. The research on Chinese Eastern Railway in China began in the early 20th century, has a history of more than 100 years. The existing research results mainly focus on the construction of Chinese Eastern Railway and Tsarist Russia's expansion policy, negotiation between China and Russia (Soviet Union) on the railway issue, the contradictions and struggles of Japan and the United States around the railway problem and so on. These documents cover a wide range of issues which almost involve the political, diplomacy, economy and trade, culture and other fields of international relations in the Far East from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of 20th century, provide a broad vision for the study of Chinese Eastern Railway. But there are problems in the research. Although there are many works on Chinese Eastern Railway, but most discussions are limited to a certain stage, there are few works on the whole history of Chinese Eastern Railway. Not only should we pay attention to the study of the early 20th century in other words the period of the Qing Empire, moreover, we should strengthen the research in the period of the Republic of China and the new China period, this is of great significance to the study of the whole history of Sino — Soviet relations. In addition due to specific historical conditions, part of the Russian data of Chinese Eastern Railway in China was lost, in addition, there is no detailed and authoritative reference book for Russian archives of Chinese Eastern Railway, this situation makes the cited materials in Chinese works appear too old the materials cited in the book seem too old. The authors thank for proofreading and examining the translation A.I. Kobzev, Ph.D. (Philosophy), professor, director of China Department, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, director of TSC of Humanities and Social Sciences and director of Philosophy Department of MIPT (SRI), director of TSC «Oriental Philosophy» of RSUH, Chief researcher of Russian language, literature and culture research center of Heilongjiang University.

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Flade, Falk. „Beyond socialist camaraderie. Cross-border railway between German Democratic Republic, Poland and Soviet Union (1950s–60s)“. Journal of Transport History 40, Nr. 2 (09.05.2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619845339.

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In order to facilitate cross-border railway transport between socialist countries in Eastern Europe, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and later the Organisation for Cooperation of Railways were established in 1949 and 1956. Joint planning, standardisation and tariff policy were the main fields of cooperation. The paper focuses on the struggles between Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and Organisation for Cooperation of Railways member countries regarding transit tariffs for cross-border freight shipments. These struggles, dragging on for more than three decades, reveal the economic interests of individual member countries and the limitations of socialist foreign trade (and alleged friendship). This study argues that despite of political declarations and the establishment of socialist international organisations, the East European railways became a major bottleneck in intrabloc trade.

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Hussain, Muhammad Saddam. „Commitment or Conspiracy? A Historical Exploration of Freedom of Association in the Readymade Garment Industry of Bangladesh“. International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, Nr. VI (2023): 1820–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7752.

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The historical texture of the trade union movement in Bangladesh is the struggle for survival and subordination. Now garment workers are enjoying the rights of eight-hour working days, weekly holiday leave, maternity leave, and so on, thanks to the struggle of the trade union movement. But the trade union movement in Bangladesh was historically weakened by its division into multiple federations, each aligned with a different political party as its labour front. This study will seek to understand the factors that restrict the freedom of association of garment workers in Bangladesh. The necessity of finding and analysing obstacles regarding the formation of unions in the garment industry and ensuring the environment to foster effective trade unionism in garments can be determined through the outcomes of this research. This article presents a brief historical overview of trade union movement conditions under different regimes, from British India to modern Bangladesh. It also incorporates a clarification of the workers’ freedom of association barriers and the recent changes in perceptions in this regard. The objective of the study was to learn about the practise of trade union organising in the garment industry in Bangladesh. This study will be significant for establishing the right to associate for workers in our society. This article also contributes to the debate on how national legislation undermines workers’ freedom of association.

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Cliff, Tony, und Donny Gluckstein. „Marxism and Trade Union Struggle: The General Strike of 1926“. Labour / Le Travail 23 (1989): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143227.

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Finlayson, Caitlin, und Maria Palmvang. „The struggle to empower trade union members: insights from Zambia“. Development in Practice 26, Nr. 8 (16.11.2016): 972–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2016.1224816.

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46

Jones, Stephen G. „Trade-Union Policy Between the Wars“. International Review of Social History 31, Nr. 1 (April 1986): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008051.

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Most standard histories of Britain between the wars refer to the development of holidays with pay, albeit briefly. It is widely acknowledged that by the end of the 1930's the majority of the British working population benefited from a paid holiday. The crucial initiative, so it is claimed, was the Holidays with Pay Act of 1938, which gave Parliamentary approval to the principle of payment of wages during holidays. Clearly the growth of paid holidays is seen as yet another instance of a more affluent Britain, an integral element of the growth of leisure. However, there has been very little detailed discussion of the paid-holiday-policy option and the precise reasons for the formulation and implementation of that policy. This neglect is rather surprising given the popular support for this “fringe benefit”, which was perceived as providing a certain degree of financial security during the annual break from the rigours of work. It is true that there has been more specialised treatment, but even this is of a general nature, with little reference to the industrial and political struggle for holidays with pay.

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Lukic, Milica. „Recognition and Protection of Trade Union Freedoms in Domestic Law in the Period from the First to the Second World War“. Eudaimonia 6, Nr. 2 (01.12.2022): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/ivrs_22204a.

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Due to the extreme importance of trade union freedoms in the 21st century, as well as the current position of trade unions, the author tries to point out the path of recognition and protection of trade union freedoms in domestic law in the period from the First World War to the Second World War, primarily using the historical-legal method. The paper primarily starts from determining the concept and content of trade union freedoms, in order to then analyze the economic, social and political conditions in Europe and the world that triggered the struggle of the working class for trade union freedoms and rights. The central part of the paper deals with the analysis of legal regulations from the end of the Great War until the beginning of the Second World War, which contain provisions on trade union freedoms. Also, socio-political, as well as economic-social conditions in Serbia between the two wars, the establishment of the first labor and trade union organizations, as well as the formation of the Main Workers’ Union, were analyzed. The analysis of both the available literature and the available archival material leads to the conclusion that during the interwar period the working class managed to fight for the legal recognition of trade union freedoms, however, in practice, the legal provisions guaranteeing the same were almost never applied.

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Zubkov, S. A., und G. N. Krainov. „STRUGGLE OF TRADE UNIONS AGAINST SOCIAL DUMPING“. World of Transport and Transportation 15, Nr. 5 (28.10.2017): 218–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30932/1992-3252-2017-15-5-20.

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[For the English abstract and full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].ABSTRACT In the context of modern globalization, transnational corporations (TNC) use social dumping in their practice, which is expressed in the export of low-quality economic resources, political ideas or sociocultural values for their own advantage to underdeveloped countries. The authors of the article, using examples from the activities of international transport unions, show their struggle against such dumping, in defense of the labor rights of wage workers, as well as attempts to establish mutually beneficial cooperation between trade unions, business and government. Keywords: globalization, transport trade unions, international transport workers’ federation (ITWF), social dumping, transnational corporations, trade union struggle strategy, labor rights of workers.

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Pulignano, Valeria. „Union struggle and the crisis of industrial relations in Italy“. Capital & Class 27, Nr. 1 (März 2003): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981680307900101.

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This paper argues that the Berlusconi government is seeking to replace the ‘social concertation’ arrangement between government and trade unions with ‘social dialogue’ in an effort to undermine trade union ‘power’. This endeavour by the government to impose a policy of ‘social dialogue’ would severely limit trade unions' influence in economic and social policy decision-making and leave Berlusconi free to introduce reforms favouring his friends in employer organisations. One likely outcome would be the deregulation of the Italian labour market strongly damaging workers' rights.

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Ioannou, Gregoris. „The communicative power of trade unionism: labour law, political opportunity structure and social movement strategy“. Industrielle Beziehungen. Zeitschrift für Arbeit, Organisation und Management 27, Nr. 3-2020 (23.11.2020): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v27i3.03.

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This article argues that more emphasis should be paid to the communicative power of trade unionism because it may constitute a starting point or a privileged standpoint which a trade union may use to counter its weakness regarding its other sources of power. Reviewing the trade union revitalisation literature, it is argued that social movement theory in general and especially ‘political opportunity structure’, can complement and enrich the power resources approach which is a useful tool in the analysis of trade union action. The case study of a weak trade union winning a strike largely as a result of its successful utilisation of its communicative power is presented where the public communication of the two sides to the conflict is subjected to content and discourse analysis. The article argues that trade unions can enhance their position through the adaptation of social movement strategy and campaign tactics into trade union activity because social movements are more accustomed to orienting their action in the public sphere. In this effort trade unions may draw upon the more explicitly normative and substantive dimension of labour law as a resource to legitimise and garner support for the unions’ objectives framing in a more expansive manner the issues at stake so that a significant section of society can identify with the trade union struggle at hand.

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