Dissertationen zum Thema „Totalitarismi“
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1
Capasso, Alessia <1986>. „Il corpo nell’arte sovietica degli anni Trenta. Affinità e diversità rispetto ai coevi totalitarismi europei: nazismo e fascismo“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3822.
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Gli anni Trenta in Russia, Germania e Italia furono teatro di importanti cambiamenti politici e conseguentemente artistici, un periodo in cui lo stile visivo della rappresentazione cambiò in modi significativi. Con la presa del potere da parte di leader quali Stalin, Hitler e Mussolini si instaurarono nei tre paesi regimi totalitari che assunsero l’arte in tutte le sue forme come mezzo propagandistico per le proprie ideologie e per il raggiungimento rapido delle masse. Nel campo della pittura e della scultura, ma anche nella fotografia, nel cinema e soprattutto nella produzione dei manifesti (strumenti di grande efficacia propagandistica) il corpo umano rivestì un ruolo fondamentale nella divulgazione dei modelli e delle virtù, nonché dei messaggi, totalitari. In modo particolare nel corpo raffigurato l’uomo della massa poté identificarsi e recepire con immediatezza quanto espresso a parole o divulgato in messaggi scritti. Inoltre, la raffigurazione dei corpi dei rispettivi leader permise la creazione di un mito e di un culto ad essi riferito e alimentato dal clima di terrore e violenza diffusi. Sebbene vi furono delle differenze in termini stilistici, i tre totalitarismi considerati raggiunsero i medesimi risultati attraverso la creazione di immagini che poterono servire come esempi di obiettivi da raggiungere tali da giustificare i sacrifici a cui venne sottoposta la popolazione: in nome di un futuro luminoso (nel caso sovietico), o in nome della grandiosità della razza (nel caso tedesco). Le immagini servirono dunque per l’educazione delle masse nonché per la forgiatura di quell’uomo nuovo, che avrebbe popolato il mondo nuovo sorto grazie agli sforzi richiesti dai partiti. Il mondo sovietico vide pertanto la nascita dal realismo socialista quale metodo da seguire per lo sviluppo e la produzione culturale, quello tedesco riprese le forme greche classiche quali esempi di armonia e di perfezione corporea tali da esemplificare la tipologia del perfetto ariano, mentre il fascismo italiano, nonostante la mancanza di un meccanismo culturale completo presente invece presso i regimi sovietico e tedesco, vide comunque la diffusione di un stile basato sulla tradizione italiana legata all'arte dell'antica Roma e ai maestri trecenteschi e quattrocenteschi, sottolineando le tematiche del lavoro, della disciplina e della cultura, in un legame con la vita e la tradizione quale elemento cardine per un rinnovamento sociale.
Si cercherà quindi di sottolineare l’importanza della raffigurazione del corpo umano quale immagine-mezzo per veicolare di volta in volta i messaggi politici dominanti, nella costruzione di una realtà altra e di un modello a cui riferirsi, ponendo in confronto le modalità di utilizzo di questo mezzo da parte dei totalitarismi dei tre Paesi.
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Burlina, Barbara <1992>. „Stalinismo e Hitlerismo. Analisi critica dei totalitarismi dalla crisi degli anni Venti allo scoppio della Seconda guerra mondiale“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10789.
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La tesi si concentra sull’analisi di stalinismo e hitlerismo nell’arco di tempo che va dalla crisi degli anni Venti allo scoppio della seconda guerra mondiale. Partendo da una definizione del concetto di totalitarismo, si procede con la sua applicabilità ai due regimi in questione. Dopo aver definito un breve contesto storico si passa all’analisi dei testi. Le fonti trattate fanno parte della cosiddetta letteratura della crisi degli anni venti e trenta, ma parallelamente vengono analizzati anche testi interpretativi più recenti e varie prospettive di ricerca.
Trattando prima lo stalinismo e poi il nazionalsocialismo, si cerca di mantenere sempre uno spazio aperto di comparazione, in particolar modo per quello che riguarda le violenze utilizzate dai regimi e le figure dei due dittatori.
In conclusione, una riflessione sull’argomento che si concentra sul definire il totalitarismo come luogo di cristallizzazione delle contraddizioni dell’epoca moderna. Proprio essendo in un certo senso frutto della commistione tra tradizione e modernità rappresenta qualcosa di radicalmente nuovo.
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Racolta, Radu-Petru. „L'architecture totalitaire. Un monographie du Centre civique de Bucarest“. Thesis, Saint-Etienne, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010STET2139/document.
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Le centre civique de Bucarest est le projet étudié d'une façon approfondie et il devient progressivement, avec l'avancement de cette thèse, l'élément de référence qui nous permet de faire des parallèles et des comparaisons avec d'autres projets construits sous un régime totalitaire. La confrontation directe entre des réponses architecturales différentes a le mérite de mettre en exergue des traits communs de l'acte d'édifier et ses conséquences dans l'atmosphère urbaine, en un mot, d'identifier la production architecturale totalitaire. Elle permet aussi de souligner le parcours intellectuel que les dictateurs empruntent pour arriver à imaginer et matérialiser le monde qui est le leur. L'architecture est une expression incontournable, une dimension inéluctable pour la compréhension de l'esprit totalitaireBucharest's civic center is the main subjetc studied in detail in this thesis. It becomes gradually the base point which allows us to draw parallels and comparisons with other projects built up under the totalitarian regime. The direct comparisons of various architectural answers enabled us to highlight common points between the fact of building and it's consequences to urban atmosphere. Beyond, more than helping to identify the totalitarian architecture, these comparisons lead up to understand the intellectual exercise done by dictators. Indeed, it brings us to understand their way of imagining and materializing their vision of the world. Architecture is the key dimension of understanding totalitarianism
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Nguyen, Thi Tu Huy. „Du totalitarisme à l'auto-totalitarisme : le cas vietnamien“. Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC105.
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Ce travail est un prolongement des pensées de Hannah Arendt, de Vaclav Havel, de Deleuze-Guattari et d’autres chercheurs sur le totalitarisme dans l’analyse de la politique vietnamienne. Il ne prétend pas établir une définition personnelle et nouvelle du totalitarisme ; mais étayé de résultats de recherches d’autres théoriciens, analysés à partir des expériences personnelles, il constitue les éléments de base pour une réflexion sur une réalité concrète : l’auto-totalitarisme, une forme de régime politique qui succède au totalitarisme communiste mondial. Il s’agit ici d’un effort pour concevoir une nouvelle étape du communisme, représentée par le Viet Nam, pouvant être qualifiée d’auto-totalitarisme. La thèse a l’objectif de construire un modèle interprétatif du régime auto-totalitaire dans son ensemble. Le but principal n’est donc pas de démontrer que le communisme vietnamien est un régime totalitaire, mais d’éclairer le passage du totalitarisme à l’auto-totalitarisme au Viet Nam, même si cet éclairage demande un examen de l’histoire totalitaire du régime. L’effort est concentré sur la compréhension de formes et d’enjeux politiques actuels, néanmoins l’appréhension du présent est impossible sans intelligence du passé.En langage deleuzo-guattarien du rhizome, on peut dire que le régime politique vietnamien est un devenir ou une déterritorialisation. Un devenir-capitalisme qui n’est bien évidemment pas un capitalisme. Une déterritorialisation du communisme au sens où le régime se déterritorialise du communisme mais reste lié à lui dans les principes fondamentaux du pouvoir. Le régime auto-totalitaire se déterritorialise du totalitarisme et en même temps reste bien ancré en luiThis work is an extension of the thoughts of Hannah Arendt, Vaclav Havel, Deleuze-Guattari and other researchers on totalitarianism in the analysis of Vietnamese politics. It does not pretend to establish a personal and new definition of totalitarianism; but supported by research results of other theorists, analyzed from personal experiences, it constitutes the basic elements for a reflection on a concrete reality: auto-totalitarianism, a form of political regime that succeeds global communist totalitarianism.This is an effort to conceive of a new stage of communism, represented by Viet Nam, which can be described as auto-totalitarianism. The thesis aims to construct an interpretative model of the auto-totalitarian regime as a whole. The main purpose, therefore, is not to demonstrate that Vietnamese Communism is a totalitarian regime, but to illuminate the transition from totalitarianism to auto-totalitarianism in Viet Nam, even though this illumination requires an examination of the totalitarian history of the regime. The effort is focused on understanding current political forms and issues, yet apprehension of the present is impossible without intelligence of the past.In Deleuze and Guattari's language of rhizome, one can say that the Vietnamese political regime is a becoming or a deterritorialization. A becoming-capitalism obviously is not a capitalism. A deterritorialization of communism is in the sense that the regime is deterritorialized from communism but remains linked to it in the fundamental principles of power. The auto-totalitarian regime is deterritorializing itself from totalitarianism and at the same time remains firmly anchored in it
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Celotto, Emanuela. „Albert Camus : démocratie et totalitarisme“. Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030038.
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Cette thèse propose une lecture de la création de Camus sous l’angle démocratique et antitotalitaire pour démontrer l’aspect innovant de sa pensée qui est plus que jamais d’actualité. Cent ans après la naissance de l’écrivain prix Nobel de littérature, son œuvre ouvre de nouveaux axes de réflexion à mi-chemin entre la philosophie, la science-politique et la littérature. Après une introduction générale aux concepts de totalitarisme et de démocratie, nous passerons plus spécifiquement à l’étude de l’auteur. Nous esquisserons un portrait de Camus en tant que journaliste engagé dans les batailles de son temps et nous aborderons une analyse comparative entre Camus et les intellectuels ou penseurs qui ont influencé sa pensée démocratique et inspiré sa réflexion sur les totalitarismes. Ensuite, nous focaliserons l’analyse sur certaines œuvres : les essais journalistiques (Actuelles I, II, III) et philosophiques (L’Homme révolté) ; les œuvres de fiction, comme La Peste, ainsi que trois pièces de théâtre Caligula, Les Justes et L’État de siège. En nous basant sur ce choix d’œuvres, nous examineront la technique adoptée par Camus pour transférer dans la fiction le débat démocratique contre les totalitarismes de son époque. Enfin, nous étudierons du point de vue lexicologique les termes de totalitarisme et démocratie, ainsi que tous leurs synonymes entrant dans le champ sémantique du débat antitotalitaireThis thesis proposes a reading of Camus’ creation from the democratic and antitotalitarian perspective in order to demonstrate the innovative aspect of his thought, which is more actual than ever. One hundred years after the birth of the writer, Nobel Prize for literature, his work opens up new lines of thought halfway between philosophy, science, politics and literature. After a general introduction to the concepts of totalitarianism and democracy, we will proceed to the more specifically study of the author. We sketch a portrait of Camus as a committed journalist in the battles of his time and we will discuss a comparative analysis between Camus and intellectuals and thinkers who influenced his democratic thought and inspired his thinking on totalitarianism. Then, we will focus the analysis on certain works : journalistic (Actuelles I, II, III ) and philosophical essays (The Rebel), fictional works, such as The Plague, and three plays Caligula, The Just Assassins and The State of siege. Based on this selection of works, we will examine the technique adopted by Camus to transfer into the fictional the democratic debate against the totalitarianism of his era. Finally, we will study from a lexicological point of view the terms of totalitarianism and democracy, and all their synonyms within the semantic field of anti-totalitarian debate
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Silva, Vitor Emanuel Dias da. „O totalitarismo em Hannah Arendt“. Master's thesis, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/55718.
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Contrariamente às abordagens que haviam sido feitas na sua época e que consideravam o Totalitarismo uma outra forma autoritária de governo, Arendt aborda a questão totalitária encarando o Totalitarismo como algo sem precedentes, resultado de um processo que teve inicio após o julgamento de Sócrates e que viria a marcar a separação entre a Filosofia e a Política e consequente descredibilização da última. Este trabalho vista demonstrar o fundamento, a importância e a singularidade da reflexão arendtiana sobre o fenómeno totalitário assim como do mal que dele resulta, procurando destacar as consequências que resultaram da experiência totalitária e entender até que ponto somos ainda hoje afectados pelas mesmas. Com base nas noções arendtianas de Acção e Liberdade tentaremos também reflectir sobre a forma pela qual será possível ao ser humano o retorno a si mesmo, isto é, à sua condição de ser naturalmente político.
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Silva, Vitor Emanuel Dias da. „O totalitarismo em Hannah Arendt“. Dissertação, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2010. http://aleph.letras.up.pt/F?func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000206813.
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Contrariamente às abordagens que haviam sido feitas na sua época e que consideravam o Totalitarismo uma outra forma autoritária de governo, Arendt aborda a questão totalitária encarando o Totalitarismo como algo sem precedentes, resultado de um processo que teve inicio após o julgamento de Sócrates e que viria a marcar a separação entre a Filosofia e a Política e consequente descredibilização da última. Este trabalho vista demonstrar o fundamento, a importância e a singularidade da reflexão arendtiana sobre o fenómeno totalitário assim como do mal que dele resulta, procurando destacar as consequências que resultaram da experiência totalitária e entender até que ponto somos ainda hoje afectados pelas mesmas. Com base nas noções arendtianas de Acção e Liberdade tentaremos também reflectir sobre a forma pela qual será possível ao ser humano o retorno a si mesmo, isto é, à sua condição de ser naturalmente político.
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Ponce, Héctor. „Eichmann, el totalitarismo y sus cómplices“. Anthropía, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/78104.
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Morvan, François. „Pour une réponse juridique au totalitarisme“. Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010339.
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Au-delà des explications économiques, philosophiques, historiques des phénomènes totalitaires national-socialiste et communiste, l'anthropologie du droit apporte une perspective nouvelle. Sous cet angle, la responsabilité du totalitarisme incombe au positivisme. L'origine en remonte à la révolution nominaliste au Moyen Age qui a généré une rationalisation du langage, de la science. C'est de cette source que découle, dans une rivalité mimétique des systèmes religieux et étatiques, l'évolution vers un monisme juridique. Que ce soit avant ou après 1945, ni l'Etat de droit, ni les religions ne sont vraiment sortis d'une logique institutionnelle qui empêche de remonter à la source du problème. L'antidote aux risques totalitaires préconisé par cette approche en anthropologie du droit est un pluralisme juridique élargi, horizontal, concernant le pouvoir temporel, mais aussi vertical, relatif à l'irréductible dimension religieuse de l'être humain, intégrant notamment le mythe et le symbole dans les raisonnements juridiques, par une herméneutique novatrice. La réflexion théorique de ce travail s'appuie sur une analyse des travaux du juriste allemand Valentin Tomberg (1900-1973), dont la traduction inédite, par l'auteur de la thèse et le Pr Marko Pajevic, d'un ouvrage rédigé en 1944, Dégénérescence et régénération de la science juridique.
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Skovdahl, Bernt. „Tingsten, totalitarismen och ideologierna /“. Stockholm : Symposion, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37160021q.
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Manzo, Rafael. „A arquitetura na construção da imagem do Estado Getulista: Rio de Janeiro 1930/1945“. Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2011. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2565.
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Previous issue date: 2011-02-28Europe was overrun by a wave of totalitarian regimes between the decades of 1920 and 1940, motivated by a distrust of liberal democracy and economic liberalism, which, from being considered the foundation for the progress in the nineteenth century, was later regarded as responsible for the outbreak of World War I and the economic crisis that followed, which reached its climax with the collapse of stock exchange in New York, in 1929. The Italian Fascism and German Nazism stood out among these regimes, respectively as the founder and the image of success of the totalitarian right-wing, which influenced part of Latin America, including the "Estado Novo" of Getúlio Vargas. The present thesis explores the use of architecture by such dictators as one of the most effective propaganda in the construction and propagation of the image of strength that the regime wished to convey, both national and internationally. The main style used for this propaganda was Tardo- classicism, which was seen as the perfect way to communicate the totalitarian government's power. In Brazil, there was no predominance of modernist architecture for the representation of the Vargas State (1930 1945) instead, the regime's image was not associated with an unique architectural style by internationally renowned architects, as this semiotic analysis of the buildings can confirm.
A Europa foi tomada por uma onda de regimes totalitários entre as décadas de 1920 e 1940, motivados por uma descrença na democracia liberal e no liberalismo econômico que, de bases da modernidade impulsionadora do progresso a partir do século XIX, passaram a ser taxados como responsáveis pela eclosão da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pela crise econômica que se seguiu, acentuada pela quebra da bolsa de Valores de Nova York, em 1929. O Fascismo italiano e o Nazismo alemão destacaram-se, respectivamente, como o fundador e a imagem do sucesso do Totalitarismo de direita e influenciaram parte da América Latina, inclusive o Estado Novo de Getúlio Vargas. Esta tese explora a utilização da arquitetura por estes ditadores europeus, como um dos mais eficientes suportes propagandísticos da imagem de força que pretendiam transmitir, interna e externamente. O principal estilo adotado para este propósito foi o Tardo- classicismo, devido às suas possibilidades sígnicas de representar o poder instituído. No Brasil, um aparente predomínio da Arquitetura Moderna como a representação da imagem do Estado Getulista (1930-1945), causado pelo sucesso de arquitetos desta vertente e pela projeção internacional desta arquitetura, não se confirmou pois, através de um inventário de obras executadas e de uma análise semiótica dos edifícios dos principais ministérios getulistas, constatou-se a inexistência de uma linguagem arquitetônica única para este propósito
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Larochelle, Dominique. „La naissance du totalitarisme chez Hannah Arendt“. Thesis, Université Laval, 2012. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2012/28488/28488.pdf.
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Sharif, Majid. „Etude du khomeynisme comme totalitarisme théocratique inachevé“. Paris, EHESS, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986EHES0089.
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Le "velayat-faqih", qui signifie l'autorite des specialistes du "droit islamique", constitue la base theorique et la doctrine centrale du khomeynisme. Le khomenisme se trouve, en un sens, au confluent d'un phenomene ancien, la theocratie, et d'un phenomene moderne, le totalitarisme. Il manifeste un recours aux criteres, aux fondements et aux methodes provenant d'un passe lointain; cependant, il doit etre etudie dans le cadre des conditions et des circonstances actuelles et recentes; on peut douter qu'il put apparaitre a une autre epoque. Bien que le khomeynisme soit base sur une doctrine "totalitaire", et essaie de se comporter comme un regime totalitaire, il n'a pas reussi a s'etablir en tant que regime vraiment totalitaire, surtout dans le sens classique du terme.
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Rigoulot, Pierre. „Une critique du totalitarisme. Méthode et enjeux“. Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020048/document.
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Quatre ouvrages sont retenus dans le cadre de cette thèse sur travaux. Le Siècle des Camps s’interroge sur les raisons qui font du siècle précédent la période de l’histoire connaissant la plus grande extension de systèmes concentrationnaires. Il propose une typologie des camps liée à la fonction qu’ils exercent dans les différents systèmes politiques. Corée du Nord, Etat voyou examine la genèse d’un Etat dont on affirme souvent qu’il est la forme la plus achevée du totalitarisme. Cette affirmation est endossée ici, avec des nuances qui tiennent à un fonctionnement sectaire et à une idiosyncrasie idéologique spécifique. Coucher de Soleil sur La Havane propose une histoire de la formation volontariste d’un Etat au fonctionnement totalitaire, de ses rapports avec le monde extérieur et des illusions qu’il a suscitées. Georges Albertini, biographie d’un socialiste pacifiste des années 1930 devenu Collaborateur tout en se revendiquant de la gauche et de la révolution oblige à s’interroger sur les rapports entre certaines acceptions du socialisme avec le nazisme. Ces travaux renvoient tous en effet à des réalités totalitaires et à quelques-uns des problèmes que pose l’utilisation du concept de totalitarisme en science politique. Ils sont aussi l’occasion d’une réflexion sur les rapports entre une oeuvre conçue par leur auteur comme « militante » et l’objectivité exigible de tout effort d’acquisition de connaissances. L’engagement éthique et politique préalable n’a-t-il pas valeur heuristique ? Il détermine une approche qui privilégie l’attention au sort des individus et aux droits humains – ce que précisément refusent de prendre en compte les idéologies ou les institutions totalitairesThe following research is organized around four books. At the center of The Century of Camps lies this question : how can we explain the historically unprecedented extension of concentration camps in the preceding century? The work offers a typology of the concentration camps that seeks to explain the phenomenon by reference to the different political systems that made use of them. North Korea: A Rogue State examines the evolution of a state that is sometimes described as the ultimate development of totalitarianism. The work endorses this view, allowing for certain nuances with regard to North Korea’s sectarian modus operandi and the idiosyncrasies specific to its reigning ideology. Sunset over Havana is a history of Cuban communism as the creation of an act of will, and of its relations with the rest of the world with special attention to the illusions to which it gave rise. Georges Albertini is the biography of a socialist and pacifist of the 1930s who became a leading French Collaborator, without forsaking the left and its revolutionary project. These studies all bring us back to totalitarianism and the problems raised by this concept in the study of political science. They offer opportunities to reflect upon the connection between work conceived as an act of militancy by its author, and the objectivity that is the necessary condition of scientific study and the acquisition of knowledge. Would there not be a heuristic quality inherent in a moral and political bias? The latter requires a focus on the fates of individuals and matters of human rights the significance of which are denied by totalitarian systems
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Sharif, Majid. „Etude du khomeynisme comme totalitarisme théocratique inachevé“. Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376011973.
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Ramos, Diogo. „Gênese e estrutura de origens do totalitarismo“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2015. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/135111.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia, Florianópolis, 2015.Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-22T04:07:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 334244.pdf: 1272826 bytes, checksum: c2c7664abbf1d487be2966c5cc3bd00f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
No presente trabalho apresentamos uma visão geral da obra Origens do Totalitarismo de Hannah Arendt, a partir de uma  leitura genética que defende ser sua complexidade o resultado da transformações do pensamento da autora durante sua escrita, já que envolve ao menos duas teorias fundamentalmente diferentes: uma teoria inicial sobre o  imperialismo racial , tema original ao qual o livro era destinado, e uma teoria do  totalitarismo , elaborada quando Arendt estava por finalizar seu projeto anterior. Como resultado, Origens acabou por incorporar temáticas e teses de ambas as teorias.
Abstract : We present an overview of Hannah Arendt's The Origins of Totalitarianism from a  genetic point of view, according to which the complexity of this book is a result of the transformation of Hannah Arendt's thought during its writing, since it involves at least two fundamentally different theories: an initial theory about  race imperialism , main theme of Arendt s original project, and a theory of  totalitarianism , which started to be developed by the author when she was already finishing her earlier project. As result, Origins incorporates thematics and theses from both these theories.
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Herrmann, Lee. „Totalitarian dynamics, colonial history, and modernity: the US south after the Civil War“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664247.
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Los Afro-americanos han experimentado condiciones comparables a las de los estados más a menudo etiquetados totalitario en el trabajo forzoso y la política económica y la exclusión racial. Estas características de los totalitarismos derivan de prácticas más amplias en el
núcleo o euroamericana "primer mundo", remontándose hasta el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo y su posterior peripheralización, extendido luego al mundo colonizado, que es el proceso de la primera revolución industrial y la creación histórica de la modernidad. La raza debe ser entendida como el efecto de la explotación laboral exterminationist colonial, no es la causa, en el sentido histórico. La causa es el desarrollo económico, que es el resultado inevitable de la captación de nuevos recursos mundiales. Esta misma perspectiva de largo plazo es necesaria para contextualizar correctamente los totalitarismos históricamente; en el vocabulario de Wallerstein del modelo núcleo-periferia, estas estados europeos semi-periféricos utilizan las técnicas desarrolladas por el núcleo y los aplicó a su propio desarrollo. El antisemitismo nazi se deriva de la anti-"black"
el racismo que se desarrolló a través de la experiencia de explotación colonial. Los bolcheviques utilizó el trabajo forzoso para intentar construir un estado moderno moderno siguientes blueprints desarrollista (incluso una forma de representación política moderna).
El sur de los Estados Unidos, comenzando con la reconstrucción el reconocimiento de los Afro-americanos como ciudadanos, es un sitio donde el trabajo forzoso de la industrialización y el racismo exterminationist del poder político son muy firmemente expresada, y en el país "libre" más políticamente "desarollado." Teorías del totalitarismo y la academia institucionalizada más generalmente no han podido abordar estos paralelos históricos o enfocarse en la conexión material entre la modernidad y la exclusión política racista y la explotación económica, en favor de una teología de la "libertad" que ignora la realidad de la supremacía blanca como el control económico y político de la maestría.
Metodología: Las condiciones materiales y el trabajo forzoso en el URSS y en el sur de EEUU del sur, y las contingencias históricas que influyen en las decisiones de los actores históricos, se comparan, por ejemplo, las tasas de mortalidad en los gulag campamentos y en lugares de trabajo de Mississippi y Alabama de presos negros. El racismo biológico, especialmente su atención médica y cientificista, se remonta a la experiencia colonial, especialmente en el sur de Estados Unidos. Estos elementos estructurales de la modernidad colonial puede ser rastreado y analizado en las fuentes, es decir, los textos, mediante continuidades y convenciones texto-lingüísticas del discurso, por una parte, y a través de la verdadera historia de los acontecimientos pop la otra. El modelo del desarrollo utilizado es generalmente el de teoría World-System, pero desde una perspectiva más empírica que teórica y una con un enfoque en peripheralización como relación impuesta por el poder.Black Americans experienced a level of repression comparable to that in the states most often called totalitarian in Gulag forced labor and Nazi racial exterminationism. These features of the totalitarianisms derive from broader practices in the Euro-American core or "first world," going back to the discovery of the New World and its subsequent peripheralization, later extending to the colonized globe, which is the process of the first industrial revolution and the historical creation of modernity. Race must be understood as the effect of exterminationist colonial labor exploitation, not the cause, in the historical sense. The cause is economic development, which is the inevitable result of the sequestration of New World resources. This very long-term point of view is necessary to properly contextualize the totalitarianisms historically; in the vocabulary of Wallerstein's core-periphery model, these semi-peripheral European states used the techniques developed by the core and applied them to their own development up to core status (or Great Powers). Nazi antisemitism is derivative of the anti-"black racism that developed through he experience of colonial exploitation. The Bolsheviks used forced labor to try and build a modern state following modern developmentalist blueprints (including modern political representation). The United States South, starting with the Reconstruction recognition of African-Americans as citizens, is a site where the forced labor of industrialization and exterminationist racism of political power are very strongly expressed, and in the most politically "advanced," "free" country. Theories of totalitarianism and institutionalized academia more generally have failed to address these historical parallels or the material connection between democratized modernity and racist political exclusion and economic exploitation, in favor of a teleology of "freedom" that ignores the reality of white supremacy as economic control and political mastery. Methodology: The material conditions of Soviet and Southern forced labor and the historical contingencies influencing the decisions of historical actors are compared, for example the death rates in Gulag camps and Mississippi and Alabama black prisoner-labor sites. Biological racism, especially its scientistic and medical emphasis, is traced through the colonial experience, especially the American South (with archival sources), to the Holocaust. These structural elements of settler- colonial modernity can be traced and analyzed in the sources, that is, the texts, by means of text- linguistic continuities and discourse conventions on the one hand, and through the real history of events on the other. The developmentalist model being used is generally that of World-System theory, but from an empirical rather than a theoretical perspective and with a focus on peripheralization as a relationship imposed by power.
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Moreault, Francis. „Le totalitarisme et le politique chez Hannah Arendt“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6015.
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Scramim, Julia Dantas. „Totalitarismo e superfluidade na óptica de Hannah Arendt“. Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20505.
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This work intends to present the totalitarianism and the superfluity of man steamed from it, developed by Hannah Arendt, mainly in her work "The Origins of Totalitarianism". It goes through the historical exposition of the events and phenomena prior to totalitarianism: the antisemitism due to the emancipation and Jew’s assimilation by the European society; and the colonial and continental imperialism. The first one, serving European countries in search of new consumer markets, develops ways of domination (racism and bureaucracy) serving to the ideology and to the totalitarian government; the second one deals with the rise of national movements, as well as the unfeasibility of protecting human rights against the nation-state. It also shows the differentiation among the totalitarian government and other ways of tyranny and dictatorship by the treatment given to the totalitarian leader, by the action of his secret police, the government unusual structure, the ideology based on History's and/or Nature' laws, the terror as a guarantee of application of these laws and by the concentration camps as an experiment of man’s total domination. It also deals with the human's superfluity promoted in totalitarianism by the death of the juridical person, of the moral person and destruction of the individuality and by the complete ruin of the human content
Este trabalho pretende fazer uma apresentação do totalitarismo e da superfluidade dos homens dele decorrente, desenvolvida por Hannah Arendt, prioritariamente em sua obra “Origens do totalitarismo”. Percorre a exposição histórica dos eventos e dos fenômenos anteriores ao totalitarismo: o antissemitismo decorrente da emancipação e da assimilação dos judeus pela sociedade europeia; e o imperialismo colonial e continental. O primeiro, a serviço de países europeus em busca de novos mercados consumidores, desenvolve formas de dominação (racismo e burocracia) que servem à ideologia e ao governo totalitário; e o segundo trata da ascensão dos movimentos nacionalistas, bem como a inviabilidade da proteção dos direitos humanos face ao Estado-nação. Mostra, também, a diferenciação entre o governo totalitário e outras formas de tirania e ditadura através do tratamento dado ao líder totalitário, da ação da sua polícia secreta, da estrutura peculiar do governo, da ideologia baseada nas leis da História e/ou da Natureza, do terror como garantia da aplicação dessas leis e dos campos de concentração como experimento do domínio total do homem. Trata, também, da superfluidade humana promovida no totalitarismo pelas mortes da pessoa jurídica, da pessoa moral e destruição da individualidade e pela dilapidação total dos conteúdos humanos
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Dourado, Júnior Adahilton. „O animal laborans e as origens do totalitarismo“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2013. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/14168.
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Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo expor o pensamento de Hannah Arendt tendo por referência o animal laborans, a fim de corroborar sua teoria política no sentido de que a) o totalitarismo nega o político; b) a alienação, o isolamento, a sujeição a necessidades vitais e a incapacidade para pensar daqueles que compõem as sociedades de massa são condições pré-totalitárias já perfeitamente identificadas no homem moderno; e no de que c) a “ação” é o melhor remédio contra a possibilidade de sua ocorrência. A exposição, partindo dessas premissas, trata do indivíduo, de um lado, e do corpo político, de outro, relacionando a impossibilidade de desenvolvimento da “ação” em face das “necessidades humanas vitais”, cuja expressão se encontra afirmada na atividade do animal laborans. Ao final, após situar o leitor quanto à recepção crítica do pensamento arendtiano, fica assentado como Hannah Arendt reinstitui um debate profícuo acerca da “liberdade” constituindo os fundamentos da democracia participativa em bases mais adequadas à sua concretização. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This research aims to expose the thought of Hannah Arendt referenced by the animal laborans, in order to corroborate his political theory in the sense that a) totalitarianism denies the political; b) alienation, isolation, subjection to vital needs, and the inability of man to think of members of the mass societies are totalitarian pre-conditions already perfectly identified in the modern man; and that c) the "action" is the best antidote against the possibility of its occurrence. The exhibition, based on these assumptions, addresses to the individual, on one hand, and to the politic body, on the other, relating the impossibility of the development of the "action", in the face of "vital human needs", whose expression is stated in the activity of the animal laborans. At the end, after situating the reader in relation to the critical reception of Arendt’s thought, it is settled, as Hannah Arendt reinstituted a meaningful discussion about "freedom", constituting the foundations of the participatory democracy in a more adequate basis for its materialization.
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Brudny, de Launay Michelle-Irène. „Hannah arendt, la question juive et le totalitarisme“. Paris 10, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA100113.
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Les premiers articles americains de hannah arendt (publies dans aufbau ou les jewish social studies, par exemple, durant la seconde guerre mondiale et l'immediat apres-guerre) ont longtemps ete peu connus ou negliges. Leur etude est cependant indispensable pour rendre compte de certaines apories de la theorie arendtienne du totalitarisme. Exemple : le concept de pouvoir qui est a l'arriere-plan du regime totalitaire confine a l'impensable ; ou encore : la specifite du genocide de peuple juif se trouve niee sitot apercueHannah arendt's early american papers (which appeared in der aufbau or in jewish social studies at the time of world war ii or immediately after the war) have, until very recently, been little known or neglected. Yet, they provide essential clues to some of the shortcomings of hannah arendt's theory of totalitarianism. For instance, the idea of power which lies behind the totalitarian regime borders on the unthinkable. Or the uniqueness of the genocide of the jewish people is negated as soon as it is perceived
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Chastenet, de Géry Sonia. „Du totalitarisme à la démocratie libérale : perspectives dissidentes“. Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0091.
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Ce travail porte sur le réflexion développée dans les années soixante-dix et quatre-vingt sur le totalitarisme et la démocratie, d'une part par les dissidents d'Europe de l'Est et d'autre part par ceux qui en Europe de l'Ouest et particulièrement en France se sont intéressés à ce combat pour la liberté d'opinion et d'expression dans les pays communistes. Ces personnes ont réfléchi sur la relation historique et philosophique entre les deux formes de la modernité politique en apparence radicalement opposées que sont le totalitarisme et la démocratie, et ont considéré que ce qui se jouait à l'Est dans la désagrégation des régimes communistes concernait l'avenir de la démocratie elle-même. Revenir sur ce moment cristallisateur de l'histoire politique moderne apporte un éclairage fort sur les transformations en cours des pratiques et des représentations de la démocratie.
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Dauphin, Sandrine. „Art et totalitarisme : l'esthétique comme instrument de propagande“. Paris 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA020070.
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Durant la premiere moitie du xxe siecle, l'affrontement entre les regimes communistes et fascistes ne se limita pas aux plans ideologiques et militaires mais concerna aussi le milieu culturel. En effet l'urss de staline, l'allemagne d'hitler et l'italie de mussolini ont cree une esthetique commune malgre leur opposition politique. Ces etats totalitaires ont ainsi mis les arts au service de leur propagande. Si l'art est un agent actif de communication entre les hommes, c'est parce qu'il est egalement un moyen d'expression de l'ideologie. Des lors, de quelle maniere l'art participa-t-il a l'embrigadement des individus ? l'architecture offrait l'apparat et le luxe ; son gigantisme exprimait l'autorite suscitant a la fois crainte et admiration. Quant aux arts plastiques, ils deifierent le chef supreme et annoncerent la venue de l'homme nouveau. Les arts donnaient donc forme a l'utopie totalitaire qui avait pour finalite de changer la nature meme de l'homme : annihiler toute forme d'individualisme, imaginer l'homme comme le simple rouage d'une immense machine, celle de l'etat tout puissant. Au bout du compte il s'agissait de persuader le peuple de sa superiorite pour l'amener a accepter tous les sacrifices dans une union spirituelle avec l'etat et son chef. L'art n'etait non pas le reflet de la societe mais le reflet de l'idee que se faisait le pouvoir de son peupleIn the first part of the twentieth century, the antagonism between communism and facism was not limited only to ideological and military levels but was also present at cultural levels. Indeed mussolini's italy, hitler's germany and staline's ussr created a common aesthetic in spite of political opposition. Thus, these totalitarian states exploited art for the purpose of propaganda. If art is an active agent of communication between men, then art can also be the manner for ideological expression. How then did art change, orientate and modify an individual's perception of the world in general? architecture reflected pomp and luxury while its large scale works expressed authority crousing fear and admiration at the same time. As for support of the "plastic arts", they allowed, deification of the supreme chief and permitted the announcement of the new man. Art was giving rise form to the totalitarian utopia which existed to transform human nature. Art was not simply the society's reflection but the reflection of the idea the power made of its people. Its allowed the people to believe in spiritual union with the state and its chief
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Bussy, Florent. „Le totalitarisme : la philosophie à l'épreuve de l'histoire“. Marne-la-Vallée, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005MARN0258.
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Le totalitarisme est un événement majeur du XXe siècle. Il a exercé une violence sans précédent, motivée par le fantasme d’une société une (clôture de l’espace social sur lui-même, coïncidence du pouvoir et de la société, dépassement des différences et des divergences), parce que la traduction de cette prétention est la terreur qui sépare les êtres entre le groupe promis au salut et les ennemis de l’humanité promis à la mort. Mais le totalitarisme n’est pas sans origines, on doit au contraire en étudier l’ancrage dans la modernité et dans les crises que celle-ci a connues au début du siècle. Déterminer ces origines, c’est être en mesure de comprendre les fondements des systèmes totalitaires. Ainsi peut-on voir dans la Première Guerre mondiale la source de la violence sans borne du totalitarisme, parce qu’elle a inauguré la guerre totale. Le concept de totalitarisme n’a cessé de diviser les intellectuels et les politiques, parce qu’il implique le rapprochement du communisme et du nazisme, par-delà leurs différences idéologiques. D’où la nécessité d’une étude critique approfondie des objections qui lui sont opposées et des limites de sa validité. Le totalitarisme a constitué une mise en question radicale des principes de la modernité politique (liberté, constitutionnalité de l’exercice du pouvoir, rationalité), mais il a également hérité de conditions historiques propres à cette époque (atomisation des sociétés de masse, moyens modernes de communication et de gouvernement), ce qui nous conduit à interroger les ambiguïtés des valeurs modernes. Mais doit-on, à l’issue de l’expérience du totalitarisme, de cette tragédie du siècle, faire le deuil de toute aspiration au progrès (utopie, démocratie) ? N’est-il pas plutôt nécessaire, en déterminant le sens de la rupture totalitaire, de son rejet de toute communauté, de montrer que la politique ne peut pas aspirer à l’absolu (Révolution), à l’Un sans sombrer dans une barbarie insondable, dans un « mal absolu » ?Totalitarianism has been a major event of the 20th century. It fostered unprecedented violence motivated by the fantasy of a society eager to be “one”, that is to say a society completely enclosed on itself with power and society being one and the same thing and characterized by a refusal of differences and contradictions. The visible signs of this is the terrifying division of individuals into two categories : “the chosen” promised to salvation and humanity’s enemies doomed to death. But totalitarianism has indeed origins. It is deeply rooted in our modern times and the various crisis that occurred at the beginning of the century. Studying its origins enables us to understand better the roots of the totalitarian systems. Thus the first World War can be seen as the source of the immense violence of totalitarianism, because this war was actually the first “total war”. The concept of totalitarianism has divided intellectuals and politicians because it implies a connection between communism and nazism beyond their ideological differences. This is why a very close study is necessary to analyse the objections that it aroused and the limits of its validity. Totalitarianism brought about a radical questioning of the principles which are at the basis of modern politics (liberty, constitutional power, rationality) but it has also inherited the specific historical conditions of our modern times (an atomisation of the masses, modern means of communication and new modes of government), this will lead us to question the ambiguities of our modern values. However, does that mean that after this experience of totalitarianism, which can be seen as the tragedy of our century, all higher aspirations such as utopia or democracy are ruled out ? In our attempt to explain the meaning of the totalitarian it would perhaps be more appropriate to show that politics cannot aspire to an absolute Revolution to an ideal of “oneness”, without leading to unfathomable barbarity and “absolute evil”
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Siviero, Iltomar. „A reconsideração da vita activa na crítica ao esquecimento da política em Hannah Arendt“. Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2006. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2016.
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O presente estudo trata do tema A reconsideração da Vita Activa na crítica ao esquecimento da Política em Hannah Arendt, resgatando a preocupação central do pensamento de Hannah Arendt: pensar sobre a política. Para aprofundar tal questão, percorre-se, de um lado, os prin-cipais eventos que causaram a crise da política e, de outro, a possibilidade de recuperação da sua dignidade e sentido. No primeiro aspecto, centra-se a discussão em dois núcleos funda-mentais: um ligado à perda da dignidade da política e o ocaso da tradição política do ocidente; e o outro que se refere ao surgimento da era moderna e a conseqüente instrumentalização da política. Em ambos, reflete-se sobre a introdução de novos conceitos e formas de organização da política, demonstrando-se que, em sua gênese, a essência da política foi danificada e trans-formada numa prática violenta, instrumentalizadora, destituída da preocupação com a realiza-ção do ser humano e com a construção do espaço público. Já no segundo aspecto, incide-se sobre as t
The present study discus The reconsideration of Vita Activa in the criticism to the forgetfull-ness of Politics in Hannah Arendt, getting back the central worry of Hannah Arendt thought: To think about politics. To deepen such question it acrosses from one side, the mean events that caused the crises in politics and, from the other side, the possibility of recovering of its dignity and meaning. At first, the discution focus on two fundamental cores: one is conected to the loss dignity of politics and the case of the ocidental politics tradiction; and the other that refers to the emerging of modern era and the consequent instrumentation of politics. On both, its concidered about the introduction of new concepts and forms of organisation of politics, showing that in its origen, the essence of politics was damaged and turned into a violent, in-strumentalist, and destituted practice of worry about human been fulfilment and building of a public space. Instead, on the second aspect, it reflects on three activities
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Clit, Radu Octavian. „Cadre totalitaire et fonctionnement narcissique“. Paris 7, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA070051.
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Cette recherche est une reflexion sur la condition du sujet du communisme, regime considere comme une forme de totalitarisme. La perspective de h. Arendt permet de faire l'hypothese que ce serait la terreur sociale qui marque le plus le fonctionnement psychique inconscient, dans une societe totalitaire. La terreur totalitaire est une menace sur la vie qui mettrait le narcissisme en danger. Mais cette terreur agit dans un contexte particulier, explicite par le concept de cadre social totalitaire. Les groupes auxquels le sujet appartient mediatisent l'impact de la terreur. La modification la plus importante serait produite au niveau des alliances inconscientes interpersonnelles, decrites par p. Aulagnier (contrat narcissique) et r. Kaes (pacte denegatif). L'implication a ce niveau des defenses individuelles permet de comprendre l'effet sur la pensee de la terreur totalitaire. L'importance de la transmission intersubjective de la terreur a necessite le concept de cadre transsubjectif. Sur le plan intrapsychique, la terreur est censee avoir un premier effet au niveau du narcissisme primaire. Dans la conception de a. Green du narcissisme primaire absolu, la tendance a l'inertie serait la defense appropriee. Dans la conception du self de d. Winnicott, l'accent est mis sur le role de l'environnement - il permet que l'espace transitionnel, sorte de cadre personnel, advienne. Au niveau du narcissisme secondaire, la totalisation interne est entravee par l'angoisse et le traumatisme - la terreur pourrait avoir un meme effet. La relation du sujet avec l'objet lors de la totalisation narcissique suggere la relation avec le meneur totalitaire. Ceci a permis de proposer le concept de position totalitaire dans le developpement psychique precoce. Le sujet est dans la toute-puissance malgre une dependance vitale d'un objet dont l'image lui sert de modele. La terreur sociale induirait un fonctionnement psychique proche de cette position chez tout adulte.
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Schulze, Sophie. „Hannah Arend, les jusristes et le concept de totalitarisme“. Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CERG0919/document.
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Le concept de totalitarisme élaboré par Hannah Arendt à partir de 1951 est aujourd'hui une référence incontournable. Son examen critique, ici proposé, commence par resituer cette théorie arendtienne dans l'histoire des idées juridiques. Ce faisant, il apparaît que non seulement la terminologie, mais également une partie des arguments et des conclusions de la philosophe ont été élaborés dès les années 1920 par la doctrine juridique, aussi bien anti- que pro-totalitaire.Dans un second temps, la théorie du droit, qui a nourri les réflexions de Hannah Arendt, est utilisé comme un instrument pour la critique. En particulier, la thèse la plus polémique défendue par la philosophe - à savoir qu'il n'y eut que deux régimes totalitaires, l'Allemagne nazie et l'Union soviétique – ne résiste guère à l'examen juridique et théorique.À travers ce dialogue historique et critique entre le droit et la philosophie, cette thèse interroge l'idée d'un droit totalitaire, qu'il s'agisse de sa nature, de ses conditions de possibilité ou de sa distinction avec l'Etat de droitThe concept of totalitarianism developed by Hannah Arendt from 1951 is a major reference today. Its critical review, proposed here, begins by re-placing this arendtian theory in the history of legal ideas. In doing so, it appears that not only the terminology, but also some of the arguments and conclusions of the philosopher were developed from the 1920's by the theory of law, anti- and pro-totalitarian as well.In a second step, the theory of law, which nourished Hannah Arendt's reflections, is used as an instrument for criticism. In particular, the most controversial thesis defended by the philosopher - namely, that there were only two totalitarian regimes, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union - can hardly withstand a legal and theoretical scrutiny.Through this historical and critical dialogue between law and philosophy, this thesis questions the idea of a totalitarian law, its nature, its conditions of possibility and its distinction with the rule of law
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Guezengar, Arthur. „Hannah Arendt et la rupture totalitaire“. Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALP001.
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La pensée arendtienne est marquée par deux thèses fortes : l’idée selon laquelle l’homme est conditionné par le milieu dans lequel il se trouve pris et qu’il contribue à modifier par ses paroles et par ses actes d’une part ; et de l’autre l’idée selon laquelle le totalitarisme constitue une rupture avec le monde et la tradition politique, au point d’apparaître comme un système ontologiquement hostile à la condition humaine. Or la cohabitation de ces deux thèses ne va pas de soi. Hannah Arendt fait de l’activité politique un mode d’être spécifique de l’existence humaine, fondé sur la liberté d’agir, pour finalement nous décrire un système politique où cette dimension a perdu tout son sens. En mettant en perspective ces deux dimensions, cette thèse cherche dès lors à résoudre ce paradoxe d’un régime politique capable de rompre avec tout ce qui constitue l’action politique. En procédant à une remontée méthodologique des textes arendtiens, depuis les plus récents jusqu’à ses premiers travaux sur l’impérialisme, elle montre de plus que la conception du totalitarisme comme rupture avec la condition humaine va de pair avec une autre approche faisant du totalitarisme la continuité de processus déjà en germe dans le système colonialThe Arendtian thought is marked by two strong theses: the idea according to which man is conditioned by the environment in which he finds himself caught and that he contributes to modifying by his words and his acts on the one hand; and on the other the idea that totalitarianism constitutes a break with the world and the political tradition, to the point of appearing as a system ontologically hostile to the human condition. But the coexistence of these two theses is not self-evident. Hannah Arendt makes political activity a mode of being specific to human existence, based on the freedom to act, to finally describe a political system where this dimension has lost all meaning. By putting these two dimensions into perspective, this thesis seeks to resolve this paradox of a political regime capable of breaking with all that constitutes political action. By proceeding with a methodological review of the Arendtian texts, from the most recent to his first works on imperialism, it shows moreover that the conception of totalitarianism as a break with the human condition goes hand in hand with another approach making totalitarianism. the continuity of processes already germinated in the colonial system
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Afagnon, Alexis Dossa. „Gnose et totalitarisme : le problème du mal et la responsabilité“. Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAC002/document.
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Quelle qualification morale peut-on attribuer aux criminels nazis ? Sont-ils des fous ? Peut-on leur imputer sans réserve la responsabilité de leurs actes ? Si on ne peut rendre le mal totalitaire imputable comme le mal gnostique, l’assimilation du totalitarisme à une récidive gnostique par Eric Voegelin invite à réfléchir à nouveaux frais à la problématique de la responsabilité des criminels de masse. D’une part, le "situationnisme", qui implique que c’est la situation qui transforme des individus en meurtriers de masse et le "dispositionnisme" qui désigne l’importance que peuvent revêtir les dispositions individuelles chez les criminels de masse, et d’autre part l’illusion et l’idéologie caractérisées, l’une et l’autre par la mise à l’écart de la réalité, rendent complexe la question de l’imputation des criminels génocidaires. Si ces derniers ne peuvent être disculpés, la complexité de la question de leur imputation est indéniable. Cette complexité est peut-être une invite à reconsidérer la cause sous-jacente à ce type de mal : le dualisme gnostique du bien et du mal dont le propre est de vouloir en finir avec le mal. Or la rage d’en finir avec le mal conduit souvent à la barbarieWhat moral qualification can be attributed to Nazi criminals? Are they crazy? Can we blame them unreservedly for their actions? If we can not make totalitarian evil imputable like the gnostic evil, the assimilation of totalitarianism to a Gnostic recidivism by Eric Voegelin invites us to think freshly about the problem of the responsibility of mass criminals. On the one hand, "situationism", which implies that it is the situation that transforms individuals into mass murderers and "dispositionalism" that designates the importance that individual dispositions can have for mass criminals, and On the other hand, the illusion and the ideology characterized, both by the exclusion of reality, make the question of the imputation of genocidal criminals complex. If the latter can not be exculpated, the complexity of the question of their imputation is undeniable. This complexity is perhaps an invitation to reconsider the underlying cause of this type of evil: the gnostic dualism of good and evil, whose own is to want to put an end to evil. But the rage to end evil leads often to barbarism
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Amiel, Anne. „La non-philosophie de hannah arendt“. Paris 10, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA100089.
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Ce travail se propose d'etudier les rapports difficiles d'arendt a la possibilite meme d'une philosophie politique. Dans ce cadre, on s'est efforce de montrer la coherence interne de l'oeuvre d'arendt a partir des origines du totalitarisme, coherence qui repose sur l'intrication de trois enonces qui sont trois lignes problematiques: "le fil de la tradition est rompu", "la pensee doit demeurer liee a l'evenement comme le cercle a son centre", "je ne fais pas de philosophie politique". On a par suite ete amene a mettre en oeuvre un principe de lecture privilegiant la confrontation des textes arendtiens aux evenements qu'ils pretendent etudier (loin de s'en tenir a une lecture immanente). Ce parcours souligne l'importance fondamentale de sur la revolution, et de la confrontation avec marx. Enfin, en s'efforcant de montrer que la vie de l'esprit ne peut se comprendre comme un "retour a la philosophie" (jonas), on a mis en evidence le redeploiement d'une reflexion sur les mores (dans la lignee de montesquieu et tocqueville) et la complexite interne de la notion d'espace public. Dans tous les cas on s'est efforce de juger arendt a l'aune de ses propres exigences, et de montrer que les differenciations arendtiennes (entre travail, oeuvre action; prive, public, intime; social et politique) sont moins des coupures que des articulations, extremement problematiques, et soumises a revision de la part de leur auteur; que la question du jugement, presente des le depart de l'oeuvre, ne peut se comprendre comme un simple "retour a kant", en rupture avec les textes anterieurs, mais doit s'interpreter comme la prolongation de la remise en cause, a partir de la polis et de rome, de la tradition de pensee politique occidentale initiee par platon et aristote et se terminant avec marx. La pensee d'arendt peut se comprendre ainsi comme une reflexion sur la pluralite et le statut de "l'etre-affecte"This work intends to study the difficults relationships of hannah arendt with the very possibility of political philosophy. In this frame, one has tried to show the internal consistency of the work of arendt from the origins of totalitarianism, a consistency which is based on the intrication of three statements, which are three problematic trains : "the thread of tradition is broken", "the thought must be linked to the events as the circle to his center", "i am not a political philosopher". Consequently, one has been brought to apply a way of reading emphasizing the confrontation of arendt's thought to the events they pretend to study (far from being an immanent reading). This analysis way underlines the fundamental importance of on revolution, and also of the confrontation with k. Marx. Eventually, when trying to show that the life of the mind is not a return to philosophy, one has revealed that arendt has impulsed once more a reflexion on mores (in the tradition of montesquieu and tocqueville), and the internal complexity of her notion of public space. Anyway, one has tried to judged according her own criteria; to show that her differenciations (between public and private, social and political, labor, work and action, etc. ) are rather articulations than breaks, which are extrimely problematicals and bound to revisions by arendt; that the question of judgment, active as soon as the beginning of the work, can't be understood as a simple come back to aknt, breaking with anterior works, but must be understood as a prolongation of the questionning (founded on the polis and rome) of the tradition of western political thought, initiated by plato and aristotle and ending with marx. The arendt's thought can thus be understood as a reflexion on plurality and the affects of the being in the world
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Izadifar, Ghasem. „Totalitarisme ou oligarchie théocratique, le régime politique de l'Iran post-révolutionnaire“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0003/MQ44721.pdf.
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Garcia, Rafael Rodrigues. „Mito e liberdade. A crítica da cultura contra o totalitarismo político“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-15072015-135627/.
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O presente trabalho põe a si como tarefa central investigar o pensamento político na obra de Ernst Cassirer, buscando depreendê-lo de seu projeto filosófico geral apresentado ao longo dos três tomos da Filosofia das formas simbólicas. Assim, as obras que são aqui analisadas com atenção especial, quais seja, O mito do Estado e Ensaio sobre o homem, são tomadas à luz desse projeto filosófico que as precede em cerca de duas décadas. A estratégia expositiva adotada nesta dissertação foi a de partir da análise diacrônica do diagnóstico do filósofo acerca do tempo histórico em que vive, buscando os reflexos de tais acontecimentos em sua produção intelectual. Assim buscamos compreender as declarações de abertura dO mito do Estado sobre a situação social e política que tornou possível a efetivação de um programa totalitário como foi o regime nazista. Em seguida, recuamos para a compreensão dos fundamentos da filosofia das formas simbólicas de Cassirer para buscar nela os elementos que, de nosso ponto de vista, teriam suscitado ao filósofo a aplicação de seu projeto filosófico geral para a compreensão de um fenômeno bastante concreto e singular como o da experiência nazista. Após essa análise dos elementos teóricos centrais do projeto filosófico cassireriano, retomamos a análise dO mito do Estado, agora em atenção aos elementos históricos que conduziram, desde o campo da teoria política até o de sua prática efetiva, ao estado de crise e irracionalidade que caracterizam a situação política da primeira metade do século XX. Nos capítulos seguintes, abordamos aquilo que, defendemos, constituiriam os ideais normativos do programa político de Cassirer, depreendidos de sua antropologia filosófica e das premissas gerais de uma noção de humanidade que se pretende inclusiva em relação a todas as manifestações do espírito humano. As duas noções fundamentais que destacamos e que constituiriam as linhas gerais desse programa político são a liberdade e o cosmopolitismo, por meio das quais procuramos ainda compreender a crítica de Cassirer ao hegelianismo e o modo com que se dá, nesse campo da filosofia política, sua releitura do projeto iluminista.This work gives itself the task of investigating the political thought of Ernst Cassirer, intending to understand it from the point of view of his main philosophical work the three volumes of Philosophy of Symbolic Forms. In this way, the texts which we analyse here with special attention The Myth of the State and Essay on Man are taken into view in the light of this philosophical project that preceeds them in two decades. The expositive strategy adopted is to depart from the diachronic analysis of the diagnosis of Cassirer about the historical time in which he lives, seeking in his intellectual production the reflections of such events. By such manner we try to understand the opening statements in The Myth of the State about the social and political situation that turned possible the accomplishment of a totalitarian political program such as the Nazism. Then we retrace the steps of the Philosophy of Symbolic Forms looking for the fundamental elements which, in our viewpoint, serve as a cornerstone to applying his main philosophical work to a concrete and singular phenomenon such as the Nazi experience. After that we come back to analyzing The Myth of the State, now paying attention to the historical elements that lead, in the field of political theory as well as in its effective practice, to the state of crisis and irrationality that characterizes the political situation in the first half of the 20th century. During the following chapters we take into account what we defend to be the normative ideals of the cassirerian political program, inferred from his philosophical anthropology and from the general premises of a notion of humanity that claims to be inclusive in what concerns all manifestations of the human spirit. The two vital notions which we point out and that constitute the general lines of this political program are freedom and cosmopolitism, by means of which we try to understand Cassirers critic to Hegelianism and the way that follows his reception of the illuminist ideals.
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Vossier, Frédéric. „Arendt et la question du totalitarisme : genèse et structure d'un concept“. Paris 12, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA120056.
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Arendt (1906-1975) construit une oeuvre dont on peut départager l'origine en deux plans: un héritage philosophique provenant de la phénoménologie heideggerienne; le choc historique des chambres à gaz comme événement sans précédent (plan de l'existence personnelle). On doit donc situer l'origine de son itinéraire de pensée à la croisée de ces deux impacts. Le secret de la construction théorique du concept de totalitarisme réside dans l'entrelacs de cette double dimension. Notre intention théorique est la suivante: suivre la genèse d'un concept et examiner en détail le contenu du concept qui évolue au fil du temps (remanié successivement par différentes relèves). Il s'agit donc dans un premier temps d'analyser les conditions d'existence du regard porté par Arendt sur les chambres à gaz dès 1944. Ensuite, l'élucidation du cadre épistémologique dans lequel Arendt a situé son travail d'investigation sur le totalitarisme constitue une étape préparatoire. Enfin, l'essentiel consiste à mettre en lumière le contenu du concept à travers la structure théorique qu'élabore Arendt. Aussi proposons-nous en annexe la présentation, la traduction et le commentaire d'un article, "The Hole of oblivion" (1947), qui délivre la spécificité inoui͏̈e du sens du totalitarisme. Nous sommes convaincus qu'il s'agit là du point fort et original de la théorie arendtienne du phénomène totalitaire.
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Chaunu, Jean. „Théologie politique et patriotisme en France face au totalitarisme : 1930-1940“. Lille 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004LIL3A003.
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Lundin, Varg Andrée. „Liberalismens fiender : En historiografisk studie om begreppen totalitarism och politisk religion“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187644.
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Today it is common to describe fascism and communism as totalitarian and/or political religions. Conceptual history, often associated with the German historian Reinhart Koselleck, is together with the historiographical perspective, defining for this study. This thesis investigates the scientific use of the concepts totalitarianism and political religion by studying the works of important scholars of the 20th and 21st centuries to explain how the concepts have been described and understood. This paper also seeks to explain why the concepts have been so influential over such a long time and with a renewed focus during the 1990s. The thesis pays particular focus to the 1990s when political religion as a concept grew inpopularity among scholars who had to determine the relation between political religion and totalitarianism. The works of leading scholars of political religion, Emilio Gentile, Hans Maier and Michael Burleigh have been studied to show how a renewed discourse of political religion has been created during the 1990s. The results show that there are many interpretations of totalitarianism and political religion, but the leading scholars of political religion also present a high degree of consensus on how the relation between the concepts should be defined and what their relation to each other are. The results also show that the influence of the concepts can be linked to their role as liberal, ideological concepts and the struggle of Western liberalism during the 20th and 21st centuries to define a common core between fascism and communism and to clarify these dystopian alternatives to a liberal democracy.
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Parkhomenko, Roman. „Cassirers politische Philosophie zwischen allgemeiner Kulturtheorie und Totalitarismus-Debatte“. Karlsruhe Univ.-Verl. Karlsruhe, 2005. http://www.uvka.de/univerlag/volltexte/2007/278/.
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Parkhomenko, Roman. „Cassirers politische Philosophie : zwischen allgemeiner Kulturtheorie und Totalitarismus-Debatte“. Karlsruhe Univ.-Verl. Karlsruhe, 2007. http://www.uvka.de/univerlag/volltexte/2007/278/.
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Parkhomenko, Roman Cassirer Ernst. „Cassirers politische Philosophie : zwischen allgemeiner Kulturtheorie und Totalitarismus-Debatte /“. Karlsruhe : Univ.-Verl, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/549021892.pdf.
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Edel-Roy, Agnès. „Une « démocratie magique » : politique et littérature dans les romans de Vladimir Nabokov“. Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0080/document.
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Écrite d’abord en russe puis en anglo-américain, l’œuvre romanesque de Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), écrivain américain d’origine russe, fascine ses lecteurs, mais leur participation à l’achèvement de cette œuvre artistique a été singulièrement restreinte par sa réception. La publication de Lolita (1955) le transforme en précurseur du postmodernisme américain. Aboutissement de la quête moderne de l’autonomie de l’art et triomphe de l’autotélisme artistique, sa création se trouve alors interprétée en poétique « tyrannique » sur laquelle règne l’auteur en « dictateur absolu ». Vladimir Nabokov, pourtant, n’a cessé d’identifier dans l’Histoire et de combattre dans son œuvre deux questions politiques du vingtième siècle : celle de la soumission de l’art à l’idéologie (quelle qu’en soit le nom) et celle de la tyrannie (actualisée par les régimes politiques nazi et soviétique). Dès l’origine, sa création de langue russe, puis anglo-américaine, est synchronisée avec les conséquences, tant en Russie qu’en Occident, de la Révolution bolchevique, l’événement historique qui change le « partage du sensible » (Jacques Rancière) vingtiémiste. La nature autotélique de sa création, dont les caractéristiques sont à redéfinir en opposition aux formes artistiques prônant l’engagement de l’art, indique en réalité que Nabokov propose une nouvelle « politique de la littérature » (Jacques Rancière) de l’émancipation qu’il a lui-même appelée du nom de « démocratie magique » et fait d’elle un « art critique » dont l’effet politique passe par sa distance esthétique, incluant « dans la forme de l’œuvre la confrontation de ce que le monde est avec ce que le monde pourrait être » (Jacques Rancière)Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), American writer of Russian origin, was the author of fiction written first in Russian and then in American English. His work has been a constant source of fascination for his readers, but their interpretation has been limited by its reception. Upon the publication of Lolita (1955), Nabokov is seen as a precursor of American postmodernism. His writings are interpreted as the climax of the modernist quest for artistic autonomy and a triumph of autotelic creation, and a poetic of “tyranny” is identified in his work, with the author reigning supreme as an “absolute dictator.”However, Nabokov had never ceased to be preoccupied with two political issues in 20th century History, which he continuously denounced in his writings: the issue of the submission of art to any kind of ideology and that of tyranny illustrated by the Nazi and Soviet political regimes. From the very beginning of his career, in his Russian texts and later in his American texts, Nabokov’s work examines the consequences of the Bolshevik Revolution, seen as the historical event that changes the “distribution of the sensible” (J. Rancière) in the 20th century. The autotelic nature of his work, whose features should be defined in opposition to aesthetic forms that celebrate the commitment of art, actually indicates that Nabokov defines a new “politics of literature” (J. Rancière) based on emancipation, which Nabokov calls “a magic democracy” and considers to be a “critical art” whose aesthetic effect is predicated on its distance, thus including “in the form of the work the confrontation between what the world is and what the world may become” (J. Rancière)
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Galand, Benjamin. „L’influence du sport dans les régimes totalitaires européens au XXe siècle. L’exemple de l’Allemagne nazie“. Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040054.
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L’objet de la présente étude est de déterminer l’influence du sport dans les régimes totalitaires européens au XXe siècle, en prenant pour exemple le modèle de l’Allemagne nazie. Par influence, il faut comprendre la place et le rôle qu’occupe le sport, en tant que pratique sportive mais aussi en tant qu’éducation physique, dans ce type de régime politique. Ainsi, afin de cerner au mieux le modèle allemand, il était nécessaire de s’intéresser également aux autres modèles similaires, à savoir celui de l’Italie fasciste, et celui de l’Union soviétique avant 1945, mais aussi à la politique sportive d’un régime démocratique, celui de la France. L’étude des autres modèles, celle du modèle allemand spécifiquement, et celle de ce que n’est pas le modèle allemand, visent à définir le plus précisément l’influence du sport dans la politique du pouvoir national-socialiste.De plus, afin de donner un élément d’analyse concret de cette influence, les Jeux olympiques de 1936 sont étudiés en détail. En effet, lors de ces événements, tout ce que représente le sport dans le IIIe Reich est mis en exergue, et l’on voit que le sport est un instrument éminemment politique au service de l’État hitlérien. Enfin, toujours dans cette optique de livrer la grille d’analyse la plus complète possible à ce sujet, les questions de l’esthétisme et de l’art nazis sont mis en corrélation avec le sport, ce qui permet de rendre véritablement compte de l’importance du sport dans l’Allemagne nazieThe purpose of this study is to determine the influence of sport in the European totalitarian regimes in the twentieth century, taking as example the model of Nazi Germany. By influence, one should understand the place and role occupied by sport, as a sporting activity but also as physical education, in this kind of political regime. Thus, in order to better figure out the German model, it was necessary to also look at other similar models, namely that of Fascist Italy and of the Soviet Union before 1945, but also at the sports policy of a democratic regime, that of France. The study of the German model and of other models, and the study of what the German model is not aims to define more precisely the influence of sport in the politics of the National Socialist power. In addition, to give a concrete element of analysis of this influence, the 1936 Olympics are studied in detail. Indeed, these events bring to the fore all what sport stands for in the Third Reich, and we can see that sport is a highly political instrument at the service of the Hitlerian State. Finally, and still in the perspective of providing the most complete analysis as possible, the issues of Nazi aesthetics and art are put in correlation with sport, allowing to fully account for the importance of sport in Nazi Germany
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Maricato, Carla Andrade. „O Que resta de Eichmann?“ reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/93478.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Florianópolis, 2010Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-24T22:53:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 288008.pdf: 908212 bytes, checksum: 050388e61511a669bb6620533bce8ed5 (MD5)
Este trabalho pretende investigar a permanência de elementos definidores dos regimes totalitários no contexto das sociedades contemporâneas, especialmente aqueles que denunciam a existência do homem de massa nos quadros burocráticos do Judiciário. Segundo Hannah Arendt, considerando as três atividades inerentes à vita activa, para sobreviver, é preciso superar pela atividade do labor as necessidades biológicas da vida; dar conta dessa atividade exige do homem um contínuo e necessário cuidado de si. Para sentir-se parte do mundo, concebido como espaço que intermedia relações humanas, é preciso que o homem o construa pelo artifício e assim nele se reconheça; é do trabalho que resulta o cuidado com o mundo, sobre o qual temos parcela de responsabilidade. Por fim, através da ação, o homem está em contato, não mais com o ambiente ou as coisas que produz, mas com outro ser humano, igual a ele por viver sob as mesmas condições de sobrevivência, mas ao mesmo tempo diferente em sua individualidade. Formar laços significa estar entre outros. Nas palavras de Galeano, "o melhor que o mundo tem está nos muitos mundos que o mundo contém." Condicionado pela pluralidade humana, do agir deriva o cuidado com o outro. Porém, é justamente em decorrência da preponderância de uma dessas atividades que, historicamente, Hannah Arendt observa a desvalorização cada vez mais acentuada do significado da vita activa e, de maneira mais degradada, de sua atividade mais nobre: a ação. Se, na Antiguidade, a atividade política por excelência era a ação e, na Modernidade, o trabalho, contemporaneamente foi o labor que adentrou o mundo político e prevalece hoje como concepção de mundo. Na sociedade de consumo em que prepondera o labor como atividade humana, o centro de preocupações gira em torno da mera necessidade da vida, da pura sobrevivência, gerando apatia e hostilidade em relação à vida pública. É como se tivessem todos o mesmo destino, mas cada qual solitariamente prosseguisse sem nada compartilhar; como se as coisas e pessoas não tivessem significado e importância, porque elas simplesmente sobrevivem sem viver. O fio condutor, portanto, está na problemática do sujeito contemporâneo, esse homem desbotado, apagado, o homem de massa descrito por Arendt como aquele incapaz de se integrar a uma comunidade qualquer, que se caracteriza pelo sentimento de sua inutilidade, de sua ausência de convicção, em decorrência da qual o totalitarismo se tornou possível. Verificar o que restou do homem de massa nos dias de hoje, sobretudo no âmbito do Direito, é a tarefa a que se propõe este trabalho.
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Silva, Thais Santi Cardoso da. „Do sujeito ao indivíduo que trabalha e consome“. Florianópolis, SC, 2005. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/handle/123456789/102740.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito.Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-16T01:47:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 230084.pdf: 1179771 bytes, checksum: 8b8c207f2164e2c362ef176ed3b0acb4 (MD5)
A presente dissertação tem por objeto o sujeito, compreendido a partir do pensamento de Hannah Arendt. O principal objetivo que a informa é a definição do homem e da política contemporâneos segundo uma pergunta pelos elementos constitutivos do sujeito, com vistas à formulação de parâmetros para uma tentativa de redefinição da crise de legalidade de nossa época. Partindo da hipótese de que a discussão sobre o sujeito pode fornecer instrumentos para pensar o direito, a questão central deste trabalho pode ser definida nos seguintes termos: quais os contornos da crise de legalidade de nossa época, tomando como referência a pergunta pelo sujeito? Para tanto, a estrutura do trabalho divide-se em três capítulos. Primeiro, trata-se da definição do sujeito como categoria de análise e da verificação de seus elementos constitutivos, partindo da compreensão arendtiana do convívio humano político como uma paradoxal pluralidade de seres singulares. Construção e possibilidade humana, o sujeito é marcado pela criatividade e pela capacidade de interferir e recriar aquilo que o condiciona, ostentando uma relação de responsabilidade com o direito. Em seguida, tomando como referência esse sujeito, é levantada uma pergunta sobre o convívio humano que se delineia na época moderna e sobre a relação do homem com seu discurso e com a lei que o condiciona. A partir dessa pergunta, compreendemos a destituição do homem como sujeito. E, finalmente, consideramos sua redução a um animal laborans, acrescida da despolitização de nossa época e da consolidação da política sob a forma de violência, como marcos para uma proposta de repensar o papel do direito nas sociedades atuais. This dissertation addresses the subject as understood pursuant to Hannah Arendt's thought. The main objective thereof is the definition of contemporary man and politics based on a question regarding the subject's constitutive elements, aiming at providing parameters for an attempt at redefining the legality crisis of our times. Based on the hypothesis that by discussing the subject one may derive tools to think of Law, this paper's main issue could be defined as follows: what is the outlining of the current legality crisis, based on the question asked by the subject? The paper is structured in three chapters. First, a definition of the subject as a category of analysis, and the verification of its constitutive elements, based on Arendt's understanding of political human relationships as a paradoxical plurality of singular beings. Both a construction and human possibility, the subject is marked by creativity and the ability to interfere and recreate that which conditions it, bearing a relationship of responsibility toward Law. Second, taking such subject as a reference, a question is asked about human relationships in modern times and about the relationship of man and his discourse and the law that conditions him. From that question, we understand man as no longer being the subject. Lastly, we consider man to be reduced to an animal laborans, added by the depolitization of our times and the consolidation of politics under the form of violence, as cornerstones for a proposal of rethinking the role of Law in current societies.
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Hébert, Claudine. „Le déclin du concept d'humanité dans "Les origines du totalitarisme" d'Hannah Arendt“. Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/25287.
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Hannah Arendt analyse dans les origines du totalitarisme les différents événements politiques qui ont participé au développement et à l’implantation du totalitarisme au vingtième siècle. Dans ce mémoire, nous démontrerons que cette analyse impose un constat, celui d’un déclin concomitant du concept d’humanité. Nous proposons donc une recension de ce déclin dans l’ouvrage d’Arendt, en insistant sur son intensification qui se manifeste par une aggravation de ses conséquences pour certaines populations. Ces dernières partagent un sort similaire : elles sont d’une manière ou d’une autre exclues du politique. En effet, le racisme, l’apatridie et l’univers concentrationnaire constituent les différentes formes adoptées par ce déclin. L’exclusion qu’elles mettent en scène est directement liée à ce qui fonde l’humanité selon Arendt, soit l’appartenance à une communauté politique.
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Narváez, Álvarez Christian Alexander. „El mundo y su pérdida: un intento de comprensión desde Hannah Arendt“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670258.
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El propósito de este trabajo es examinar el concepto de mundo desde la perspectiva de Hannah Arendt. Nace de la convicción de que su correcta comprensión nos aporta luces para entender los problemas políticos de la actualidad. El objetivo es repensar y reivindicar el mundo como categoría política, escasamente presente en la tradición del pensamiento político occidental, además poco tratado de forma específica y separada en los estudios sobre Arendt. Uno de los aspectos centrales de este trabajo, consiste en mostrar la importancia de abordar la cuestión de la libertad política desde la categoría de mundo y no desde la de sujeto. En este sentido, se hace hincapié en que el mundo es el espacio en el que se dan las condiciones que hacen posible la vida humana: la pluralidad, la espontaneidad, la natalidad y la libertad, que se pierden, o corren el peligro de perderse, cuando este desaparece.
En Arendt, indagar por el mundo significa también indagar por su pérdida. El crecimiento moderno de la amundanidad, entendida como la imposibilidad de un encuentro de los hombres, y el declive de todo entre humano por los intentos de fabricar la humanidad, constituyen el núcleo de su crítica a la Época Moderna y al Mundo Moderno. Como desarrollo de estas consideraciones, en las páginas siguientes se pretende profundizar en los rasgos y prácticas que condujeron, antes de la aparición del totalitarismo y en el totalitarismo, a una progresiva desaparición de lo político y de la esfera pública.The purpose of this paper is to examine the concept of the world from the perspective of Hannah Arendt. The goal is to rethink and reclaim the world as a political category. One of the central aspects of this work consists in showing the importance of addressing the question of political freedom from the category of the world and not from that of the subject. In this sense, it is emphasized that the world is the space in which the conditions that make human life possible exist: plurality, spontaneity, birth and freedom, which are lost, or are in danger of being lost, when it disappears. In Arendt, inquiring about the world also means inquiring about its loss. The loss of the world in the Modern Age, understood as the impossibility of a meeting between people, due to the attempts to manufacture humanity, constitute the core of his criticism of the Modern Age and the Modern World. As a development of these considerations, in the following pages it is intended to delve into the traits and practices that led, before the appearance of totalitarianism and totalitarianism, to a progressive disappearance of the political and public sphere.
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Dias, Thiago. „Totalitarismo, tempo e ação: uma leitura de A condição humana de Hannah Arendt“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-17122018-093546/.
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Partindo da ideia de que, para Hannah Arendt, Origens do totalitarismo não esgota a questão do totalitarismo, a tese pretende mostrar o primeiro passo dado pela autora no aprofundamento da questão. A argumentação se inicia com a afirmação arendtiana de que os campos de concentração funcionaram como laboratórios onde até mesmo a personalidade e a espontaneidade dos seres humanos foram concebidas como coisas e, portanto, como sujeitas ao conhecimento. Esta constatação colocou o problema do humano no centro do pensamento da autora. Ao confirmar uma antiga suspeita contra a tradição de filosofia política, Arendt se engajou em sua desmontagem servindo-se de certa análise de alguns filósofos pós-hegelianos (sobretudo Marx) e da crítica ao procedimento de differentia specifica para a determinação da essência do ser humano. Em um passo seguinte, lançou-se à formulação de uma nova maneira de pensar o humano e, para evitar o recurso a essências, apoiou-se sobre as diferentes temporalidades das atividades humanas. O resultado deste movimento é A condição humana, livro em que a vita activa é apresentada em termos temporais e o conceito de ação é formulado como uma temporalidade aberta ancorada na pluralidade. Isto faz do conceito de ação um entrave teórico ao totalitarismo, uma vez que insere o indeterminado no centro do pensar político tornando impossível o conhecimento do agir.Since for Hannah Arendt the question of totalitarianism is not completely solved with The Origins of Totalitarianism, I intend to show her first steps toward a deeper level of this question. I start with her claim that concentration camps were comparable to laboratories in which even men\'s personality and spontaneity were conceived as sheer things, thus being subject to knowledge. This observation leads the problem of human to the center of her thought. After confirming a suspicion harbored against the tradition of political philosophy, Arendt binds herself to dismantle the tradition, a task carried out through an analysis of post-hegelian thinkers (specially Marx) and the critique of differentia specifica as a proceeding to determine human beings\' essence. Her following step was the formulation of a new way to think about human and, in order to avoid the use of essences, she leans on the different temporalities of human activities. The outcome of this movement is The Human Condition, a book in which vita activa is described in temporal terms and the concept of action structured on an open temporality based on plurality. The concept of action became a theoretical blockade against totalitarianism as it places the indeterminate in the center of political thinking thus making it impossible to know a priori human action.
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Perelson, Simone. „La Loi du désir et l'éthique de la psychanalyse : entre démocratie et totalitarisme“. Paris 7, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA070114.
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La conception qu'a la psychanalyse du désir ainsi que l'éthique qu'elle propose nous conduisent au constat suivant : la Loi du désir n'est ni démocratique ni libérale et l'éthique de la psychnalyse ne saurait se définir comme une défense de la "démocratie libérale". En s'éloignant d'une conception démocratico-libérale, la psychanalyse court toutefois le risque de constituer une théorie et une pratique totalitaires. Ce travail a pour tâche de mettre en évidence la "tension" entre "démocratie" et "totalitarisme" qu'exprime la psychnanalyse. Pour ce faire nous allons analyser, dans un premier moment, les points problématiques de la conception lacanienne du désir et de l'éthique soulignés par Patrick Guyomard, Slavoj Zizek et Alain Didier-Weill. Deux conceptions de cette éthique seront ici prises en considération : celle inspirée de la tragédie antique "Antigone" de Sophocle, présente dans le "Séminaire 7", et celle qui se trouve dans le "Séminaire 8", et qui est suscitée par la tragédie moderne "L'Otage" de Paul Claudel. Ensuite, nous allons articuler les pensées de Nietzsche et de Lacan. Cette articulation présupposera une exposée générale de la pensée nietzschéenne, qui nous conduira subséquemment à analyser les sept points suivants : le rapport entre la "morale des forts" nietzschéenne et "l'éthique" lacanienne du "désir" ; l'analogie entre les oppositions "homme supérieur/surhomme" et "subjectivation/destitution subjective" ; l'idée nietzschéenne de la culture et la distinction psychanalytique entre la "réalisation du désir" et le "laisser-aller" ; l'articulation entre "l'individu souverain" et "l'analyste qui s'autorise de soi-même", articulation qui impliquera une analyse approfondie de la problématique de la "passe" ; l'analogie à partir de l'idée nietzschéenne de "décadence" entre l'avènement du surhomme et celui de l'analyste ; la mise en cause aussi bien par Nietzsche que par Lacan des "idéaux démocratico-libéraux" ; et, enfin, les "interprétations totalitaires" auxquelles ont donné lieu la pensée de ces deux auteursThe psychoanalytical conception of desire as much as the ethics proposed by psychoanalysis lead us to the following statement : the Law of desire is neither democratic nor liberal, and the ethics of psychoanalysis can't be defined as a defense of "liberal democracy". Albeit, in distancing itself from a liberal democratic conception, psychoanalysis risks building "totalitarian" practices and theory. This work aims to focus the "tension" between "democracy" and "totalitarism" expressed by psychoanalysis. In order to reach this aim we'll analyse, first of all, the problematic points raised by Patrick Guyomard, Slavoj Zizek, ans Alain-Didier Weill about Lacan's conception of desire and ethics. Two conceptions of this ethics will be there considered : the one found in the "7th Seminary", inspired by the ancient Sophocle's tragedy "Antigone", and the one found in the "8th Seminary", raised upon modern tragedy "L'Otage", by Paul Claudel. Subsequently, we'll board Nietzsche's thought to link it afterwards to Lacan's one throughout the analysis of the seven following points : the relation between Nietzsche's "moral of the strong" and Lacan's "ethics of desire" ; the analogy between "superior man/Overman" and "subjectivation/subject destitution" oppositions ; Nietzsche's idea of culture and the psychoanalytical distinction between realization of desire" and the "laisser-faire" ; the connection between "sovereign individual" and the "self authorized analyst", which will allow us to probe the question of "pass" ; the analogy between the rising of Overman and the analyst, both upon Nietzsche's idea of "decadence" ;the querying by Nietzsche, as well as by Lacan, of the liberal democratic ideals ; and, at last, the totalitarian interpretations raised by thes two authors' thought
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Chomilier, Frédéric. „Les concepts d'autoritarisme, de totalitarisme et de démocratie au regard de l'intégrité physique“. Paris 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA010277.
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Depuis un demi-siècle, le régime démocratique semble constituer le modèle d'organisation politique de référence. Deux préalables doivent être alors considérés : - définir la démocratie et ses limites - préciser la notion de dictature et notamment la distinction contemporaine entre les concepts d'autoritarisme et de totalitarisme. L'analyse comparative entre démocratie, autoritarisme et totalitarisme s'est développée autour du respect des droits de l'homme. Dans ce cadre, nous avons étudié plus particulièrement la notion d'intégrité physique comme fonctionnement comportemental de l'homme. Replacée dans l'étude du modèle démocratique, elle devient centrale et motrice. Les hypothèses qui découlent de cette approche sont mises à l'épreuve des faits observés entre 1982 et 1987 au Chili et en Pologne. Nos conclusions s'adressent aux démocraties reconnues mais fragilesFor half a century, the democratic system has constituted the model of political organization of reference. Then two prerequisites must be considered : - to define democracy and its limits - to precise the notion of dictatorship and especially the contemporaneous distinction between the authoritarianism and totalitarianism concepts. The comparative analysis between democracy, authoritarianism and totalitarianism has been developed around the respect of human rights. In this context, we have particularly studied the notion of physical integrity as the functioning behaviour of man. Placed in the study of democratic model, it becomes a central and driving force. The theories issued from this approach are put to the test by the facts observed between 1982 and 1987 in Chile and Poland. Our conclusions concern recognized but fragile democracies
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La, Placa Francesco <1995>. „La menzogna del Totalitarismo e la disumanizzazione del soggetto. L'interpretazione di Hannah Arendt“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14917.
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Il presente lavoro si fa carico di questioni che il confronto con il fenomeno del Totalitarismo non può non suscitare nello studioso, oltre che nell'uomo in quanto uomo. Alla luce degli scritti di Hannah Arendt, si analizzeranno il regime e il soggetto totalitario. Secondo l'autrice, sono soltanto due i governi totalitari che si sono dati storicamente, quello nazista in Germania e quello comunista in Russia, accomunati da tratti – quali l'atomizzazione sociale, il bisogno continuo di vittime, l'anti-utilitarismo, l'uso di strumenti come la violenza e il terrore – che risultano indispensabili per la sopravvivenza di regimi di questo genere. Anche la propaganda, marcatamente ideologica e falsa, riveste un ruolo fondamentale nella promozione del consenso, indice della tendenza del Totalitarismo a fondare la propria esistenza sulla menzogna. Il carattere menzognero investe poi la natura stessa dell'uomo, sia di chi aderisce al regime, sia di chi ne è vittima, in un processo di disumanizzazione del soggetto che raggiunge l'apice nel campo di concentramento. Qui, il male assume un aspetto radicale, eppure non manca di stupire, insieme, per la sua apparente banalità. Nell'analisi del fenomeno in questione sarà prezioso inoltre il riferimento agli scritti di Kafka, dove è implicito molto di quello che il Totalitarismo esplicita. Infine, ci chiederemo se esso sopravviva ancora oggi, mostrando il rischio che possa conseguire la vittoria definitiva dietro forme esasperate di Negazionismo.
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Herbert, Nicolas. „Penser le politique au prisme du totalitarisme : ce que l'advenue du totalitarisme révèle de la politique et de la démocratie à travers les pensées politiques de Hannah Arendt et de Friedrich Hayek“. Nice, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008NICE0016.
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Bien avant la chute du mur de Berlin, Hannah Arendt et Friedrich Hayek se sont attelés à l'étude du totalitarisme au point d'en faire l'épicentre de leur réflexion sur la politique moderne. Loin de le considérer comme un évènement accidentel, ils en ont fait un laboratoire révélateur des tendances intimes de la politique moderne. Ils l'ont utilisé comme une ressource heuristique sous trois angles d'appréhension : celui de la politique sous son aspect institutionnel (le lieu où s'exerce la terreur totalitaire), celui de la connaissance des affaires humaines (le domaine du scientisme, auquel s'abreuvent les idéologies totalitaires), celui, enfin, de la signification – anthropologique – du totalitarisme (le sens de l'adhésion à l'idéologie totalitaire). Si, pour Hayek, le totalitarisme révèle le vrai visage de la politique, il constitue pour Arendt, en absolutisant la politique, la négation de celle-ciA long time before the collapse of communism, Hannah Arendt and Friedrich Hayek buckled down to study totalitarianism so much so that it became the core of their political thought. They used that concept as a laboratory able to reveal intimate trends of modern politics. They brought out three sides of totalitarianism: politics over its institutional aspect (the place where terror is exerted), knowledge of human affairs (the field of scientism, which feeds totalitarian ideologies), and – anthropological – meaning of totalitarianism (the understanding of attraction for ideology). If Hayek sees totalitarianism as the true face of politics, and deduce that moderns should get rid of politics, Arendt considers, on the contrary, that it reveals the necessity to reassert the value of politics
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Scardueli, Adriana Maria Felimberti. „A questão do mal em Hannah Arendt“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2013. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/750.
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Esta dissertação apresenta a concepção de “banalidade do mal”, a partir da
perspectiva da filósofa-política Hannah Arendt (1906-1975). O objetivo na presente
dissertação é analisar os elementos constitutivos do fenômeno denominado mal
banal, fenômeno a partir do qual erigiu toda a problemática política do Ocidente a
partir do Totalitarismo. Procurar-se-á, neste trabalho, refletir acerca da falta de
responsabilidade dos cidadãos pertencentes a esta sociedade de massa dos
regimes totalitários do Século XX. Segundo Arendt, é a pretensão da dominação
total do homem, o núcleo do qual se pode pensar o mal nas experiências totalitárias.
Ao relatar e analisar o julgamento de Otto Adolf Eichmann, funcionário do Governo
Nazista, Arendt se deteve sobre a questão da responsabilidade do réu em questão.
Eichmann apenas cumpria ordens, sendo assim ele não era um monstro, ou um
sádico e muito menos um pervertido. Ao contrário, ele era um homem normal. Por
isso, o mal causado por Eichmann e pelo Governo Totalitário, não pode ser punido
ou perdoado, é preciso compreender o que aconteceu, para que este mal não volte
a acontecer no futuro. Para Arendt, esta lógica, de pessoas normais cometendo
crimes que não podem ser punidos ou perdoados, pode ser mudada. Mas para isso,
é preciso que o ser humano pense, reflita e se responsabilize pelos seus atos, além
de que também é preciso o restabelecimento da moralidade política com o amor
mundi, que é o desejo que o mundo seja preservado para as futuras gerações.Submitted by Marcelo Teixeira (mvteixeira@ucs.br) on 2014-07-03T11:29:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Adriana Maria Felimberti Scardueli.pdf: 927055 bytes, checksum: f8ad94612ff548e4515aa087fde5ef5a (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-03T11:29:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Adriana Maria Felimberti Scardueli.pdf: 927055 bytes, checksum: f8ad94612ff548e4515aa087fde5ef5a (MD5)
This dissertation introduces the concept of "the banality of evil", from the perspective of political-philosopher Hannah Arendt (1906-1975). Therefore, our goal in this paper is to analyze the elements of the phenomenon called banal evil phenomenon, from which was erected all the political question of the West, starting of Totalitarianism. We seek in our work, to reflect on the citizens’ lack of responsibility belonging to this totalitarian regimes society of the twentieth century. According to Arendt, is the claim of total domination of man, the core of which one can think of the evil in the totalitarian experience. To report and analyze the judgment of Otto Adolf Eichmann, the Nazi government official, Arendt, detain on the issue of the defendant’s liability in question. Eichmann followed orders, he was not a monster or a sadist and a pervert much less. Instead, he was a normal man. The harm caused by Eichmann and the Totalitarian Government, can not be punished or forgiven, It is necessary to understand what happened, that this evil does not happen again in the future. For Arendt, this logic of normal people committing crimes can not be punished or forgiven, can be changed. It takes people to think, reflect and take responsibility for their actions, but also, is necessary the restoration of political morality with love mundi - that is the desirethe world be preserved for future generations.