Dissertationen: „Tibet (China) Foreign relations“

1

Askew, Joseph Benjamin. „The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

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2

Askew, Joseph. „The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959“. Online version, 2002. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25604.

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3

Guo, Jing. „2008 Tibet riots through a western lens a frame analysis of news coverage of 2008 Tibet riots on BBC and CNN networks /“. Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1250138062.

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4

Whittington, Sherrill. „China's contemporary foreign relations and defence developments“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112027.

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After four decades of post-war revolutionary struggle, erratic swings of domestic policies and dramatic changes in leadership style, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is apparently set on a stable pragmatic path which is intended to take a technologically advanced nation into the twenty-first century. An international policy based on extensive economic relations with both Western and Eastern blocs, coupled with the promotion of global conciliation is the foreign policy formula which Beijing considers will best promote its domestic interests. Throughout the Maoist period which dominated almost thirty years of the Republic's existence, the global policy was one promoting a 'United Front' with fellow Third World nations based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, while simultaneously attempting to extricate the nation from the overriding influence of the Soviet Union. To avoid "leaning to one side", being overdependent on any one major power, thereby became the leitmotif of Beijing's foreign policy as Sino-Soviet discord was parallelled by open criticism of the imperialistic aggression of the capitalist superpower, the United States. However, shifts in the global balance by the early 1970s and Washington's desire to conciliate with the People's Republic led to a reappraisal of Beijing's international posture, with the U.S.A. coming to be regarded more benignly.

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5

Xia, Lan Yan. „The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.

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6

Albers, Martin. „The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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7

Jin, Rong. „India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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8

Que, Wen Jun. „String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.

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9

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. „The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

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10

Fang, Xiaodong. „Anti-China rhetoric, presidential elections and U.S. foreign policy towards China“. Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10128065.

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Is anti-China rhetoric an effective strategy in U.S. presidential campaigns? If the answer is Yes, then to what extent does anti-China rhetoric affect them? If the answer is No, then why have so many presidential candidates used anti-China rhetoric in recent campaigns? Is anti-China rhetoric only election-driven? Is it also policy-driven? Do presidential candidates use anti-China rhetoric to seek voter support, as well as propose changes in U.S. foreign policy towards China?

Conventional wisdom and scholars like Robert Sutter suggest that foreign policy has little effect on American presidential elections and anti-foreign rhetoric by presidential candidates does not matter to American foreign policy and foreign relations. In this dissertation, however, I argue the opposite that anti-China rhetoric exercises significant influence on American presidential elections and foreign policy towards China. The dissertation addresses two fundamental questions: 1) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American presidential elections? And 2) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American foreign policy towards China, American public opinion towards China, and U.S.-China relationship? To answer the first question about elections, I focus on televised campaign commercials and statistically estimate the effect of anti-China rhetoric on seeking voter support in the presidential election. The data I examine come from the “Wisconsin Advertising Project” and various election polls in 2008. I answer the second question about foreign policy by exploring the contents of anti-China rhetoric in campaign activities including ads, candidates’ speeches and debates, and public statements about policy towards China and how that rhetoric affects subsequent American foreign policy towards China, as well as public opinion of China and U.S.-China relations. My statistical and qualitative analyses find that airing ads using anti-China rhetoric increases the presidential candidate’s voter support in target states; that the administration is more likely to make tough foreign policies towards China when there is more anti-China rhetoric by presidential candidates; and thirdly, that anti-China rhetoric during the election year negatively affects American opinions of China but produces a positive impact on U.S.-China relations.

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11

Floeck, Emily Katherine. „U.S. foreign policy towards China, 1972-9“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608002.

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12

Shi, Chen Lu. „India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.

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13

Zhang, Rong Rong. „Emerging alliance? :analysis of China-Russia strategic partnership from perspective of balance of threat theory“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335239.

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14

Nowosad, Orest J. W. „Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.

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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975, the further development of a relationship between a weak and a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the modern age.

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15

Brochard, Patrick. „Political economy of China's foreign trade“. Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63312.

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16

Qian, Eugene. „One country, two systems : the structure and process of China's policy making towards Hong Kong (1979-1990)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670236.

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17

Liao, Xuanli, und 廖宣力. „Chinese think tanks and China's policy on Japan“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31243368.

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18

Zhang, Shu. „Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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19

Ng, Hei Lin. „China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.

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20

Dreier, Tina, und Rhodes University. „China's African FDI safari : opportunistic exploitation or muturally beneficial to all participants“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001455.

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When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA

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21

Tai, Hean Cheong. „What factors determine trust between states? : the case of US-China relations“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283954.

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22

Liou, To-hai. „China between the two Koreas, 1984-1989 /“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33050933.html.

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23

Wu, Chen. „Analyzing the portrayal of the desired national identity of the Tibetan ethnicity in China's propaganda“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1219.

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24

Kong, Wei 1968. „U. S. China Policy During the Cold War Era (1948-1989)“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277993/.

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25

Chi, Le-Yi. „The People's Republic of China's Latin American Policy from Mao to Deng“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22655965.html.

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26

Kapyata, Dennis. „China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

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27

Cai, Ying. „Human rights policies of foreign capital companies of China“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554513.

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28

Liu, Qianqian. „China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.

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29

Kent-Brown, Duke. „The relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the People's Republic of China : a model for public policy analysis“. Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23225.

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Please read the abstract (Summary) in the section 00front of this document

Thesis (D Admin (Public Administration))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
unrestricted

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30

李穎儀 und Wing-yee Winnie Li. „Fiscal decentralization and economic development in China: a comparative study of Guangdong province and Tibetautonomous region, 1989-2000“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26827712.

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31

Riley, Joseph. „Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.

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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.

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32

Yan, Ji Bao. „China's policies toward the Soviet Union and the United States before and in the Korean War“. PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3572.

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This thesis deals with China's policy making toward both the Soviet Union and the United States in late 1949 and early 1950 and how they made the decision to enter the conflict, by making use of recently declassified Chinese sources and available American sources.

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33

Lu, Xiao. „American policy and the downfall of the Nationalist China : a survey of major American historical literature of China's civil war“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112040.

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As a so-called Old China Hand, I would suggest to the new administration that it study with great sincerity of purpose the idea that we "lost" China. It has been a phony idea all along peddled by the China Lobby. Let's drop it. Then and only then can the administration ... begin to evolve and pursue an objective and, we hope, effective policy regarding China.

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34

Zhang, Jia Xuan. „China in Africa : another neocolonial power or a new type of strategic partner?“ Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595543.

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35

Tian, Han Bo. „The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.

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36

LEE, Yu Pan. „The security dilemma in Sino-Japanese relations“. Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2009. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/2.

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Even though economic relations between China and Japan have improved in recent decades, their security relations raise the prospect of clashes due to the perceived incompatibility of their interests, as manifested for example in territorial claims and rivalry for energy resources. This thesis analyzes the two states’ security relations using the “security-dilemma” and “constructivist theories” of international relations. The security dilemma is a condition in which states’ attempts to increase their own security, out of the mutual fear and suspicion, results a decrease in security for all. The constructivist theories suggest that the identities of actors, social norms, states’ interests and government policies are inter-linked in both domestic and international politics; each component thus shapes and then reshapes others. International relations should not be understood by merely analyzing material capacities. In order to understand the security relations between China and Japan, it is imperative to investigate the threat perceptions of various actors within both states, including the general public, the political leadership, the military, the academics and other sub-state actors. By employing the mentioned theories, it is found that the general public in both states are the key sources to consider the other as a security threat. Fear or resentment among states, which might initially be constructed by the behaviors or policies of other actors, would in turn further shape or limit other actors’ perceptions and interests. The public also put constraints on their governments’ freedom to maneuver diplomatically and to adopt policy choices, it thus affects the security relations between states. The thesis concludes that deepening interactions between people in both state and carefully conducted diplomatic behaviors, such as choice of wording in reconciliation actions and joint action by states’ leaders at symbolic occasions or locations etc, can be the key of preventing the security dilemma from escalating. As a result, in the case of Sino-Japanese relations, the security relations cannot be improved by deploying military means.

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37

Chen, Yunzhu. „The Revival of "Visiting Marriage"--Family Change and Intergenerational Relations among Matrilineal Tibetans in Southwestern China“. Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1544207449090513.

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38

Söylemez, Mehmet. „Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.

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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.

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39

Wan, Chi Shun. „Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.

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The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation, and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding. After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined through the reappraisal of three major areas. Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable. The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated. The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care. Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored. Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor as well, because they produced a domestic political and social situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished. Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

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Chen, Kaihe, und 陳開和. „Nationalizing society, identity politics, and foreign policy strategies: Taiwan's mainland policy, 1988-2000“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245201.

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41

Chen, Shu Ying. „Chinese multinational corporations' impact on Chinese foreign affairs“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554616.

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42

Botha, Ilana. „China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).

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Guo, Xin Yan. „The application of non-market economy concept in the WTO regime :the case of China“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3952280.

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Li, Gao Sheng. „Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.

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45

Pan, Yihong. „Sui-Tang foreign policy: four case studies“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30581.

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The foreign policy of imperial China had two major aspects: 1) ideological purity, based on the Chinese cosmological view of the state, and emphasizing the all embracing rule of the Chinese Son of Heaven. 2) Practicality and flexibility, which provided imperial rulers the justification for conducting foreign relations on an equal footing with their neighbors, and allowed for retreat from claims of Chinese superiority, or even paying tribute to "barbarians." These two aspects have been noted and studied previously. In this dissertation I examine the interplay of the twin aspects in Sui-Tang foreign policy decisions and their implementation, how they clashed with or accommodated each other both when China was strong and when it was weak. Chapter I provides a survey of the tribute system, its roots in the pre-Qin period, its development in Han and the challenges it faced in the Period of Division. The Sui-Tang policy of resettlement of the Turks who had submitted, is the theme of Chapter II. The chapter examines the Tang system of the "subordinated area commands and prefectures." The Sui-Tang settlement policy was intended to bring the "barbarians" under Chinese administration and to use the nomads as a military force against other "barbarians." It also drew a distinct line between the non-Chinese and the Chinese so that the "barbarians" would not disturb the Chinese and would undergo a gradual process of sinification. But the success of the policy depended basically on the balance of power. The war policy of the Sui-Tang Chinese towards Koguryŏ, its motives and result are studied in Chapter III. For the better part of a century the Chinese made persistent efforts to establish their administration on the Korean peninsula through force. While there is a contrast between the pragmatism of Emperor Wen on the one hand, and the obsession with military glory of Emperor Yang and Taizong on the other, all three emperors insisted on Chinese superiority over the Koreans and all haconsiderations for frontier security. The differences in their attitudes lay mainly in the extent to which China should claim the superiority. Eventually, the Chinese were quite happy to withdraw beyond the Yalu River and accept Korea as a peaceful tributary. The alliance between Tang and the Uighur empire is the topic of Chapter IV. While before the outbreak of the An Lushan rebellion in 755 the Uighurs were at times subjects of Tang, the period after 755 saw the growth of the Uighur empire and the weakening of Tang superiority. In both periods their relations were characterized by an alliance based on common interests. In the latter period the Chinese had to treat the Uighurs as an equal power but the relationship was still maintained under the tribute system, which served to maintain the outward form of Chinese superiority. The seven Tang-Tibetan treaties are discussed in Chapter V. Compared with Tang relations with other peoples, the Tang-Tibetan relationship was remarkably equal. This was shown both in diplomatic reciprocity and in the conclusion of treaties. Nevertheless, some Chinese officials still held strongly to the idea that the Tibetans were "barbarians," which hindered the maintenance of the treaties. In the making of foreign policy in imperial China, the two major aspects, ideological purity and practicality, were reflected in two principles of Confucian doctrine: "the king leaves nothing and nobody outside his realm," and "having the various states of Xia within, and keeping the Yi and Di barbarians out." While the first principle represented the ideological purity and provided justification for Chinese expansion, the second stressed practicality, thus the two aspects achieved a balance.
Arts, Faculty of
Asian Studies, Department of
Graduate

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Zhang, Jianxin. „U.S. - China Bilateral Trade 1972 - 1992“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278694/.

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The main task of this thesis is to investigate economic implications of U.S.- China trade. The study period covers from 1972 to 1992. Data are available from International Financial Statistics, Survey of Current Business, Statistical Yearbook of P.R.China. Various hypotheses are employed to explain the basis and gain of trade, the impact of trade on both economies, and the major determinants of bilateral trade flows. This thesis contains five parts: I. Introduction; II. Outlook; III. Theoretical Analysis; IV. Empirical Study; and V. Conclusion. The major findings of this thesis are that both countries have gained advantages from trade and have also faced some unpleasant problems; several widely recognized theories serve as good approaches to understand these issues; the time series distributed lag models are helpful in explaining the determinants of trade flows.

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Lee, Jae-hyung. „China and the Asia-Pacific region : geostrategic relations and a return to a naval dimension“. Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4782.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 285-314. Introduction -- Ch. 1. Sea power and the world -- Ch. 2. Chinese sea power and the century of humiliation -- Ch. 3. China's emerging sea power in the PRC period -- Ch. 4. China's expanding maritime sphere of influence int he Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean -- Ch. 5. Southeast Asia: gateway to China's maritime expansion -- Ch. 6. Russia and India: China's immediate competitors -- Ch. 7. Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK): China's competitive neighbours -- Ch. 8. The United States: China's strategic competitor -- Conclusion "The thesis examines China's geostrategic relations with Asia-Pacific countries with special reference to its naval ambitions toward the region. The thesis concentrates especially on the People's Republic of China (PRC)'s apparent intention to expand its maritime influence into the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean by putting pressure on the security of sea lines of communication (SLOCs) from the Gulf to the nations of East Asia via the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, the South China Sea, and the Taiwan Strait." -- ABSTRACT

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YUEN, Cheong Wai. „America new China policy : the hedgagement approach“. Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2009. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/1.

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In the past few decades, the rise of China has shifted the political landscape in the Asia Pacific region. China has succeeded in economic development since the reform in 1979. It is transforming its growing economic strength into military power by substantially increasing military expenditure. According to the estimation of Global Trends 2025, by 2025 China will be the second largest economic and military power if current trend persists. The emergence of China has inevitably altered its international role when it is becoming the great power. With increasing economic interdependence and the anti-terrorism, the Sino-U.S. relations have become more complicated than ever before. On one hand, China has been an economic cooperator of the United States. The United States is calling for further economic cooperation between them, especially after the outbreak of Financial Tsunami. On the other hand, China is simultaneously the potential competitor. The United States is misgiving about overtaking from China in the 21st century. It worries the rise of China will constitute the same type of security threat to it that Germany did to Britain in the two World Wars. To respond the rise of China, Joseph Nye remarked that the development of Indo-U.S. strategic ties would be able to dissuade the future ambition of China and thus encourage China to be a “responsible stakeholder” in the international system. The objectives of this research are to identify the nature of the current China policy towards the U.S. and the feasibility of this strategy. To understand the current China policy it is crucial that we understand how the United States has coped with the rise of China. In order to test the current nature of Chinese policy, it will be necessary to compare the engagement and containment policy. The United States is implementing a two-pronged policy towards China that combines “engagement” and “hedging”. The term “engagement” means integrating China into the existing international system through economic cooperation and institutionalization. The term “hedging” means preserving enough dissuasive power to prevent the emergence of aggressive China in future. The strategic goal of this policy is to engage China while dissuading it from challenging the United States militarily in future. However, until now, there is still a question over how does the United States cope with the rise of China as the essence of U.S. two-pronged policy is still uncertainty. The controversy is whether the branch of hedging equals to the containment or not. To analyze the essence of U.S. hedging policy, this policy will be compared with U.S. containment policy towards the Soviet Union during the Cold War era as well as U.S. foreign policy towards other rising powers, such as India and Brazil. Then, India will be used as a case study in order to test the feasibility of U.S. two-pronged foreign policy toward China.

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Al-Rodhan, Khalid. „China's strategic posture in the Gulf, 1980-2010“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252264.

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De, Matteis Pietro. „Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Tibet (China) Foreign relations“

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