Thematische Bibliographien / Tibet (China) Foreign relations

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Tibet (China) Foreign relations“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 30. Januar 2023

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Tibet (China) Foreign relations"

Verisova, Anna D. „The Tibet Issue in China–United States Relations, 2009−2012“. Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences 22, Nr. 5 (15.12.2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v221.

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The paper analyses the Sino-American contacts of 2009–2012 on the Tibet issue, which had occupied an important place in China–US relations since the 1980s. With Barack Obama moving into the White House, the US adopted a softer policy aimed at strengthening the relations with China. However, the Tibet issue remained a source of conflict and disagreement between Beijing and Washington. US leaders believed that China was pursuing a tough policy towards the peoples of Tibet and suggested some ways to settle the issue. Beijing, in its turn, saw this as an interference in China’s internal affairs. Having examined the works of Russian and foreign researchers, the author comes to the conclusion that for the United States the issue of human rights in Tibet was not of strategic importance, but, primarily, an opportunity to discredit China on the international arena, as any decision taken by the country would be deemed insufficient. Understanding this, Beijing reacted quite sharply to Washington’s comments, closing the door to further discussion. The paper’s chronological framework spans from the beginning of Barack Obama’s (2009) to the end of Hu Jintao’s (2012) term in office. The author turns to various sources in English and Chinese, which gives the article a significant element of novelty.

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Thejalhoukho. „The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904“. China Report 57, Nr. 4 (14.10.2021): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211047078.

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The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to highlight the complicated nature of political authority in Tibet through a study of British policy in Tibet towards the end of 19th and early 20th centuries. The signing of the 1890 Convention with China and the 1904 Convention with Tibet represents two extremes in British foreign policy which attest to the confounding situation presented before the British and the diverging opinions within the British official circles. The period between these two conventions provides a glimpse of the historical background in which the relations between British India, China and Tibet developed subsequently.

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Mahmudur, Mahmudur. „India-Bhutan Relations: A Small State’s Quest for Freedom“. Research in Economics and Management 7, Nr. 2 (18.06.2022): p29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v7n2p29.

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Bhutan is located on the eastern ridges of the Himalayas between the Assam-Bengal Plain of India to the south and the Plateau of Tibet of southwestern China to the north. In British India the colonial administration established a classical hegemonic relationship with the remote kingdom. In the Treaty of Punakha (1910) the sovereignty of the Bhutanese Royal government was recognized in exchange for submitting control of foreign relations to the British. In independent India, the Himalayan Kingdoms were sandwiched between India and China, facing an uncertain future about their political sovereignty. India concluded a new Treaty with Bhutan (the India-Bhutan Treaty of Peace and Friendship) in 1949, which was designed to remain in force “in perpetuity,” consolidating the essence of the British hegemonic policy of controlling smaller neighbors, with India being the new imperial power. Bhutan became a member state of the UN in 1971 after India finally agreed to sponsor its application, but the small state has limited authority to conduct foreign relations without prior consent from India, and it does not even enjoy formal diplomatic relationship with any of the five permanent members in the United Nations. Bhutan’s quest to wield control over its own affairs free of the influence of India remains unfulfilled.

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Kohli, Manorama. „Bhutan's Strategic Environment: Changing Perceptions“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, Nr. 2 (Januar 1986): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200203.

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For about a decade now one has been noticing some changes and shifts in the land-locked dragon kingdom of Bhutan's perceptions of its strategic neighbourhood—India and China. The two Asian giants situated in the south and north of Bhutan are so vital in geo-political terms that their attitudes towards this buffer state as also their relative capability distribution in the Himalayan region and in South Asia will always determine practically all foreign policy considerations of Bhutan. It need hardly be stressed that Bhutan is strategically important for both its big neighbours because of its location. This is the most compelling reason for both India and China to strive for special and friendly relationships with this Buddhist theocratic state. The tri-junction of the Chumbi Valley (Tibet), Sikkim (India) and Bhutan in the eastern Himalayas is of key importance for the security of the sprawling continental mass of India as well as that of China Being only about six miles from the Chumbi Valley, the passes in Bhutan. as also Nathu La are perceived by the Chinese as likely routes for invasion from the south. Evidently a very friendly, and if possible, a dependent Bhutan will give additional security to Tibet and hence to the Chinese mainland.1

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Drifte, Reinhard. „Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]“. China Quarterly 176 (Dezember 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.

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This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.

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Fravel, M. Taylor. „Regime Insecurity and International Cooperation: Explaining China's Compromises in Territorial Disputes“. International Security 30, Nr. 2 (Oktober 2005): 46–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124534.

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Since the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, scholars and policymakers have become increasingly concerned about China's territorial ambitions. Yet China has also used peaceful means to manage conficts, settling seventeen of its twenty-three territorial disputes, often with substantial compromises. This article develops a counterintuitive argument about the effects of domestic confict on foreign policy to explain China's behavior. Contrary to the diversionary war hypothesis, this argument posits that state leaders are more likely to compromise in territorial disputes when confronting internal threats to regime security, including rebellions and legitimacy crises. Regime insecurity best explains China's pattern of compromise and delay in its territorial disputes. China's leaders have compromised when faced with internal threats to regime security, including the revolt in Tibet, the instability following the Great Leap Forward, the legitimacy crisis after the Tiananmen upheaval, and separatist violence in Xinjiang.

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Kumar, Pranav. „Sino-Bhutanese Relations“. China Report 46, Nr. 3 (August 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600306.

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Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan as well. Bhutan, therefore, faces the dilemma of not hurting the interests and sentiments of its traditional friend India while at the same time needing to respond to Chinese overtures and to solve the border problem peacefully and urgently; in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship, the Indian element remains the most important variable. The dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship and Indian and Chinese strategic interests and activities in the Himalayas will be crucial in shaping Bhutan’s policies towards China.

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McGranahan, Carole, und Elliot Sperling. „Introduction: Tibet, India, and China“. India Review 7, Nr. 3 (29.08.2008): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480802261368.

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Zhai, Qiang. „Tibet and Chinese-British-American Relations in the Early 1950s“. Journal of Cold War Studies 8, Nr. 3 (Juli 2006): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.34.

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The leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) who seized power in Beijing in 1949 viewed Tibet as Chinese territory. In this respect, they were no different from previous rulers of China. The chairman of the CCP, Mao Zedong, carefully devised a plan to re-annex Tibet, which had been effectively independent of China since 1911. The CCP's recent victory in the Chinese civil war gave Mao high confidence that he could reclaim Tibet without provoking outside intervention. Such a move not only would bring international political benefits but would also carry a symbolic meaning at home and thereby legitimize the rule of the CCP. Although Mao sent troops to Tibet, he also planned to rely on negotiations and coercive diplomacy. This article highlights the complicated relationships that emerged on the international scene as a result of China's actions in the early 1950s.

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Yahuda, Michael. „The Foreign Relations of Greater China“. China Quarterly 136 (Dezember 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Tibet (China) Foreign relations"

Askew, Joseph Benjamin. „The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

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Askew, Joseph. „The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959“. Online version, 2002. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25604.

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Guo, Jing. „2008 Tibet riots through a western lens a frame analysis of news coverage of 2008 Tibet riots on BBC and CNN networks /“. Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1250138062.

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Whittington, Sherrill. „China's contemporary foreign relations and defence developments“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112027.

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After four decades of post-war revolutionary struggle, erratic swings of domestic policies and dramatic changes in leadership style, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is apparently set on a stable pragmatic path which is intended to take a technologically advanced nation into the twenty-first century. An international policy based on extensive economic relations with both Western and Eastern blocs, coupled with the promotion of global conciliation is the foreign policy formula which Beijing considers will best promote its domestic interests. Throughout the Maoist period which dominated almost thirty years of the Republic's existence, the global policy was one promoting a 'United Front' with fellow Third World nations based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, while simultaneously attempting to extricate the nation from the overriding influence of the Soviet Union. To avoid "leaning to one side", being overdependent on any one major power, thereby became the leitmotif of Beijing's foreign policy as Sino-Soviet discord was parallelled by open criticism of the imperialistic aggression of the capitalist superpower, the United States. However, shifts in the global balance by the early 1970s and Washington's desire to conciliate with the People's Republic led to a reappraisal of Beijing's international posture, with the U.S.A. coming to be regarded more benignly.

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Xia, Lan Yan. „The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.

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Albers, Martin. „The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Jin, Rong. „India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Que, Wen Jun. „String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.

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Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. „The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

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Fang, Xiaodong. „Anti-China rhetoric, presidential elections and U.S. foreign policy towards China“. Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10128065.

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Is anti-China rhetoric an effective strategy in U.S. presidential campaigns? If the answer is Yes, then to what extent does anti-China rhetoric affect them? If the answer is No, then why have so many presidential candidates used anti-China rhetoric in recent campaigns? Is anti-China rhetoric only election-driven? Is it also policy-driven? Do presidential candidates use anti-China rhetoric to seek voter support, as well as propose changes in U.S. foreign policy towards China?

Conventional wisdom and scholars like Robert Sutter suggest that foreign policy has little effect on American presidential elections and anti-foreign rhetoric by presidential candidates does not matter to American foreign policy and foreign relations. In this dissertation, however, I argue the opposite that anti-China rhetoric exercises significant influence on American presidential elections and foreign policy towards China. The dissertation addresses two fundamental questions: 1) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American presidential elections? And 2) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American foreign policy towards China, American public opinion towards China, and U.S.-China relationship? To answer the first question about elections, I focus on televised campaign commercials and statistically estimate the effect of anti-China rhetoric on seeking voter support in the presidential election. The data I examine come from the “Wisconsin Advertising Project” and various election polls in 2008. I answer the second question about foreign policy by exploring the contents of anti-China rhetoric in campaign activities including ads, candidates’ speeches and debates, and public statements about policy towards China and how that rhetoric affects subsequent American foreign policy towards China, as well as public opinion of China and U.S.-China relations. My statistical and qualitative analyses find that airing ads using anti-China rhetoric increases the presidential candidate’s voter support in target states; that the administration is more likely to make tough foreign policies towards China when there is more anti-China rhetoric by presidential candidates; and thirdly, that anti-China rhetoric during the election year negatively affects American opinions of China but produces a positive impact on U.S.-China relations.

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Bücher zum Thema "Tibet (China) Foreign relations"

Supremacy of China over Tibet. Delhi: Prashant Pub. House, 2013.

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Kamath, H. V. Communist China colonizes Tibet, invades India. New Delhi: Praja Socialist Party, 1989.

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India, Tibet, and China: The role Nehru played. Mumbai: N.A. Books International, 2003.

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Tibet, India, and China: Critical choices, uncertain future. New Delhi: Vision Books, 1999.

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The British Empire & Tibet 1900 - 1922. London: Routledge, 2004.

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The Tibet-China Conflict: History and Polemics. Washington, DC: East-West Center Washington, 2004.

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Ahmad, Zahiruddin. The historical status of China in Tibet. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 2012.

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Tibet: The great game and Tsarist Russia. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000.

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Smith, Warren W. China's Tibet?: Autonomy or assimilation. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield publishers, Inc., 2008.

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Soviet Russia and Tibet: The debacle of secret diplomacy, 1918-1930s. Leiden: Brill, 2002.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Tibet (China) Foreign relations"

Heikkila, Eric J. „Foreign Relations“. In China from a U.S. Policy Perspective, 173–95. New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003021209-13.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo und Andrew T. H. Tan. „China-Asia relations“. In China's Foreign Policy, 102–18. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-9.

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Loewe, Michael. „Relations with Foreign Peoples“. In Imperial China, 247–75. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003242710-9.

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Roy, Denny. „China and Global Politics“. In China’s Foreign Relations, 128–57. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26364-6_7.

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Rajagopalan, Rajeswari Pillai. „India–China relations“. In Chinese Foreign Policy Under Xi, 95–106. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Politics in Asia series: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628981-7.

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Roy, Denny. „China and the World Economy“. In China’s Foreign Relations, 77–104. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26364-6_5.

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Moens, Alexander. „Normalizing Relations with China“. In Foreign Policy Under Carter, 109–34. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429045592-6.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo und Andrew T. H. Tan. „China-Soviet Union/Russia relations“. In China's Foreign Policy, 69–83. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-7.

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Chawla, Shalini. „China–Pakistan Relations“. In Routledge Handbook on South Asian Foreign Policy, 298–312. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429054808-24.

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Murray, Donette, David Brown und Martin A. Smith. „US relations with China“. In George W. Bush's Foreign Policies, 65–88. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315778969-5.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Tibet (China) Foreign relations"

Chen, Jinling, und Zhongyi Bao. „History of Russia China Foreign Trade Relations“. In 2022 3rd International Conference on Language, Art and Cultural Exchange（ICLACE 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220706.015.

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Rahmadini, Anggia, und Citra Hennida. „National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy China Aggressive Stance in South China Sea under Xi Jinping“. In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278404340440.

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Selminskaya, O. N., und N. A. Babkina. „FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT“. In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.

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Sivtsova, Nadezhda, Yulia Boltenkova und Jin Changhao. „Foreign Economic Relations Between China and Countries of Central Asia: Trends and Development Prospects“. In 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.031.

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Rodionova, Olga Yu. „Technologization of Higher Education in Russia and China“. In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-157-165.

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Shishikin, Vitaliy G. „Royal Dutch Shell Activities in China in the 1940s — 1960s“. In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-46-51.

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Filippov, Sergey I. „Protests in the USSR and China in the Late 1980s — Early 1990s“. In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-52-54.

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Chunying, Zhou. „A Quantile Regression Analysis on the Relations between Foreign Direct Investment and Technological Innovation in China“. In 2011 International Conference on Information Technology, Computer Engineering and Management Sciences (ICM). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icm.2011.233.

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„Reconsideration on Foreign Trade Relations in Ancient China—Centered on the Silk Road and Tribute System“. In 2019 Asia-Pacific Forum on Economic and Social Development. The Academy of Engineering and Education (AEE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35532/jsss.v2.003.

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Družbacká, Barbora. „CHINA-EU FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND THEIR PERSPECTIVES ON THE BASIS OF THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE“. In 16th International Bata Conference for Ph.D. Students and Young Researchers. Tomas Bata University in Zlín, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7441/dokbat.2020.09.

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