Dissertationen: „The theory of the Public Sphere“

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Higgins, Darcy. „Marked Space: Public Art and the Public Sphere“. Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307382998.

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Mahoney, Brigid Ann. „Jürgen Habermas and the public sphere : critical engagements /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2162.pdf.

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3

Emerson, Blake Edward Broaddus. „Between Public Law and Public Sphere| Reconstructing the American Progressive Theory of the Administrative State“. Thesis, Yale University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10160851.

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This dissertation develops a normative theory of the American administrative state on the basis of Hegelian and American Progressive political thought. I reconstruct the substantive and procedural commitments of the American state from its intellectual history and institutional development. The basic principle I recover from this history is that the state must make the public sphere politically efficacious.

I begin by tracing German understandings of the state which heavily influenced certain American Progressives. G.W.F. Hegel, and the German public law scholars who followed in his footsteps, understood the modern state to have an emancipatory function. The public bureaucracy would institute the requirements of freedom through market regulation and social welfare provision. This German Hegelian theory of the state was not, however, democratic. Reflecting the failures of the Revolution of 1848 and the subsequent entrenchment of constitutional monarchy in the German states, Hegelian public law scholars sought only to free individuals from conditions of domination within civil society, not to enable the people as a whole to author the laws that bind them. This amalgam of liberal social aims and authoritarian state structure gave way to a crisis-prone, president-centered regime during the Weimar Republic.

American Progressives were deeply influenced by the Hegelian political thought, but they radically revised this German conception of statehood by democratizing it. W.E.B. Du Bois, Woodrow Wilson, John Dewey, Mary Parker Follett, and Frank Goodnow each engaged with German Hegelian thinkers in their efforts to imagine and legitimate bureaucratic institutions that would be appropriate for the American democratic context. Like Hegel, they defended administrative efforts to promote individual freedom. But they departed from the German tradition in emphasizing that administration must be rooted in popular sovereignty. The Hegelian Progressive theory that emerges from these writers has two normative requirements: The state must furnish the material and social requisites for individual and collective autonomy, and it must use participatory forms of administration to deliver these requisites.

This Progressive conception of democratic statehood provides a coherent perspective from which to assess and critique the legitimacy of our contemporary political order. The state's substantive aim should be to protect individual and collective autonomy against the unequal circulation of information and power in civil society. The state should carry out this aim procedurally through the "discursive separation of powers," which treats each branch of the federal government as an approximate institutionalization of the public. The political branches—the executive and the legislature—have only a qualified claim to represent the popular sovereign, because they lack complete information about the problems members of the public perceive. Their qualified authority must therefore be augmented through deliberative forms of administration, which bring the people back into the policy-making process when laws are implemented. The judicial branch must police this process to ensure that administrative agencies recognize the "public rights" which are established by statutory law and rooted in public discourse.

To demonstrate how this Progressive conception of the state functions in practice, I turn to the New Deal and the Civil Rights Revolution. New Deal agricultural agencies partially realized Progressive ideals through subsidies for marginal farmers and participatory forms of land-use planning. These reforms wrought social changes which contributed to the formation of the civil rights movement. I then show how administrative agencies in the War on Poverty furthered radical forms of participatory governance, while civil rights agencies operationalized the discursive separation of powers in combatting segregation.

Our contemporary state continues to follow this Progressive vision in many respects, but serious problems remain: affected parties do not participate equally in the administrative process; the president sometimes supplants broad public discourse with unilateral executive action; courts and agencies often deploy a technocratic mode of analysis that fails to foster ethical judgment by administrators and value-based argument with the affected public. Despite these institutional failures, the Progressive theory continues to provide a normatively attractive vision for administrative legitimacy. It avoids the narrow economistic reasoning of cost-benefits analysis and the unstable politics of plebiscitary democracy. This theory helps us to separate illegitimate from legitimate exercises of state power in the present, on topics ranging from climate change to immigration reform. By recovering the ethical content of the institutions that have evolved from Progressive political thought, we may better realize the democratic forms and functions of our state.

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Goode, Luke. „Politics and the public sphere : the social-political theory of Jurgen Habermas“. Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297734.

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5

Adcock, Charlotte. „Rethinking feminism, representation & contemporary journalism : the politician, the wife, the citizen & her newspaper“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270500.

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6

Jennings, Pamela Lynnette. „Interactive technologies for the public sphere : toward a theory of critical creative technology“. Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2619.

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Digital media cultural practices continue to address the social, cultural and aesthetic contexts of the global information economy, perhaps better called ecology, by inventing new methods and genres that encourage interactive engagement, collaboration, exploration and learning. The theoretical framework for creative critical technology evolved from the confluence of the arts, human computer interaction, and critical theories of technology. Molding this nascent theoretical framework from these seemingly disparate disciplines was a reflexive process where the influence of each component on each other spiraled into the theory and practice as illustrated through the Constructed Narratives project. Research that evolves from an arts perspective encourages experimental processes of making as a method for defining research principles. The traditional reductionist approach to research requires that all confounding variables are eliminated or silenced using methods of statistics. However, that noise in the data, those confounding variables provide the rich context, media, and processes by which creative practices thrive. As research in the arts gains recognition for its contributions of new knowledge, the traditional reductive practice in search of general principles will be respectfully joined by methodologies for defining living principles that celebrate and build from the confounding variables, the data noise. The movement to develop research methodologies from the noisy edges of human interaction have been explored in the research and practices of ludic design and ambiguity (Gaver, 2003); affective gap (Sengers et al., 2005b; 2006); embodied interaction (Dourish, 2001); the felt life (McCarthy & Wright, 2004); and reflective HCI (Dourish, et al., 2004). The theory of critical creative technology examines the relationships between critical theories of technology, society and aesthetics, information technologies and contemporary practices in interaction design and creative digital media. The theory of critical creative technology is aligned with theories and practices in social navigation (Dourish, 1999) and community-based interactive systems (Stathis, 1999) in the development of smart appliances and network systems that support people in engaging in social activities, promoting communication and enhancing the potential for learning in a community-based environment. The theory of critical creative technology amends these community-based and collaborative design theories by emphasizing methods to facilitate face-to-face dialogical interaction when the exchange of ideas, observations, dreams, concerns, and celebrations may be silenced by societal norms about how to engage others in public spaces. The Constructed Narratives project is an experiment in the design of a critical creative technology that emphasizes the collaborative construction of new knowledge about one's lived world through computer-supported collaborative play (CSCP). To construct is to creatively invent one's world by engaging in creative decision-making, problem solving and acts of negotiation. The metaphor of construction is used to demonstrate how a simple artefact - a building block - can provide an interactive platform to support discourse between collaborating participants. The technical goal for this project was the development of a software and hardware platform for the design of critical creative technology applications that can process a dynamic flow of logistical and profile data from multiple users to be used in applications that facilitate dialogue between people in a real-time playful interactive experience.

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Jordan, Mel. „Art, its function and its publics : public sphere theory in the work of the Free art collective 2004-2010“. Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/17466.

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This thesis and subsequent artworks present a critical examination into the degree to which public sphere theory can contribute to an expanded understanding of art and its publics. This research proposes that the notion of 'public' in the idiom 'public art' should be understood as a discursive construct as opposed to a physical, spatial understanding as in the term public realm. This revision considers the act of being public as a process, a series of inter-subjective temporal experiences, rather than a spatial condition. This helps expand art's role from an autonomous field of exhibition making into a position of publishing, thereby recognising art as a contributor to collective opinion formation. The thesis comes to a number of key conclusions. First, if we take into account that artworks are published as a consequence of being exhibited then we can understand art as part of the process of opinion (re)formation, thus contributing to a wider reflection upon art's social function. Second, by clarifying the distinctions between the terms public space, public good, and public sphere it is revealed that the use of the term 'public' in public art is heavily reliant upon the inherent physical, spatial differences between a primary and secondary audience. Third, by examining the traditionally accepted polarity between the street (public realm, open access) and the gallery (private, exclusive) it is determined that these spatial conditions are obsolete when establishing whether an artwork is considered public or not, as in the term public art. Finally, public sphere theory enables us to reconsider what constitute publics; members of the public are hereby declared as agents of opinion formation. In drawing these conclusions, this thesis (including artworks) argues for the validity and usefulness of Habermas' theory of the public sphere (and subsequent extensions of public sphere theory) both in an analysis of the function of art and its publics and in the production of artworks. I conclude that what public sphere theory ultimately provides us with is an alternative version of art and politics. As part of this analysis, the thesis develops a theoretical approach based on the work of Jurgen Habermas in order to contribute to and move beyond the existing understanding of the relation ship between art and its publics. The artworks function to demonstrate the distinctions between a physical, spatial use of the term public and a discursive use of the term public. The concepts and approaches embraced in the production of the artworks echo key ideas adopted from public sphere theory and operate as instances of publishing in themselves.

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Ben-Dor, Oren Isaac Moshe. „Constitutional limits and the public sphere : a critical study of Bentham's legal and constitutional theory“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266077.

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9

Labiste, Ma Diosa. „Spectres of new media technologies : the hope for democracy in the postcolonial public sphere“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3800/.

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This study is an intervention in postcolonial theorising through a critique of technologies of representation. It examines the effects of technologically-mediated representation in a postcolonial condition that the Philippines has exemplified. New media technologies are mechanisms of representations that embody the logic of spectrality presented in Jacques Derrida’s later work. Spectrality, which brings doubts, ephemerality, and instability to dominant discourses and modes of representation, provides a chance for change.Spectres are effects of technologically-mediated representation that articulate the infinite demand for justice under conditions of enduring inequality. As quasi-transcendental elements of deconstruction, spectres are not reducible to either human or technical intervention; they express the relation of humans to technologies, in which representation is central to the mediation of political authority. This technological representation is the condition of what Derrida calls “iteration,” or the transformation of hegemonic authority through the very repetition of its fundamental terms of identification. The examination of emancipatory new media technologies in a postcolonial condition is inspired by the work of Jacques Derrida, in his deconstructive reading of Marx’s spectres. However, the writings of Habermas and Adorno have offered an implicit appraisal of the ontology of spectres. Habermas’s theory of the public sphere and Adorno’s negative dialectics are discourses that unwittingly solicit spectres. The account of the postcolonial condition in the Philippines works through the questions of universality, subalternity, and the right to theory that are raised by the project of Western critical theory.

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Garahan, Katie Lynn. „Deliberation, Dissent, and Advocacy: A Rhetorical Study of Teachers' Lived Experiences with Education Reform“. Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/100588.

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Contemporary K-12 education reform policies have focused heavily on the teaching profession through increased accountability measures and decreased job security. In the rhetoric of contemporary reform, teachers are often praised as heroes capable of overcoming any obstacles and at the same time blamed for the perceived failures of public schools. This dissertation examines the impact of such policies and corresponding representations on the lived experiences of K-12 teachers in North Carolina, specifically highlighting the strategies through which teachers gain rhetorical agency within the discursive space of reform. To do so, I apply an analytical frame of public sphere theory and employ a mixed-methods approach that combines archival methods and fieldwork (e.g. participant observation and interviews). This dissertation argues that teachers' discourses provide alternative narratives to the dominant view that modifying the teaching profession is a cure-all for educational problems. I first develop a history of contemporary education reform in North Carolina and argue that within these discourses, teachers are represented as heroes able to do more work with less pay under increased scrutiny. Then, analyzing images of protest signs collected at the May 16 teacher rally in Raleigh, North Carolina, I argue that teachers rhetorically perform their professional identities as student advocates, champions of public educators, and political dissenters. As such, they dismantle dominant representations of their profession and advance a notion of public education that values collaboration, equitability, and the public good. Last, I examine how teachers negotiate the tension between their goals and the constraints of policy, arguing that contemporary reform undermines teachers' expertise. At the same time, teachers devise strategies to work toward their visions of public education. Such strategies include building relationships, being persistent, de-prioritizing policy, and cultivating community.
Doctor of Philosophy

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Ramnarayan, Akhila. „Kalki’s Avatars: writing nation, history, region, and culture in the Tamil Public Sphere“. The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1150484295.

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12

Winet, Ryan, und Ryan Winet. „Vulgar Grandeur: Literature and the American Monument during the Long Nineteenth Century“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626162.

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My dissertation focuses on nineteenth-century American literature texts that engage with ruins and monuments. Traditionally, this interaction has been treated as a formal curiosity for literary critics, but this project argues interarts literature carries important implications for public sphere theory, especially in cases when an author writes about nationalist architecture and iconography.

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Otto, Hannelie. „The creation of an internet public sphere by the Independent Electoral Commission / H. Otto“. Thesis, North-West University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/487.

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A prerequisite for a healthy, sustainable democracy is an informed citizenry that partakes in the democratic process. This line of thought can be drawn back to the work of Habermas (Habermas, 1989:49). Accordingly, such active engagement necessitates communication to transpire between a citizenry and its chosen representatives as to sustain the democratic process. This also suggests that citizens should be able to participate in the communication process. Consequently, in recent years much discourse on the media and democracy correlation has focused on the potential role that the internet could play in the furtherance of democratic values. Optimistically, a virtual political public forum in which matters of general political concern are discussed could enhance political participation and the consolidation of political rights. The Habermasian public-sphere model incorporates three key elements, which could be applied in this context persons should have universal access to the sphere, the freedom to express diverse opinions, the freedom to receive diverse opinions and information, in addition to the freedom of participating in the public sphere without interference from state or mercantile imperatives (cf.Habermas, 1989). A qualitative content analysis of the web site of Elections Canada showed that the supposedly non-operational public-sphere model could be recovered within a new media context such as the internet despite the fact that the inherent interactive nature of the internet was not fully exploited by Elections Canada. Against this background, the assumption was made that the public-sphere's concepts could also be applied in the context of a developing democracy and accordingly that the sustainability of the democratic system could be further consolidated. The Electoral Commission (IEC) was chosen as a case study, since it is constitutionally mandated to establish a democratic South African society. The creation of an internet public sphere could therefore be one of the ways in which the IEC could contribute to this consolidation process. Through extensive content analysis, it was established that the organisational web site of the IEC was mainly expended as an information dissemination and organisational image-profiling tool. As a result the web site was did not focus on participatory communication. Universal access to the web site was also rather restricted, resulting in limited web site participation to voters from specific socio-economic, cultural, and language backgrounds. It was discovered, nevertheless, that some of the contents available on the web site could at least facilitate 'offline" participatory democracy and public opinion formation. Therefore, although the web site did not implement all of the normative prescriptions of the public-sphere ideal, voters were able to retrieve valuable electoral information that would assist them in capably participating in electoral democracy.
Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

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Jologua, George. „Media literacy as an instrument for promoting the public sphere. A case study in Georgia (2018-2019)“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669457.

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Las influencias de los medios de comunicación en las sociedades han sido objeto de investigación para muchas generaciones de investigadores. Uno de los autores que sugirió una teoría original de la interrelación de los medios y el público fue el sociólogo y filósofo alemán Jurgen Habermas, quien ofreció un concepto de la esfera pública y analizó los efectos del desarrollo de los medios y las tecnologías de la comunicación en la vida pública a lo largo de la historia. Las teorías de Habermas han sido objeto de debates y discusiones diversificados en diversas disciplinas desde la publicación de su monumental obra” Las transformaciones estructurales de la esfera pública burguesa” en 1962 (traducida al inglés en 1989). Como las influencias de los medios de comunicación juegan el papel clave en el análisis de Habermas sobre el auge y la caída de la esfera pública, la siguiente tesis busca comprender si la educación en alfabetización mediática podría considerarse como un instrumento potencial para la promoción de la esfera pública, como sugiere Habermas. El estudio se basa en un modelo puramente cualitativo y se realiza en forma de estudio de caso en el país de origen de los autores, Georgia. Las entrevistas semiestructuradas con un grupo de estudiantes de escuelas georgianas, así como con un grupo de profesores de escuelas georgianas, se han implementado como la principal herramienta metodológica para la recolección y análisis de datos. Los profesores participantes habían sido seleccionados a base de su experiencia en la integración de la competencia de alfabetización mediática en el currículo de la asignatura. Como no se pudo encontrar ningún grupo de estudiantes escolares con experiencia en el aprendizaje de la alfabetización mediática en un entorno formal en Georgia, el autor realizó una intervención de alfabetización mediática en una escuela privada georgiana que implementó la herramienta metodológica de observación participante para obtener acceso al entorno de la vida real de los estudiantes participantes, así como para recopilar notas personales como datos complementarios para las discusiones y análisis. El objetivo principal de las entrevistas fue indagar las opiniones de los estudiantes participantes y de los profesores participantes sobre los cambios en las percepciones de los alumnos sobre el papel y los efectos de los medios de comunicación después de las intervenciones de alfabetización mediática. Los datos se han analizado en relación con las teorías de Habermas sobre la esfera pública y la acción comunicativa para tratar de comprender el potencial de las intervenciones de alfabetización mediática para promover la esfera pública. Con base en el análisis de resultados, el estudio concluye que la educación en alfabetización mediática puede ser discutida como un potencial promotor de la esfera pública si se implementa de una manera efectiva. El estudio sugiere además recomendaciones para futuras investigaciones en una escala más amplia de participantes, ya que el alcance de la tesis se limita a un solo grupo de estudiantes de la escuela y un grupo de profesores de la misma nacionalidad.
Influences of mass media on societies have been a subject of inquiry for many generations of researchers. One of the authors suggesting an original theory of the interrelation of the media and public was German sociologist and philosopher Jurgen Habermas, who offered a concept of the public sphere and analyzed the effects of the developments in media and communication technologies on public life throughout history. Habermas’s theories have been a subject for diversified discussions and debates in various disciplines since the publication of his monumental work The Structural Transformations of the Bourgeois Public Sphere in 1962 (translated into English in 1989). As the influences of mass media play the key role in Habermas’s analysis over the rise and fall of the public sphere, the following thesis seeks to understand if media literacy education could be considered as a potential instrument for the promotion of the public sphere, as suggested by Habermas. The study is based on a purely qualitative model and is conducted in a form of a case study in the authors home country Georgia. Semi-structured interviews with a group of Georgian school students as well as a group of Georgian school teachers have been implemented as the major methodological tool for data collection and analysis. The participant teachers had been selected on the basis of their experience in integrating media literacy competence across subject curriculum. As no group of school students with an experience on learning about media literacy in a formal setting could be found in Georgia, the author himself conducted a media literacy intervention at a Georgian private school implementing the participant observation methodological tool in order to gain access to the real life environment of the participant students as well as for collecting personal notes as a complementary data for the discussions and analysis. The major goal of the interviews was to inquire the views of the participant students as well as of the participant teachers concerning the changes in learners’ perceptions over the role and effects of mass media after media literacy interventions. The data have been further analyzed in relation to Habermas’s theories of the public sphere and communicative action in order to seek to understand the potential of media literacy interventions on promoting the public sphere. Based on the results analysis, the study concludes that media literacy education may be discussed as a potential promoter of the public sphere if implemented effectively. The study further suggests recommendations for further investigations on a wider scale of participants as the scope of the thesis is limited to only one group of school students and one group of school teachers of the same nationality.

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Hannam, Patricia M. „What should religious education aim to achieve? : an investigation into the purpose of religious education in the public sphere“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/24013.

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This thesis is concerned with the question of what religious education should aim to achieve in the public sphere, and from that comes an interest in what is it that the teacher of religious education should aim to do. My enquiry is located, theoretically as well as conceptually, in the sphere of education. It is an educational study into religious education and situated in what can be termed a ‘Continental construction’ of educational research. I identify that since the inception of religious education in public schools in England, persistent assumptions have been made about both religion and education. I show how this has led, in my view, to conceptualisations of religious education which have been, and continue to be, incomplete. The central chapters of my thesis consider first religion and then education. This allows me to introduce my theoretical base, which is especially but not exclusively drawn from the work of Simone Weil and Hannah Arendt. I develop an argument suggesting that by also understanding religion existentially as faith, rather than as only belief or practice, will open new ways of considering the role of religious education in the public sphere. This is alongside an argument I develop with Arendt for education being conceptualised as bringing the child to action rather than to reason. This thesis argues for a broader understanding of religion, and therefore what it means to live a religious life, in religious education than has previously been considered. I bring this broader way of understanding what it means to live a religious life together with my argument for conceptualising education as bringing the child to action. This enables me to make a new proposal for what religious education should aim to achieve in the public sphere.

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Mellin, Hanna, und Skoogh Jenny Tiuraniemi. „"Hej! Det är patriarkatet. Vi äger dig. Hejdå" : En kvalitativ studie av Instagramkontot Kvinnohats gestaltning av mediekritik“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35793.

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A qualitative study of the Swedish Instagram account Kvinnohat´s framing of media criticism. The Instagram account Kvinnohat is an example when citizens with a feminist agenda participate in a public debate. With a critical point of view Kvinnohat approach society; which media is a part of. Social network with photo-sharing implement such as Instagram is a quite new type of social media. Instagram has quickly become a part of many peoples everyday life, especially among adolescents. Kvinnohat allows guest admins to do personal photo-sharing from the account Kvinnohat so that different feminist users have an opportunity to express their opinions. We have analyzed how Kvinnohat use rhetorical strategies and frames to express their opinions about media. By analyzing the frames with help of Robert Entmans (2004) Cascading Activation Model the result of the study shows how Kvinnohat frame their content. The semiotic analysis reveals the visual rhetoric in the post and is a supplement for the rhetorical analysis in which the strategies appears. The result of the study showed that the attitude in Kvinnohat's media criticism is both negative and positive. Kvinnohat and like-minded followers are not only consuming media but also questioning the content and the media industry. The founders of Kvinnohat often recommend their followers a positive media content where the content shows a norm critical perspective. The negative critique practiced by Kvinnohat tend to inform and educate their audience of a problem. To strengthen a relationship between Kvinnohat and its followers, Kvinnohat tend to be personal in their posts by relating to their followers, and inspire them to interact.

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Ribeiro, Pedro Henrique Gonçalves de Oliveira. „Entre eclusas e espelhos: a esférica pública vista a partir de uma leitura crítica de Niklas Luhmann e de debates contemporâneos“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-25062013-091439/.

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O presente estudo trata do conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit) na sociedade moderna a partir da teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Não se trata, contudo, de mera exegese. É certo que a teoria luhmanniana é utilizada como guia do argumento e como referencial teórico básico, mas sua utilização é feita através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que visa a dialogar tanto com a macro teoria dominante acerca da esfera pública (de Jürgen Habermas) quanto com problemas teóricos levantados por teorias de médio alcance que, preocupadas com a pesquisa empírica, evidenciaram problemas e fenômenos contemporâneos que não parecem ser passíveis de enfrentamento pela teoria habermasiana. Por isso, os desenvolvimentos da teoria dos sistemas sobre o conceito de esfera pública enfrentarão dois momentos de tensão: no primeiro Parte I do trabalho um enfrentamento teórico conceitual em face da teoria de Jürgen Habermas sobre a esfera pública, e no segundo Parte II com alguns problemas contemporâneos levantados para literatura atual: sua relação com o Estado e o sistema político, com os Tribunais Constitucionais, com os meios de comunicação em massa, com movimentos de protesto e com as pretensões de inclusão na sociedade mundial (Weltgesellschaft).
This study concern the concept of the public sphere (Öffentlichkeit) of modern society in the social theory of Niklas Luhmann. It is not, however, an exegetic study. Niklas Luhmanns theory constitutes the main guide-line of this study and functions as its basal theoretical framework. Nevertheless, the arguments here presented are carried on by an interdisciplinary approach, in order to perform a dialog not only with the dominant theory of the modern public sphere (Jürgen Habermas), but also with theoretical problems raised by middle range theories which are concerned which empirical research; and with contemporary problems and phenomena that do not seem to be tacked properly by the habermasian theory. Therefore, the systems theory model of modern public sphere faces two moments of tension: In the first one Part I it faces Jürgen Habermas theory of the public sphere. In the second Part II contemporary problems and issues are addressed: the relation among the public sphere, the State and the political system; the mass communication system; protest movements and the inclusion claims carried on in the world society (Weltgesellschaft).

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Blankenship, Lisa. „Changing the Subject: A Theory of Rhetorical Empathy“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1374430177.

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Brock, Erin Lynn. „Please Type Here: Digital Petitions and the Intersections of the Web and Democracy“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1408023321.

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Svanström, Yvonne. „Policing Public Women : The Regulation of Prostitution in Stockholm 1812-1880“. Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-13358.

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This dissertation studies the development of a regulation of prostitution in Stockholm during the period 1812-1880. The development of the regulation system is seen in the light of an analytical framework, developed from Carole Pateman's ideas on the sexual contract, and a feministic critique and elaboration of Jürgen Habermas's ideas on the public sphere. The regulation of prostitution was a common characteristic for many metropolises in Europe during the nineteenth century, where supposedly loose and lecherous women were medically and spatially controlled to impede the spread of venereal diseases. Stockholm, and Sweden as a whole, went from a non-gendered to a gendered control of venereal disease, which eventually developed into a spatial control of public women. This study argues that the practices of a regulation system was at first part of an attempt to import what was seen as part of modernisation. Rather than to prohibit extra-marital sexual relations, these were to be controlled and supervised. Eventually the system was adapted to local circumstances in Stockholm, and a control of women's sexuality in public became part of a metropolitan modernity. In the process of the professionalisation of groups such as the police and the physicians, public women were over time perceived as a group of professional prostitutes. The possibility to live off prostitution as a transitory stage in women's lives disappeared, and prostitution became a medically and spatially controlled trade.

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Rudhe, Signe. „Ekokamrar i pandemin : En kvantitativ innehållsanalys om åsikterna i två ekokamrar rörande pandemihanteringen av covid-19 i Sverige“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447191.

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The purpose of this study is to examine users ́ opinions regarding the Swedish management of the covid-19 pandemic in two echo chambers, consisting of the comment fields in two ideologically different news pages on Facebook, Aftonbladet and Samtiden. Using a quantitative content analysis in different steps, the study will attempt to answer the following questions: - What opinions are expressed in two eco-chambers regarding the pandemic management in Sweden? -To what extent are these common or not between the echo chambers? The empirical material consists a total of 696 comments which will be analysed and compiled into a result. The result will then be set against two opposing theories, the theory of the Public Sphere and the theory of echo chambers, where these disagree upon whether the two different news pages lead to polarization. Depending on the outcome, the result can be said to be in agreement with one or both of the theories. The result of the study shows that the opinions of the users in the echo chambers are mainly the same which supports the theory of the Public Sphere and the idea of a need for a common consensus in order to maintain a functioning democracy. The opinions concern the subjects Sweden, the Swedish government, the Swedish state epidemiologist Anders Tegnell, the Restrictions and statistic rapports about the death toll in Sweden. The results provide information about the effects of echo chambers in an ongoing pandemic and the overall complexity around the definition of the term.

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Graham, Minenor-Matheson. „Think tanks and the construction of authority in the UK : Ideological representations of private sector knowledge producers in broadcast television news“. Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-183237.

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Private sector knowledge producers, more commonly known as think tanks or research institutes, are used as authoritative sources in Western media either as interview guests or their research quoted by journalists. Most studies have focused on their ability to influence government policy, but very little has focused on their role in the public sphere, particularly their visibility in media. This study will explore how often think representatives appear as authoritative sources or experts in broadcast media during the 2015, 2017 and 2019 UK General Elections. This will be done through a quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis investigating whether such representatives are accorded preferential access and ascribed primary authority to define narratives. Additionally, a theoretical model has been designed to detect whether a marketplace of ideas can be detected or whether television news is a site of Habermassian rational-critical public sphere. Inspired by the work of Anstead and Chadwick, and taking this vital work further, this study investigates whether authority signalling, and primary definition is still a relevant theory by analysing broadcast news coverage across three general elections.

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Pentarchou, Konstantina. „Web 2.0 tools integration in Online Public AccessCatalogue (OPAC) : users desires and motivation“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för informatik (IK), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-36326.

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This research aimed to investigate the desires of the users of the Greek public Library on Gender and Equality (LGE) about a future Online Public Access Catalogue (OPAC) containing Web2.0 functionalities. The concepts of participation, information pluralism and community building in relation with Web 2.0 tools in libraries’ catalogues were introduced under the theoretical approach provided by Social Critical Theory of Jürgen Habermas. Aqualitative research based on semi-structured interviews with users of the LGE wasconducted and the collected data that were analysed with the thematic analysis method,revealed positive users’ impressions regarding the introduction of Web 2.0 tools in theLGE’s OPAC. The research also disclosed users’ desires and suggestions regarding specific Web 2.0 features and their common motivation to participate and contribute to be the opportunity of communicating with like-minded people.

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Panton, James. „Politics, subjectivity and the public/private distinction : the problematisation of the public/private relationship in political thought after World War II“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cb636385-aa16-44d1-abf5-2e835e62665c.

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A critical investigation of the public/private distinction as it has been conceived in Anglo-American political thinking in the second half of the 20th century. A broadly held consensus has developed amongst many theorists that public/private does not refer to any single determinate distinction or relationship but rather to an often ambiguous range of related but analytically distinct conceptual oppositions. The argument of this thesis is that if we approach public/private in the search for analytic or conceptual clarity then this consensus is correct. Against this I propose that a number of the most dominant invocations of the distinction can be understood to express public/private as an irreducibly political dialectic that mediates the relationship between the subjective and objective side of social and political life. By locating these conceptually diverse invocations within a broader and more determinate framework of the historical development and contestation of the boundaries which establish the conditions for subjectivity, as the assertion of political agency, on the one hand, and which demarcate, police and defend these particular boundaries, as part of the objectively given character of social life and institutional organisation, on the other hand, then a more determinate character to public/private can be recognized. I then seek to explore the capacity of this model to capture and explain the peculiar post-war problematisation of public/private amongst a number of new left thinkers in Britain and America.

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Edström, Henrik. „Om vi vill. Tilldelning av ansvar i svensk klimatlitteratur“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23684.

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I spåren av de senaste årens debatt om antropogen klimatpåverkan har en ny litterär genre vuxit fram: ”klimatböcker”. Dessa böcker fyller den viktiga funktionen att kommunicera problemet till allmänheten. I denna uppsats undersöker jag tre svenskspråkiga klimatböcker och analyserar hur författarna, med olika utgångspunkt, tilldelar ansvaret att minska koldioxidutsläppen. Gemensamt för böckerna är synen på klimatfrågan som ett politiskt problem som kräver politiska lösningar. Författarna placerar både det individuella och det kollektiva ansvaret inom den demokratiska ordningen. Jag problematiserar detta genom att relatera till teorier om den offentliga debattens brister.
Following the last few years of public debate on anthropogenic climate change, a new literary genre has emerged: ”climate books”. These books have the important role of communicating the problem to the general public. In this paper I analyze three Swedish climate books with regards to how they assign responsibility for mitigating climate change. The books regard the climate issue as a political problem requiring political solutions. The authors place the individual and collective responsibility within the democratic order. I problematize this by relating to limitations in public sphere theory.

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Litsangou, Patrick. „La blogosphère politique américaine : démocratisation de l'Information, pouvoir de mise en agenda et de mobilisation“. Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100197/document.

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La thèse du présent travail est que certains blogs politiques américains sont non seulement une forme de journalisme citoyen mais aussi des atouts lors d'élections. Au vu de ce qui précède nous poursuivons un triple objectif : démontrer non seulement le pouvoir de mise en agenda de la blogosphère politico-journalistique aux États-Unis mais aussi la légitimité de celle-ci comme forme de journalisme postmoderne à la lumière du travail qu'elle effectue et de ses valeurs. Il vise en outre à prouver la capacité de mobilisation de la blogosphère politique américaine en périodes électorales notamment à travers une étude du blog de campagne de Howard Dean, candidat malheureux à l'investiture démocrate pour l'élection présidentielle de 2004. Pour mener notre recherche nous avons eu recourt à trois théories : La théorie des utilisations et satisfactions qui cherche à expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles les individus consomment un média particulier et les satisfactions qu'ils en tirent. La théorie du réseau nous a permis de saisir l'organisation et le fonctionnement de la blogosphère politico-journalistique mais aussi son pouvoir de mise en agenda. La dernière théorie qui nous a aidé dans notre travail est justement la théorie de la mise en agenda. Celle-ci a montré des similarités entre les médias sociaux comme les blogs politico-journalistiques et les médias traditionnels en terme d'influence sur respectivement la couverture médiatique et les conversations interpersonnelles
The thesis of this work is that some American political blogs are not only aform of citizen journalism but also assets during elections. We have three objectives in the present work : demonstrating not only the agenda setting power of political and current event blogs but also its legitimacy as aform ofpost modernjournalism in light of what itproduces (news staries, reports...) and its values. This thesis also aims to show the mobilizing capabilities of political blogs via an analysis of Howard Dean's cyber campaign during the 2003 democratic primaries in anticipation of the 2004 presidential campaign. To undertake this work we will resort to three theories: the uses and gratifications theory that describes the reasons whypeople are attracted to aparticular media and the satisfaction they derive from it. Network theory that explains the formation and the functioning of networks. ltproved helpful to grasp the structure of political blogs and the way they manage to sway . the work of mainstream media. Eventually Agenda setting theory made easier the analysis of mainstream media's influence on interpersonal conversations and the transposition of this mode! on the fashion with which current events and political blogs influence mainstream media's coverage

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Du, Plessis Alida Anél. „Fulfilment of South Africa's constitutional environmental right in the local government sphere / by Anél du Plessis“. Thesis, North-West University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/2882.

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Claims related to the environment increasingly permeate the domain of human and fundamental rights. It is widely accepted that a direct functional relationship exists between the pursuit of environmental aims generally, and the protection of environmental rights. By and large, this relation compelled 'the environment' to have become a prominent contemporary focus point in legal thought, discourse and adjudication. Since local government operates closer to citizens than any other level of government, it is obvious that it may be expected of it to also play an important role in the management and regulation of matters that affect the environment. In the main, this study questions the extent to which the South African legal framework facilitates local government progress in the decentralised fulfilment of the section 24 environmental right in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Firstly, this thesis provides a theoretical literature review of a number of approaches to, categories of and different perspectives on environmental rights in general. As part of this review a number of generic elements is identified for the fulfilment of constitutional environmental provisions, generally. The literature review attends also to the notions of local environmental governance and 'local politics of pollution', amongst other concepts related to local government. Secondly, this thesis (by employing the comparative research method and by using the generic elements for fulfilment of constitutional environmental provisions as benchmarks) critically considers the Constitution or Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949 (Grundgesety and relevant developments in Germany with reference to the European context and a local government case study on the municipality of Heidelberg. It considers also the Constitution of Namibia of 1990 and relevant developments in Namibia with reference to the African and Southern African contexts and a case study on the Walvis Bay municipality. The South African position is subsequently analysed, first with a focus on section 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, environmental law and related developments, then shifting the focus to the constitutional provisions on local government, local government law, related developments and the case of the Drakenstein Local Municipality. Thirdly, based on the lessons learned from and lacunae identified in all three of the countries considered, this study concludes with a set of recommendations for the South African context.
Thesis (LL.D.) -- North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009.

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Campato, Roger Fernandes. „A Gênese teórica da concepção habermasiana de esfera pública“. Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2002. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/4891.

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Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
This dissertation aims to discuss the theoretical sources taken by Jürgen Habermas to legitimate his concept of public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The study also presents alternative interpretive perspectives to the one assumed by Habermas in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit).
Esta dissertação objetiva discutir as fontes teóricas tomadas por Jürgen Habermas para legitimar seu conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit). O estudo também apresenta perspectivas interpretativas alternativas àquela assumida por Habermas em Mudança Estrutural da Esfera Pública (Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit).

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Vandason, Dominique Disco. „Communication - The Key To Democracy“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23878.

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This study aims to provide a deeper insight on how the communication is used in capacity building and how it affects the socially constructed power structures using theories of Critical Discourse Analysis and the Public Sphere Theory. Through qualitative research methods, the data collected will position the analyzed material in the theoretical framework mentioned before. The study is conducted in co-operation with the Swedish civil society organization Olof Palme International Center, together with the Kosovar non-governmental organization Syri I Vizionit. It includes observation and analysis of the Active Citizenship project. The project relates to the CDA, as it involves the context of social and communicative structures based on the effects of capacity building on micro level.This work includes a Written Essay, based on scientific research and theories, and a Visual Representation in from of a documentary based on the topic of this essay i.e. communicative processes impact on capacity building (e.g. see appendix 7).

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Bolsover, Gillian. „Technology and political speech : commercialisation, authoritarianism and the supposed death of the Internet's democratic potential“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f63cffba-a186-4a6c-af9c-dbc9ac6d35fb.

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The Internet was initially seen as a metaphor for democracy itself. However, commercialisation, incorporation into existing hierarchies and patterns of daily life and state control and surveillance appear to have undermined these utopian dreams. The vast majority of online activity now takes place in a handful of commercially owned spaces, whose business model rests on the collection and monetisation of user data. However, the upsurge of political action in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011, which many argued was facilitated by social media, raised the question of whether these commercial platforms that characterise the contemporary Internet might provide better venues for political speech than previous types of online spaces, particularly in authoritarian states. This thesis addresses the question of how the commercialisation of online spaces affects their ability to provide a venue for political speech in different political systems through a mixed-methods comparison of the U.S. and China. The findings of this thesis support the hypotheses drawn from existing literature: commercialisation is negative for political speech but it is less negative, even potentially positive, in authoritarian systems. However, this research uncovers a surprising explanation for this finding. The greater positivity of commercialisation for political speech in authoritarian systems seems to occur not despite the government but because of it. The Chinese state's active stance in monitoring, encouraging and crafting ideas about political speech has resisted its negative repositioning as a commercial product. In contrast, in the U.S., online political speech has been left to the market that sells back the dream of an online public sphere to users as part of its commercial model. There is still hope that the Internet can provide a venue for political speech but power, particularly over the construction of what it means to be a political speaker in modern society, needs to be taken back from the market.

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Xavier, Vinicius dos Santos. „Trabalho e interação: o problema da emancipação no jovem Habermas“. Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2014. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/4886.

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Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos
The goal of this dissertation is to discuss the two main theoretical sources that Jürgen Habermas uses in his essay "Work and Interaction": the Hegel s philosophy of Spirit of Jena period (1804-1806) and the Marx s theory, especially the labor category. In this sense, beyond criticism resumption of primary sources, the study also presents alternative perspectives to those assumed by Habermas in his youth period, mainly in the 1960s. Therefore, a critique of young Habermas' theory becomes possible, from the central concept of the public sphere to the reasoning of cultural formation in the private sphere, this being the focal point of the essay in question.
O objetivo da presente dissertação é discutir as duas principais fontes teóricas que Jürgen Habermas utiliza em seu ensaio Trabalho e Interação : a filosofia do Espírito hegeliana do período de Iena (1804-1806) e a teoria marxiana, especialmente a categoria trabalho. Nesse sentido, além da retomada crítica das fontes primárias, o estudo também apresenta perspectivas alternativas em relação àquelas assumidas por Habermas em seu período de juventude, principalmente na década de 1960. Assim, viabiliza-se uma crítica à teoria habermasiana de juventude, desde o conceito central de esfera pública à fundamentação da formação cultural na esfera privada, esta sendo fundamentada no ensaio em questão.

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Blotta, Vítor Souza Lima. „O direito da comunicação: reconstrução dos princípios normativos da esfera pública política a partir do pensamento de Jürgen Habermas“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-29102012-144812/.

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O presente estudo procura estabelecer, a partir de uma reavaliação e atualização dos estudos de Jürgen Habermas sobre esfera pública e direito, os fundamentos teóricos e práticos do Direito da Comunicação, uma teoria crítica do direito que restabelece o vínculo interno entre direito e esfera pública política, e com isso fornece um modelo complementar a teoria procedimental de Habermas, fortalecendo as condições para a produção de uma legitimidade democrática do poder em sociedades pluralistas.
The present work aims at establishing, through a reevaluation and actualization of Jürgen Habermas studies on public sphere and law, the theoretical and practical grounds of Communication Law, a critical theory of law that recovers the internal relation between law and the political public sphere, and in doing so, provides a complementary model to Habermas procedural theory, enhancing the conditions for the production of a democratic legitimacy of power in pluralist societies.

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Sharif, Maryam. „Constance de Salm (1767-1845) : une modernité contradictoire“. Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20004.

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Cette thèse s’inscrit dans un mouvement de redécouverte et d’inscription dans l’histoire littéraire des femmes auteurs longtemps considérées comme mineures. Son objectif est d’étudier le statut d’une écrivaine au tournant du XVIIIe et du premier XIXe siècle français à travers la carrière littéraire de Constance de Salm (1767-1845) et l’analyse de celles de ses œuvres qui traitent directement de la condition de la femme écrivain. Nous avons étudié la position de l’écrivaine sur le statut de la femme auteur à travers son traitement d’un sujet antique (Sapho, 1794), sa prise de position face à un débat d’actualité (l’Épître aux femmes, 1797) et finalement à travers le regard qu’elle porte sur sa propre carrière littéraire dans son autoportrait en vers (Mes soixante ans, 1833). Notre but est de montrer les raisons de l’oubli puis de la redécouverte d’une écrivaine chez qui un féminisme précurseur contraste avec des pratiques littéraires qui sont en apparence désuètes, même de son temps. Cette étude nous a révélé l’originalité d’une femme auteur qui voyait et revendiquait les implications politiques de ses idées et de l’acte d’écrire. Par ailleurs, pour éclairer la place qu’occupaient la réflexion et les pratiques de Constance de Salm dans les milieux intellectuels nous avons tenue compte des différents états des textes et de leurs variantes ainsi que des articles et des comptes-rendus que lui a consacrés la presse contemporaine. L’ensemble de ces documents constitue les annexes réunis dans le deuxième volume de notre travail
This dissertation is part of the rediscovery movement of women writers within literary history, who were long considered insignificant. Its aim is to study the status of a writer in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in France through the discovery and analysis of the life and career of Constance de Salm (1767-1845) whose works deal directly with the condition of the woman writers. The writer’s position is studied in relations to the status of the woman writers through her analysis of a subject from antiquity: Sappho (1797), the stance she took on a contemporary debate in the Epistle to the Women (1797), and finally the way in which she regards her own literary career in her autobiography in verse, My Sixty Years (1833). The goal is to show the reasons for which this writer was forgotten and then rediscovered, a writer whose avant-garde feminism contrasted with her literary practices that were considered antiquated even at the time. This study has revealed the originality of a woman writer who recognized and accepted the political implications embodied in her ideas and the act of writing. Furthermore, in order to clarify the position that Constance de Salm’s thoughts and actions occupied within intellectual circles of the day, we have reviewed texts in various states and their variants as well as articles and reports that the contemporary press dedicated to her. All these documents are attached as appendices in the second volume of this work

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Walsh, Clare. „Gender, discourse and the public sphere“. Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2000. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/3155/.

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This thesis aims to develop an analytical framework that will combine the insights of critical discourse analysis and a range of feminist perspectives on discourse as social practice. This framework is then employed in an investigation of women's participation in a number of 'communities of practice('Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992) previously monopolised by men. Comparisons are also made with women's involvement in organisations where they are in a majority and where a feminist ethos prevails. I argue that women often find themselves at odds with the masculinist discursive norms that masquerade as gender-neutral professional norms. This, in turn, has implications for the way in which women are perceived and judged by others, as well as for the roles they are assigned within the public sphere. With reference to selective transcripts of in-depth structured interviews with women in each of the domains under investigation, I suggest that the complex negotiations in which they engage in order to manage contradictory expectations about how they should speak and behave cannot easily be accommodated within a dichotomous model of gendered linguistic styles. Nonetheless, this is precisely how their linguistic behaviour is often 'fixed' and evaluated by others, especially by the mass media. I make reference to a wide range of texts from a variety of media in order to illustrate the role the media, in particular, play in mediating the perception of women's involvement in the public sphere and in (re)producing normative gender ideologies. The first case study focuses on women Labour MPs in the House of Commons. It includes a detailed analysis of the media coverage of Margaret Beckett's bid for the Labour leadership in 1994. It also considers whether the record increase in the number of women MPs in the wake of the 1997 general election has helped to make the Government's policy priorities more woman-friendly and/or has changed the culture of the House. The second case study on women's involvement in devolved politics briefly considers their contribution to the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly, before focusing in detail on the contribution made by the Northern Irish Women's Coalition to framing the Good Friday Agreement and to the structures of the new Northern Irish Assembly. The third case study compares the structure and rhetoric of the London-based Women's Environmental Network and those of male dominated environmental groups, including Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace and the relative media coverage these groups receive. The final case study compares women's involvement in the Church of England as outsiders, campaigning for women to be admitted to priesthood, and as recently ordained insiders, whose subordination within Church structures is sanctioned by canon law. A central thesis of this study is that both the institutional constraints with which women have to negotiate and the stereotypical evaluations of their performance of public sphere roles have contributed to a process of discursive restructuring, whereby the gendered nature of the public/private dichotomy has been reproduced within the public sphere. However, women are not passively positioned in relation to the institutional and other discursive constraints that operate on them. I suggest that, they, in their turn, have helped to promote a counter tendency whereby the discursive boundaries between the traditional public and private spheres are becoming increasingly weakened and permeable. The study concludes by arguing for a more socially situated theory of language and gender to account for the constant tension that exists between the freedom of individuals to make choices within discourse and the normative practices that function to limit these choices.

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Orsini, Francesca. „The Hindi public sphere, 1920-1940“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29537/.

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The 1920s and 1930s were decades of momentous changes and expansion in the Hindi literary sphere In this period Hindi became an established public language in print, education and politics and struggled successfully to become the future national language of India. A market for Hindi literature was first created, journals provided venues for debate and literary expression as well as professional employment, genres and styles were explored in many new directions, and new voices emerged, importantly those of women writers. The nationalist movement, too, entered a new phase which emphasized popular publics and vernacular institutions. Through the concept of 'public sphere' as expounded by Jurgen Habermas and other political scientists, this thesis analyzes those changes at the levels of institutions, actors, discourses and, to a limited extent, of audiences in their proper context and in relation to each other. Chapter 2 explores changes in the literary sphere, both its expansion chiefly through the medium of journals, and its institutionalization through a linguistic and literary agenda in the education system. Chapter 3 analyzes historical debates and narratives in order to trace the consolidation and diffusion of a nationalist historical consciousness. Chapter 4 examines the development of women's journals and the space they provided for a critique of discrimination against women and their public access, and for the exploration of women's roles and emotionality. Chapter 5 focuses on the making of Hindi's claim to be the 'national language', the strategies employed and the exclusions operated in the process of its political affirmation. Chapter 6 explores the relationship between the literary and the political spheres focusing on the role of Hindi intellectuals and political leaders. The institutional authority gained in one sphere underwrote that gained in the other, it shall be argued, and gave credence to an official nationalism that does not reflect the complexity and variety of cultural imagination and literary practices in that period.

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Ramachandran, Karthik. „The evolution of media industries and the public sphere does the blogosphere serve as a public sphere? /“. CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2007. http://dspace.wrlc.org/handle/1961/3961.

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Pahmp, Oliver. „N-sphere Clustering“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statistik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-172387.

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This thesis introduces n-sphere clustering, a new method of cluster analysis, akin to agglomerative hierarchical clustering. It relies on expanding n-spheres around each observation until they intersect. It then clusters observations based on these intersects, the distance between the spheres, and density of observations. Currently, many commonly used clustering methods struggle when clusters have more complex shapes. The aim of n-sphere clustering is to have a method which functions reasonably well, regardless of the shape of the clusters. Accuracy is shown to be low, particularly when clusters overlap, and extremely sensitive to noise. The time complexity of the algorithm is prohibitively large for large datasets, further limiting its potential use.

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Curci-Wallis, Annabell. „How Facebook Comments Reflect Certain Characteristics Of Islamophobia: A Critical Discourse Analysis“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384591.

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This study is a contribution to the limited knowledge of how different types of media content (about Muslims and extremism) posted and shared on Facebook might influence corresponding user comments. Through analyzing the discourse of user comments this study aims to identify how comments might reflect certain characteristics of Islamophobia, and to which themes in Facebook posts commentators relate to the most. The linguistic analysis is guided by the use of critical discourse analysis. For the purpose of this study, three different types of articles/video and the corresponding comments are analyzed. Two of the articles/video that I will analyze are from unreliable media sources, and one of the articles is from a credible media source. The linguistic analysis showed that the majority of commentators expressed that they believe the claims made in the articles/video about Muslims and extremism are true. The discourse analysis further showed, the majority of articles/video and the majority of the analyzed corresponding comments reflected the [in the study] defined characteristics of Islamophobia. My findings confirmed similar studies done in the past.

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Moraes, Rubens Lima. „Ação coletiva e inovação social na esfera pública : análise da experiência do movimento de combate à corrupção eleitoral (MCCE) no Brasil“. Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, 2014. http://tede.udesc.br/handle/handle/56.

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The Brazilian Movement Against Electoral Corruption (MCCE) has been promoting social innovations in the Brazilian public sphere, since its formalization, in 2002, leading mobilization towards the creation of the only two popular initiative laws in Brazil, Law Against Vote Buying (Law n. 9840/1999) and Clean Slate Law (Complementary Law 135/2010). The main objective of this dissertation is to comprehend how MCCE has been promoting social innovation, on the attempt of responding the public problem of electoral corruption in Brazil. To accomplish this objective, this dissertation is structured in seven chapters, including the introduction, which we present the research problem and its frame. In chapter two, we constructed a theoretical and analytical frame to better comprehend the collective action of civil society actors. To do so, we started with the social innovation debate and its perspectives. The chosen perspective for this dissertation was based on an understanding of social innovation analyzed as a process. Specifically, this perspective is understood as an expression of the collectives actors in self-reflexing, self organizing and self-reforming (CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012). In this sense, having the pragmatic sociology as a theoretical reference (BARTHE et al, 2013), we promote a debate between the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) (CALLON; LATOUR, 1981; LAW, 1999; LATOUR, 2001 and 2012) and the studies about the experience of the public problems (CEFAÏ, 2002, 2009 and 2012; CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012) to build our own an analytical and methodological frame. This frame, which moments will be detailed in Chapter 3, had an ethnographic posture that led the research field, since August 2013 until October 2014. It was made different research strategies that resulted in a data triangulation, involving direct observation on different scenes of MCCE and also through the internet. The research field also had six interviews, with founders, directors, technicians and other members of the movement. A documental analysis was based on following the news about the movement, other dissertations and official documents. The results are presented in Chapters 4 to 6, which respond to the specific objectives of the research. First we mapped the public arena of electoral corruption in Brazil, based on cartography of controversies (VENTURINI, 2010). We aimed to map this public arena in three fields: political (mapping the news), scientific (analyzing the peer-reviewed scientific papers) and technical-legal (with the analysis of the most important laws regarding the issue). The time span of this mapping was between the years of 1988, took as a reference to us, which represented a year of democratic opening in Brazil, and 2014. The mapping made us identify the main actors-network of the public problem of electoral corruption in Brazil, their main statements, the controversies that appear and the world visions that are built during the time around this public problem. The analysis of this chapter resulted in a visualization of configuration process (CEFAÏ, 1996) or translation process (LATOUR, 2012), which problem public faces and that is influenced in your definition and its forms of interpretation. We provide evidences, which actors-networks linked with MCCE were leaders in this process and a question is raised, on how the movement promotes this incidence, focusing the analysis of the movement s experience. This is made in Chapters 5 and 6, which focus on the MCCE s experience, making a diachronic analysis (focusing on its trajectory) and synchronic (exploring its most recent experiences). The analysis of the trajectory showed us that the main mobilizations promoted by movement in the macro public arena and its developments. We could observe that, during the time, the movement constituted a network of different collectives, which they contributed for creating a transversal intelligence and a collective learning on coping with concrete problematic situations. The social innovations that appear on this process configure not only as final results , but as processes, which multiple collectives contribute and that involves a great dose of uncertainties (LATOUR, 2012). In Chapter 6, this network is then followed closely, aiming to identify how the movement is organized, its particularities and the main controversies endured nowadays. This chapter focuses on following the collective action on its course, making it possible to comprehend what characterizes the movement. In Chapter 7, the final considerations of this dissertation are presented, linking the previous analysis, focusing the interfaces between the MCCE network and the greater public arena of electoral corruption. The chapter finalizes with some questions about the study and the future perspectives of new research about the subject.
O Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral (MCCE) vem provocando inovações sociais na esfera pública brasileira, desde antes da sua formalização, em 2002, tendo sido protagonista na mobilização para elaboração e aprovação das duas únicas leis de iniciativa popular no país ¿A Lei da Compra de Votos¿ (Lei 9.840/1999) e a ¿Lei da Ficha Limpa¿ (Lei Complementar 135/2010). Essa dissertação tem como objetivo geral buscar compreender como o MCCE vem promovendo inovações sociais ao responder ao problema público da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil. Para cumprir este objetivo, esta dissertação estrutura-se em sete capítulos, incluindo a introdução, na qual apresentamos a problematização e o quadro geral da pesquisa. No capítulo dois, construímos um enfoque teórico-metodológico próprio para compreender melhor a ação coletiva dos atores da sociedade civil na esfera pública e o seu papel na promoção da inovação social. Para tanto, partimos do debate sobre inovação social e suas correntes. Adotamos uma perspectiva de análise da inovação social como processo, ou seja, como expressão da capacidade dos próprios coletivos de se autorefletir, auto-organizar e auto-reformar (CEFAI; TERZI, 2012). Desse modo, tendo por fundamento a sociologia pragmática (BARTHE et al), promovemos um debate entre a Teoria do Ator-Rede (TAR) (CALLON; LATOUR, 1981; LAW, 1999; LATOUR, 2001 e 2012) e os estudos sobre as experiências dos problemas públicos (CEFAI, 2002, 2009 e 2012; CEFAÏ; TERZI, 2012) para construir um caminho analítico-metodológico próprio. Tal caminho, cujos momentos são detalhadamente apresentados, no capítulo três, teve por base uma postura etnográfica que norteou o trabalho de campo realizado de agosto de 2013 a outubro de 2014, no qual foi feita uma triangulação de diferentes estratégias de pesquisa, envolvendo a observação direta de cenas e eventos do MCCE e de sua atuação, in loco e também por meio da internet, seis entrevistas com fundadores, diretores, técnicos e outros membros do movimento, além de ampla análise documental, de notícias sobre o movimento, dissertações, além de documentos oficiais. Os resultados são então apresentados nos capítulos quatro a seis, que respondem aos objetivos específicos da dissertação. Primeiramente, realizamos um mapeamento da arena pública da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil, por meio da ¿cartografia de controvérsias¿ (VENTURINI, 2010). Buscamos mapear a arena pública em três campos: político (por meio do mapeamento das mídias), científico (por meio da análise dos artigos científicos publicados) e técnico-legal (com a análise das leis mais importantes referentes a matéria). O mapeamento teve como ponto de partida ano 1988, marco que representou a abertura democrática no Brasil e foi feito até o ano de 2014. Tal mapeamento permitiu identificar os principais ¿atores-rede¿ porta-vozes do problema público da corrupção eleitoral no Brasil, suas declarações principais, as controvérsias que emergem e as visões de mundo que são construídas ao longo do tempo em torno do problema público. Tal análise, resultou numa visualização do processo de ¿configuração¿ (CEFAÏ, 1996) ou ainda de ¿translação¿ (LATOUR, 2012) que vive o problema público e que influencia na sua definição, nas formas de interpretá-lo e também de fazer face a ele. Evidenciase aqui que os atores-rede ligados ao MCCE foram protagonistas nesse processo e levanta-se a questão de como o movimento promove essa incidência, voltando-se para análise de sua experiência. Isso é feito nos capítulos cinco e seis, nos quais aborda-se a experiência do MCCE, por meio de uma leitura diacrônica (focalizando a sua trajetória) e sincrônica (explorando a sua experiência atual). A análise da trajetória permitiu evidenciar as principais ações de mobilização do movimento na arena pública mais ampla e seus desdobramentos. Pôde-se constatar como, ao longo do tempo, o movimento se constitui numa ¿rede¿ de coletivos que contribuem para criar uma ¿inteligência transversal¿ e um aprendizado coletivo no enfrentamento de situações problemáticas concretas. As inovações sociais que emergem nesse percurso configuram-se não apenas como ¿resultados finais¿, mas como processos, nos quais múltiplos coletivos parecem contribuir e que envolve uma grande dose de incerteza (LATOUR, 2012). No capítulo seis essa rede é então acompanhada mais de perto, buscando-se identificar como se organiza, as suas particularidades e as principais controvérsias enfrentadas atualmente. Esse capítulo busca acompanhar mais de perto a ação coletiva do MCCE, possibilitando compreender o que caracteriza o movimento. No capítulo sete as considerações finais são apresentadas, buscando religar as análises apresentadas, focalizando as interfaces entre a rede do MCCE e a arena pública mais ampla da corrupção eleitoral. O capítulo se encerra com o levantamento de algumas questões que este estudo suscita para novas pesquisas.

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Wu, Jingsi. „Entertainment and the public sphere: The convergence of popular culture and politics in China's public sphere and cyberspace“. STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK AT ALBANY, 2012. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3490822.

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Trainor, Nicholas Paul. „The religious person & the public sphere“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390405.

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Kim, Sae-Eun. „Communication, culture and the Korean public sphere“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324185.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the public communication activities of Korean people from the Chason dynasty to the present day using the conceptual category of the public sphere theorised by Jurgen Habermas. It is mainly concerned with two fundamental issues: the issue of 'communication and democracy,' and that of 'communication and culture.' Emphasising tradition and culture as among the most significant elements in the consideration of communicative action and the public sphere in the Korean context, the thesis takes issue with the claims to universality in Habermas's theory. My argument is that Habermas's theory cannot easily be applied to non-Western societies unless there is sufficient consideration of their idiosyncratic traditions and cultures. To develop this argument, the thesis addresses the impact of Confucianism on speech acts in Korea and the extent of their difference from those in a Western context. In identifying 'silence' as a key term, the situation of women in Korean cultures is particularly pertinent. The second consideration is the question of political authoritarianism which is responsible for the repression of free expression of opinion in collusion with Confucianism. I have discovered that several kinds of public domains of communication have developed through Korean history, despite those two repressing mechanisms, Confucianism and political authoritarianism, public domains which I suggest are more appropriately called 'the public sphere' according to Habermas's terminology. It is meaningful to filter and interpret various communication activities across historical periods from within the analytic framework of the public sphere. In relation to modem Korea, the thesis focuses on the media-saturated public sphere and the current civil movements to demonstrate the dynamics between power and money and their impact on the democratisation process

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Aherne, Mary. „The creative writer in the public sphere“. Thesis, University of Hull, 2013. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:10104.

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This thesis provides an analysis of the creative writer in contemporary Britain, using both literary and cultural theory to define and understand the roles available to the writer. It explores how these roles are interpreted by writers. The thesis offers new research and insights into the scope of current patronage practices, examines how the writer engages with these new roles, and assesses the potential impact on the writer, the reader and literature. Based on research conducted in the UK, this thesis focuses on four major contexts: the writer in residence, the prize culture, the literary festival, and the writer in the blogosphere. It considers how the writer’s role has been reconstructed in different social and cultural contexts. In addition, this study highlights writers’ perception of their public role and their position in society; the multiple and complex power relations inherent in these roles; the increasingly public presence of the writer; the reader-writer relationship, and the impact on the literature produced. Reflecting my own literary interests and practices, it focuses on the work and experiences of poets and novelists, rather than on those of dramatists and non-fiction writers. This study contributes to the as yet limited body of research into contemporary patronage practices. Furthermore, the thesis contributes to the historicising and theorisation of the creative writer which links the individual experience of writers with social and cultural structures and processes, making reference to the theories of Theodor Adorno, Roland Barthes, Pierre Bourdieu, Terry Eagleton and Jürgen Habermas. The research sheds light on the writer’s struggle to maintain a balance between gainful employment and creativity while negotiating the complex power relations that affect their literary output and their socio-cultural relations with patron and public.

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Monea, Alexander Paul. „Dissemination Rhizome: How to Do (Political) Things With Affect“. Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1354329062.

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Krishnan, Praveen G. „Fast sphere decoder for MIMO systems“. Diss., Rolla, Mo. : University of Missouri-Rolla, 2007. http://scholarsmine.umr.edu/thesis/pdf/umrthes_09007dcc80318823.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Missouri--Rolla, 2007.
Vita. The entire thesis text is included in file. Title from title screen of thesis/dissertation PDF file (viewed April 16, 2007) Includes bibliographical references (p. 38).

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Novy, Leonard. „National identity, mass media and the public sphere“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612177.

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Nettuno, Daniel. „The Threat to Democracy in Brazil's Public Sphere“. Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3263.

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This thesis looks at the nature of violence with its endemic, and increasingly epidemic, presence in Brazil. I analyze the structure of the justice system, police force, and the many governmental security programs in order to better explain why Brazil is so violent and its government has been unable to control this violence. Living under violent conditions, Brazil has become a society where the efficient functioning of the public sphere has been undermined. This public space, shared by citizens, is what many academics believe to be a critical component of a robust and functioning democracy. In Brazil, it is shown, this space is often absent as people are scared away by the violence. Furthermore, the question of whether or not violence is a threat to Brazil's democratic system is addressed. This thesis then analyzes Brazil's historical legacy, which is largely built upon a patrimonial society that lends continuity to the historic inequalities of Brazilian society. These inequalities are inherent in the many examples of racism that are seen in modern Brazil, from both the public and private spheres. The middle and upper classes are often supportive of controlling the poor by legally questionable and often violent methods. The studies I use in this thesis show that elites are more likely to consistently and openly support police brutality. This violence is practiced with impunity at the expense of equally applied justice for all citizens. As such, the middle and upper classes turn the other way when the police raid the favelas. They show this same behavior when an alarmingly high percentage of people are killed while in police detention for only minor crimes. Only through real structural changes can Brazil have both a vibrant democracy a security regime that is effective both publically and privately. Brazil needs to reform its court systems, policing strategy, and judicial system in order to ensure a more equitable society. Brazil should strive to construct a democracy where the public-sphere functions robustly. This study looks at different branches of the Brazilian government and has revealed abuses and bias that has had the effect of undermining public trust in these same institutions. This has had the effect of undermining the public trust to the point that elite Brazilians feel that the state is their private domain. Concomitantly, the poor and marginalized perceive the state as instrumental to their exploitation.

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O'Hara, Charles. „Speed and becoming in the urban public sphere“. Thesis, Durham University, 2004. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3100/.

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Concerns about speed and politics focus on the loss of the self-present political subject, whose critical will can direct and legitimate political discourse. The hope of sustaining such a subject is understood to be threatened by the erosion of the ideal-normative grounds that are said to support critical subjectivity (e.g. the city, the community, public space). While the concerns about the character and control of public space are certainly to be taken seriously, it is not clear why we should attach these concerns to a loss of a critical political subjectivity and an erosion of public debate. The argument here begins by acknowledging that speed is an ambivalent quality in politics, both creating a potential to open debate to new identities, and posing the risk that oppositional politics will stall in hard oppositions, or in a failure to recognize that which is truly novel in an event. Both of these risks require that recognized identities begin to 'leak', and become open to a world whose potential exceeds the recognized permutations of the possible. This thesis explores how a public, and its implied subjectivities, are maintained 'at speed', within the multiple timespaces of the contemporary city. Instead of an objective speed that comes from without, and overwhelms the subject, time is conceptualized as duration; an immanent view of time in which speed is characterized as repeated disruptions. A public can form around these repeated disruptions. The public is understood to be an assemblage, in Deleuze and Guattari's use of the term, which is sustained by the circulation of texts. A public actualizes wherever, and whenever, there is a successful conjunction of text and context. These conjunctions are not determined, but are only determinable in the event of their actualization. However, it is possible to create a diagram of the assemblage which highlights the potential that exists for the formation of a public, as well as the potential to go beyond recognized subjectivities and open the assemblage to a process of becoming. This thesis creates such a diagram for the smog-event in Toronto, Canada, and engages in an 'experimental critique'. An experimental critique seeks to explore how the event has been placed into circulation in the public sphere, and to encourage experimentation with the limits of recognised identities and possibilities that are sustained in the public assemblage.

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Grover, Mary Margaret. „Fleshing out the Victorian public sphere of letters /“. Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Faltesek, Daniel Conover. „The structural transformation of the televisual public sphere“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2697.

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This dissertation poses that the digital transition is best understood as simultaneously a technological and cultural phenomena. As a physical change in the means of distribution, transmission, and reception of media content, the digital transition is an important factor in changing technological, aesthetic, and legal norms. As a cultural form, the digital is positioned as a moderator between continuity and discontinuity. Through a reading strategy inspired by Walter Benjamin this dissertation reads the physical and cultural implications of the digital transition in television in the United States through political categories. The chapters are case studies in the adoption of digital televisions for home use, digital television production technologies, digital transmission technologies, and digital distribution systems. Each case study examines the tenuous production of publics in the context of the dialectical pressures of the digital. By taking this approach I intend to contribute to the rhetorical dimension of television studies, the digital turn in rhetorical and public sphere studies, and the legal and aesthetic dimensions of production studies. The dialectical approach to the digital allows the study of television to theorize the trajectory of emerging media and the political implications of that movement.

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