Dissertationen: „The right to liberty“

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Money-Kyrle, Rebecca H. „Pre-charge detention of terrorist suspects and the right to liberty and security“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5be1f686-3721-4706-9bf7-fd4dc85e245e.

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This thesis assesses the UK Terrorism Act 2000’s stop and search and pre-charge detention powers against liberty and security rights. It proposes that criminalizing ‘terrorism’, and legitimacy of counter-terrorism laws, depends on moral and legal norms defining legitimate sovereign power. External norms of territorial sovereignty and non-intervention define and legitimize external defensive actions by the state to protect nation state security. Individual liberty and security rights, specifically pursuant to article 9, ICCPR and article 5 ECHR, have a special moral and legal status externally, but are not universally determinative of sovereign legitimacy. The thesis argues that these external norms accommodate contrasting paradigms of internal legitimacy, the ‘security state’ and the ‘liberal state’. Conceptually, sovereign legitimacy in the former is grounded on heteronymous collective or ideological values, grounding fundamental obligations legitimizing ‘balancing’ of individual liberty and security against security of those ultimate norms. The ‘balancing metaphor’ and exceptionalist theories are conceptually located within the security state paradigm. Conversely, political and individual autonomy (liberty and security of the person) circumscribe legitimacy of liberal state action, grounding fundamental obligations to prevent and punish harms, and to refrain from violating individual autonomy unless justified by those obligations. Liberal rule of law standards, including due process rights, are legitimized by the instrumental role of law as the primary source of justification in the liberal state. Evaluating the policy justifications, enactment, and scope of the TA provisions against those norms, the thesis concludes they contradict liberal norms, violate international norms and individual legal rights to liberty and security, and undermine the rule of law and due process rights. The pre-emptive counter-terrorism policy, balancing national security against individual liberty, and degradation of due process rights, belies a security state approach.

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Fathima, Askiya Seyadu Ahmadu. „UNACCOMPANIED CHILDREN IN THE EU : An Analysis of the Right to Liberty in Detention“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184527.

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3

Dlamini, Dumsani. „The right to freedom of association in Swaziland : a critique“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8007.

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This study argues that the right to form political parties remains elusive in Swaziland in spite of the country’s claim that it is democratic. Discusses the following issues: (1) Whether political pluralism is the only means of actualising the right to freedom of association, and (2) whether the limitation imposed on the right to freedom of association by section 79 of the Constitution of Swaziland is justifiable
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Henry Ojambo, Faculty of Law, Makarere University, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Robinson, Sarah R. „Is There a Right to Healthcare? An Analysis from the Perspective of Liberty and Libertarianism“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/493.

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Despite already having the most expensive healthcare system in the world, the U.S. is facing rapidly rising costs, a growing population not covered by health insurance, and outcomes that are no better, and frequently worse, than those seen in the majority of developed nations with universal healthcare. Popular justifications of keeping the state out of healthcare appeal to protecting individual liberty; those who assert that there is a universal right to healthcare usually fail to address this claim. This paper describes the kinds of obligations in healthcare that are consistent with, if not demanded by, theories of justice that emphasize liberty. I give three different perspectives on liberty, and compare their relationship with healthcare obligations. First, I examine a plausible account of liberty, based on the condition of equal freedom, given by Immanuel Kant and Arthur Ripstein, and show how this account necessitates a system of universal public healthcare. Second, I grant the specifically libertarian approach to liberty through inviolable self-ownership, which seeks to limit the abilities of the state – using a reasonable interpretation of the Lockean proviso, as given by left-libertarians such as Peter Vallentyne, Hillel Steiner, and Michael Otsuka, this approach undoubtedly brings about increased equality in a society, which would have positive implications for healthcare access. Third, I grant furthermore the right-libertarian limited reading of the proviso, and demonstrate that even with Robert Nozick’s unhindered rules for property ownership, right-libertarianism properly understood obligates the state to act in many important aspects of healthcare.

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Ingraham, Kevin R. „"True Principles of Liberty and Natural Right"| The Vermont State Constitution and the American Revolution“. Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10752319.

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The Vermont state constitution was the most revolutionary and democratic plan of government established in America during the late eighteenth century. It abolished adult slavery, eliminated property qualifications for holding office, and established universal male suffrage. It invested broad power in a unicameral legislature, through which citizens might directly express their will through their elected representatives. It created a weak executive with limited power to veto legislation. It mandated annual elections for all state offices, by which the people might frequently accept, or reject, their leaders. It thus established a participatory democracy in which ordinary citizens enjoyed broad access to power. It was, in the words of Ethan Allen, government based on “true principles of liberty and natural right.”

Over the course of the revolutionary period, furthermore, the people of Vermont defended their democratic system against repeated attempts to weaken it. The constitution included a mechanism by which, every seven years, a Council of Censors would be elected which had the power to propose revisions to the plan of government. Constitutional conventions met in 1786 and 1793 to consider these recommendations, and though the delegates accepted a number of minor revisions, they rejected innovations that would have significantly altered the state’s system of participatory democracy. In this sense, the experience of Vermont during this period differed from that of other states, which had by the end of this period established systems that concentrated power in the hands of a limited number of citizens.

The people of Vermont established this form of government for a number of reasons. Perhaps the most important factor was that Vermont was a rural, agrarian and backcountry region, populated by small subsistence farmers with a common set of interests and grievances. Here, and elsewhere across America during this period, small farmers often clashed with political and economic elites over issues of taxation and the conditions of land ownership. When confronted with policies they perceived to be unjust, they often rose up to defend their interests. However, unlike other rebellions during this period, the New Hampshire Grants insurgency succeeded, and led to the establishment of an independent state. Moreover, the grievances that motivated these backcountry insurgents included political dimensions. Subsistence farmers demanded a greater voice in the governments that had promulgated policies they perceived to be unjust. Living under more democratic forms of government, they realized, would enable them to enact laws that promoted their interests.

This study informs our understanding of the American Revolution in a number of ways. For one, events in Vermont demonstrate the importance of internal divisions and conflict in the Revolution. Rural farmers challenged the land-owning and mercantile elite of New York, and won. In the process, they created the most revolutionary and democratic constitution in America. Vermont thus went further than any other state in fulfilling the promise of the Revolution. Ironically, however, this very achievement illustrates the limits of the Revolution. In other states, common people continued to face significant restrictions on their access to power. Universal suffrage for white males, for example, was not achieved until the mid-nineteenth century, and slavery was not abolished until 1865. Perhaps, then, the Revolution is best understood not as a watershed event that radically changed American society, but rather as one episode in a much longer continuum of change.

This study also seeks to change Vermont’s place in the historiography of the Revolution. As an independent republic, unrecognized by any outside power, historians often treat it as an anomaly. As a result, it is often neglected. Vermont, however, deserves to be taken seriously. Though it was not formally recognized by other states, its government exercised full authority and sovereignty within its borders. Its constitution, furthermore, embodied the purest expression of radical republican ideals in America at the time. It was a singular achievement of the American Revolution. Rather than be relegated to the shadows, therefore, Vermont deserves to be at the forefront of the discussion. By doing so we may more clearly understand the nature of the American Revolution itself, with all its achievements, limitations, and contradictions.

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Van, Regemorter Maïté. „Does the International Criminal Court have the capacity to act in conformity with the right to liberty?“ Thesis, University of Kent, 2016. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/59923/.

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In this thesis I endeavour to answer the research question whether the ICC has a legal obligation to respect the right to liberty and, if so, whether it has the capacity to do so. I also put forward a framework wherein this capacity is made compatible with the legal obligation to respect the right to liberty incumbent upon the ICC and its State Parties. For this purpose, the law that the ICC has to respect is analysed first. Secondly, the human rights regime regarding pre-conviction detention is defined and the respect thereof by the ICC is studied. Thirdly, following the presentation of the arguments related to the pertinence of an application of the right to liberty given the specific context in which the ICC appears to operate, this allegedly specific context is examined and compared with the context of other international tribunals. Finally, after outlining the specificities of the ICC context, several ways to legally eliminate these specificities are envisaged through an analysis of the ICC cooperation regime and the enforcement regime of international human rights instruments such as the InternationalCovenant on Civil and Political Rights or the European Convention on Human Rights.

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Muullaart, Ida. „Choosing the Right Embryo : and not accepting the principle of procreative beneficence“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-108060.

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Är det möjligt att välja rätt embryo vid In-vitro fertilisering (IVF)? I sådana fall, vad innebär det att något är det rätta embryot? I denna uppsats diskuteras IVF och de moraliska dilemman som kan uppstå vid val av embryo. Vid IVF är det möjligt att ställa en preimplantorisk genetisk diagnostik (PGD) vilken kan ge information om genetiska sjukdomar och andra anlag, såväl som kön och kromosomfel. Enligt Julian Savulescu, som förespråkar the Principle of Procreative Beneficence, är vi moraliskt skyldiga att välja ett friskt embryo, vilket också anses vara det rätta embryot. I kontrast till detta ställs Christine Overall som menar att Savulescus princip innebär problem för hur vi bör se på barnafödande. Jag diskuterar vidare hur vi utifrån ett socialt och ett samhällsperspektiv kan se det som moraliskt tveksamt att förbjuda att personer med vissa anlag föds, samt försöker visa på Savulescus ignorans för hur IVF fungerar och att detta bidrar till att hans argument fallerar.

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Dos, reis Vignon Edihno. „Les conflits d'intérêts en droit extrapatrimonial de la famille“. Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016GREAD006/document.

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En raison de la montée de l’individualisme, on constate que le droit de la famille se résume de plus en plus à une collection de prérogatives individuelles au détriment de l’idée d’un droit de groupe.Or, en fixant sur la tête de chaque membre de la famille des valeurs par le canal des droits subjectifs et des libertés civiles, le législateur semble oublier que les membres d’une même famille vivent aussi, les uns pour les autres, les uns avec les autres. Partant, lorsque dans le cadre familial les individus poursuivent des intérêts divergents, chacun invoque les prérogatives individuelles, que le droit met à sa disposition, pour obtenir gain de cause.Face à ces conflits d’intérêts en droit de la famille, notre droit contemporain s’épuise dans leur régulation et peine à proposer une vision d’ensemble surtout à une époque où la logique des droits fondamentaux tend de plus en plus à brouiller les arbitrages clairs arrêtés par le législateur.Partant de cette absence de vision globale dans le traitement des conflits d’intérêts en droit de la famille, il sera principalement question, dans le cadre de cette étude, de s’interroger sur la possibilité de restaurer une vision d’ensemble à une régulation de plus en plus empirique des conflits d’intérêts en droit de la famille ; en d’autres termes, il convient de se demander si au sein du désordre qui règne en la matière, il est possible d’apporter un peu de sécurité juridique à travers l’identification de critères d’arbitrage clairs et pertinents
Due to the rise of individualism, we observe that family law sums increasingly up to a collection of individual prerogatives to the detriment of a group right.However, by assigning some values to each member of the family through subjective rights and civil liberties, the legislator seems to forget that members of the same family also live for each other, with each other. Accordingly, when individuals of the same family pursue antagonist interests, each relies on individual prerogatives, which the law makes available, to win the case.Faced with these conflicts of interest in family law, our contemporary law runs out to regulate them and hardly offers an overview, especially at a time when the logic of human rights tends more and more to blur the clear arbitration agreed by the legislature.Based on this lack of overall vision for the regulation of conflicts of interest in family law, we will mainly consider the possibility of restoring an overview of an increasingly empirical regulation of conflicts of interest in family law; in other words, it is necessary to try and find some legal security, in this messy situation, by identifying clear and relevant arbitration

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Van, Winkle Kristina. „Education as a Human Right: Paulo Freire Case in the Point“. Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2594.

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The purpose of this paper is to understand why education is a human right. I will look at works by the late Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator. Paulo Freire worked for many years on developing a pedagogy to promote humanity. His goal was to demonstrate that a literate person will ultimately live a better life because she will be free from oppression and domination.

I chose to study Paulo Freire as a tool in proving why education is a human right because throughout his work he demonstrated the need for people to be literate in order for them to be considered “truly human”. I will address this term further in my argument.

This thesis is a work in progress. My goal is to include chapters illustrating Amartya Sen’s theory and ideology, and compare them to those of Freire’s. I would also like to include a chapter specifically dedicated to women and education, since it is common practice for women in many countries to sacrifice their right to education so the males in their families can attend school.

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Hickmann, Roseli Inês. „Dos direitos das crianças no currículo escolar : miradas sobre processos de subjetivação da infância“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/13273.

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Esta tese dedicou-se a perscrutar como crianças escolarizadas estão sendo subjetivadas como sujeitos de direitos, a partir dos discursos sobre os direitos da infância em circulação no currículo escolar, tendo como referência a prática pedagógica de uma professora que se dispôs a desenvolver a temática dos direitos das crianças em seu planejamento didático-pedagógico. Constituiu-se como foco da pesquisa e corpus de análise e problematização as produções escritas (poesias, narrativas de histórias, diálogos, crônicas, cartas, desenhos, painéis e diários) de alunos/as de 3a. e 4a. séries do Ensino Fundamental, de duas escolas públicas estaduais de Porto Alegre, ambas sob regência da mesma professora. Também foram contemplados no corpus deste estudo o diário de campo da pesquisadora, contendo o registro das aulas acompanhadas e das interações envolvendo as crianças e a professora; o planejamento didático-pedagógico e o diário de classe da professora; livros paradidáticos e didáticos, bem como documentos oficiais que abordam os direitos das crianças. Esta investigação delineou-se como um estudo de caso com matizes etnográficos. Contou com a inspiração teórica de pensadores como Michel Foucault, Alain Renaut e Hannah Arendt, buscando promover uma aproximação entre suas perspectivas analíticas a fim de fundamentar as problematizações do estudo. A partir dos vestígios do empírico, a investigação possibilitou perceber que os discursos sobre a infância de direitos, ao posicionarem as crianças como sujeitos de direitos, constituem-se como verdadeiros e necessários para o contexto social contemporâneo. As técnicas de si implicadas e imbricadas com as tecnologias de poder, em alguma medida estão mobilizando as crianças, a partir de experiências oportunizadas pelo currículo escolar, em direção a um aprendizado que as potencialize a cuidarem de si, a preservarem suas vidas, pois a vida presente tem urgência em ser vivida e é vulnerável. Outra mirada que a imersão no empírico possibilitou vislumbrar foi a emergência de uma proliferação discursiva sobre a infância de direitos que tem inscrito as crianças como sujeitos de direitos, por meio da imbricação dos direitos-proteção com os direitos-liberdade, no sentido de compreendê-las para além da proteção e do cuidado, mas pelo registro da participação, da autonomia, da possibilidade de terem opinião, de serem ouvidas e de terem voz.
This thesis aimed to scrutinize how schooling children have been made subjective as subjects of rights, from discourses on the childhood rights within the school curriculum, having as reference the pedagogical practice of a teacher who accepted to develop the children’s rights thematic in her didactic-pedagogical planning. The focus of the research and corpus of analysis and questioning, the written productions (poetry, chronicles, dialogues, short stories, letters, drawings, panels and diaries) of students in the 3rd and 4th degrees of Elementary Education of two Public State Schools in Porto Alegre, both being taught by the same teacher. It was contemplated in this study the researcher’s field diary, with the registration of the observed classes and the interactions involving the children and the teacher; the didactic-pedagogical planning and the teacher’s class register; para didactic and didactic books, as well as official documents that encompass the children’s rights. This investigation was outlined as a case study with ethnographic hues. It was considered the theoretical inspiration of thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Alain Renaut and Hannah Arendt, trying to promote an approach among their analytical perspectives in order to fundament the questioning of the study. From vestiges of the empiric, the investigation made it possible to notice that the discourses on the childhood rights, by placing the children as subjects of rights, constitute themselves as actual and necessary to the contemporary social context. The self techniques implicated and imbricated with the technologies of power, to a certain extent, are mobilizing the children, from experiences offered by the school curriculum towards a learning that allows them to take care of themselves, to preserve their lives, because the current life urges to be lived and is vulnerable. Another look that the immersion in the empiric made possible to discern was the emergency of a discursive proliferation on the childhood rights that have inscribed children as subjects of rights, through the imbrication of the protection-right with the liberty-right, in the sense of understanding them beyond protection and care, but by the register of participation, autonomy, the possibility of having opinion, being heard and having voice.

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Wright, Thomas. „Subjectivity and Fallibility in the Instrumental and Epistemic Defenses of a "Right to Do Wrong"“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/67.

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An instrumental defense of a right to do wrong is plausible because we cannot directly intervene in an individual's choices so as to effectively promote that individual's moral good, if her moral good is conceived as being some form of individual autonomy. An epistemic defense is also plausible if we reorient J.S. Mill's epistemological argument for his Harm Principle in "On Liberty" to center on the agent's knowledge, rather than on the interfering observer's knowledge. Restrictions on harmless acts that are imposed because the acts are wrong are only justifiable to that individual if she herself knows that her acts are wrong. Both approaches depend upon the limited subjectivity and fallibility of the agent or interfering observer. Moreover, both approaches make the justification for a right to knowingly do wrong problematic.

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Sousa, Tomás Bastian de. „A crítica da política em Marx: da Questão judaica à Crítica de Gotha“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-31072017-121336/.

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A crítica de Marx à política, embora esparsa em seus escritos, possui um caráter bem definido e coerente, que se mantém ao longo de toda a sua obra desde a Questão Judaica (1843) até a Crítica de Gotha (1875). Essa pesquisa tem como objetivo apresentar, em seu conjunto, os principais aspectos dessa crítica. Começamos com a análise de seu princípio fundamental, a identificação da sociedade civil como base real do Estado, e a determinação do vínculo orgânico existente entre o Estado e a propriedade privada. Em seguida, passamos à crítica do Estado moderno, a partir de suas duas formas extremas: a forma bonapartista, que explicita a natureza do Estado como máquina de escravização do trabalho pelo capital, e a forma democrática, denunciada em seus limites intrínsecos e identificada como grau máximo de liberdade sob a dominação do capital. Seguimos com a crítica do direito, que atinge tanto o seu conteúdo quanto a sua forma, incluindo os direitos humanos. Passamos então à crítica da superstição política, isto é, às ilusões políticas teóricas e práticas, que abarcam desde as robinsonadas contratualistas às ilusões dos estadistas e revolucionários, com destaque para a crítica do viés democrático. Por fim, após explicitar a incompatibilidade radical entre política e liberdade humana e diferenciar a revolução meramente política da revolução social radical, chegamos à afirmação de uma nova qualidade de liberdade, para além da política, isto é, à abolição positiva da política, entendida como reabsorção das forças sociais usurpadas pelo Estado.
Marxs critique of politics, though spread throughout his writings, has a well-defined and coherent character that remains constant in all his work, from On the Jewish Question (1843) to Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875). This research aims to present the leading aspects of that critique as a whole. We start from the analysis of its main principles, namely the identification of civil society as the real base of State, and the organic connection between State and private property. Then we focus on the critique of modern State in both its extreme forms: the Bonapartist form, that accounts for the nature of the State as a slavering machine of labour by capital; and the democratic form, unveiled in its inherent limits and identified as the highest level of liberty under domination of capital. After that we turn to the critique of Right, which aims both its content and its form, including human rights. Then we approach the critique of political superstition, i.e., both theoretical and practical political illusions, that comprises a wide range of notions, from the contractualist robinsonades to the statesmens and revolutionaries illusions, with special emphasis on the critique of the democratic bias. At last, after clarifying the irreconcilability between politics and human liberty, and distinguishing between merely political revolution and radical social revolution, we get to the claim of a new quality of liberty, beyond politics, which means the positive suppression of politics, understood as reabsorption of social forces usurped by the State.

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Vahey, Katherine Erin. „Life, liberty, and the pursuit of a divine symbol: Examining the right to life movement according to Paul Tillich's theology“. Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1442907.

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Wieczorek, Irene. „The Legitimacy of EU Criminal Law: what roles for normative and instrumental justifications“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/239390.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the EU approach to the question of the legitimacy of criminal law. In particular, it enquires into what theoretical justifications does the EU legal order acknowledges as legitimating the resort to harmonized criminal law as a regulatory instrument. Moreover, it enquires if the selected approach is consistent with the identity the EU has set for itself, as a ‘fundamental rights sensitive’ kind of supranational organization, as established at Article 2 TEU, which includes the respect of fundamental rights as one of EU founding values. This research aims at complementing the existing literature theorising on harmonisation of substantive criminal law as a strategy for integration, which has to date primarily focused on the extent of the EU competences, and on the relation between harmonisation and other strategies of integration, such as mutual recognition. The aspect of the impact of the exercise of these EU competences on individuals and of what are the envisaged justifications for that has been to date underexplored. This thesis aims at filling this gap. In doing so it aims at contributing to the systemic understanding of EU criminal law testing its developments against a EU constitutional law benchmark. In terms of methodology, the thesis relies on a criminal legal theory framework, which distinguishes between a normative, value-based approach to the justifications for criminal law, and an instrumental, mainly enforcement-based approach. It tailors these concepts to the supranational level, by combining criminalisation theory concepts with theories on harmonisation. In terms of sources, when enquiring the EU approach to the criminal law, the thesis looks at EU primary law (principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, and EU competences to harmonise substantive criminal law); EU policy documents (multi-annual programs and ad hoc EU criminalisation policy documents) and EU secondary law (especially the Racism and Xenophobia Framework Decision on Racism and Xenophobia and on the 2014 Market Abuse Directive).In terms of structure, the thesis devotes the first two chapters to the delineation of the theoretical framework, discussing criminal legal theories on the subject of of the legitimacy of criminal law, and theories on harmonisation of criminal norms. This part is aimed at identifying the analytical tools through which EU primary law, EU secondary law and EU policy documents are analysed in the following 5 chapters. A final chapter draws the relevant conclusions as to the consistency of the EU approach to the legitimacy of criminal law with the EU constitutional law framework. The findings of the thesis illustrate how the EU has not been consistent in its approach to the legitimacy of EU criminal law and it identifies a number of micro-ruptures between the approach in different historical phases; but also between different layers (EU primary and secondary law as well as policy documents) during the same period; and between different policy areas (e.g. EU criminal law was used to protect the security of EU citizens, and when to secure the achievement of EU policies). The thesis nonetheless identifies a macro-synchrony, which sees an historical progressive acknowledgement of a normative approach in a previously pre-existing instrumental context. This progress was positively evaluated as it contributed to increase the coherence of EU criminal law with EU constitutional law benchmarks.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Pedzisa, Beatrice. „The implementation of deportation laws against the right to security and liberty of migrants workers : a case study of South Africa“. Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2533.

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Globalisation has resulted in the increase of migrant workers who cross borders in search of better opportunities and greener pastures. Migrant workers, wherever they decide to relocate, are at the risk of arbitrary arrests and illegal deportations which infringe their right to liberty and security. Many unreported cases show that migrant workers in South Africa have to endure inhuman treatment every day, through the implementation of deportation laws by law enforcement agencies. This is however, done in a manner which disregards their possession of necessary documentation authorising them to be in the country. The Constitution of South Africa, legislation and other related policies provide for the protection of the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. It is against the above that this mini dissertation examines and analyses how the implementation of deportation laws impacts on the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. This mini dissertation points out that there is a dire need to ensure that the implementation of deportation laws complies with the requirements of the right to security and liberty of persons accorded to the status of migrant workers by the Constitution and other related legislation or policies. The methodology made use of in this research is qualitative. This research used legislative texts, case law, journal articles and other academic commentary to acquire information on the right of migrant workers and their plight in South Africa. The study also makes recommendations for appropriate domestic law reform in respect to how deportation laws can be implemented in a bid to protect the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. These recommendations are designed to ensure that law enforcement agencies adhere to the law and procedure which protect migrant workers from arbitrary arrests, and illegal deportations.

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Theis, Adriane. „Liberal privacy and women a broken promise /“. Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/726.

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Verde, Rui Alexandre de Almeida dos Santos. „The harmonious constitution : judges and the protection of liberty“. Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323452.

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Ochoa, Cardich César. „Indecopi’s bureaucratic barriers control and economic fundamental rights guardianship“. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115562.

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This study analyzes the guardianship role on entrepreneurial freedom fundamental rights, non- discrimination in economic and property aspects exerted by the Elimination of Bureaucratic Barriers Commission from the National Institute for the Defense of Competition and IntellectualProperty (Indecopi) developed throughout resolutions and administrative cases set up by the Defense of Competition Chamber #1. This role is particularly relevant in our legal system, due to their special functions the Elimination of Bureaucratic Barriers Commission is entitled by legal mandate to establish the non- application of rules in specific cases exercising legal control. This administrative function- initially misunderstood-has proved to be an efficient tool for the guardianship of economic rights due to our judicial system ineffectiveness in contentious administrative matters. The author considers the possibility of making a constitutional reform in order to provide specialized administrative bodies, such as INDECOPI, with the quality of “primary administrative jurisdiction” whose resolutions will only be reviewed by the State Council jurisdiction.
En el presente estudio se analiza el rol de tutela de los derechos fundamentales de libertad de empresa, no discriminación económica y de propiedad ejercido por la Comisión de Eliminación de Barreras Burocráticas del Instituto Nacional de Defensa de la Competencia y de la Protección de la Propiedad Intelectual —Indecopi—, que se ha desarrollado a través de sus resoluciones y de los precedentes administrativos establecidos por la Sala de Defensa de la Competencia 1. Este rol de tutela es muy relevante en nuestro sistema jurídico, en el cual,por su especialidad funcional, la Comisión de Eliminación de Barreras Burocráticas está habilitada por mandato legal para la inaplicación de normas en casos concretos en ejercicio del control de legalidad. Esta función administrativa —que en sus inicios fue incomprendida— ha resultado una herramienta eficaz para la tutela de los derechos económicos del administrado en razón de la inoperancia del sistema judicialista en locontencioso administrativo en el Perú. El autor considera que debe estudiarse la posibilidad de reformar la Constitución para atribuir a ciertos órganos administrativos especializados, como los del Indecopi, la calidad de jurisdicción administrativa primaria, cuyas resoluciones solo serán revisables por la jurisdicción de un Consejo deEstado.

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Moeckli, Daniel. „Whose liberty? : the 'war on terrorism', human rights and non-discrimination“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435383.

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20

Kanyavongha, Bussarakham. „Immigration as A Human Right“. Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-8204.

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The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.

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21

Kilkelly, Ursula. „The child and the European Convention on Human Rights“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263401.

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22

Silva, Kelaniyage Buddhappriya Asoka. „Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice administration in South-Asia : a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327597.

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23

Zimmer, Martina. „Abortion and the right to life: A case study of South Africa and Germany“. University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6293.

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Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence)
The issue of abortion and the protection of the right to life have been discussed by many academics, yet remains an unresolved topic in many countries. The mere fact that abortion is the deliberate termination of a human pregnancy raises the question, whether or not such an act violates the right to life. Abortion has been legalised in South Africa and Germany. This study explores the area of abortion vis a viz the obligation of South Africa and German under the international and regional human rights instruments to protect the right to life. Notably, the right to life is protected under a plethora of international and regional human rights instruments. At international level, the right to life is protected under Article 3 of the Universal declaration of Human Rights and Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. At regional level of the right to life is protected by Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 4 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples� Rights. To give a broad understanding of the meaning, nature and content of the right to life, this mini-thesis shall critically analyse the words used under the above Articles which protect the right to life. Then the paper will endeavour on its main objective which is to determine whether or not the legalisation of Abortion in South Africa and Germany violates the right to life?

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24

Edyvane, Valda. „Liberty, peace, and friendliness: the political ideas of Auberon Herbert“. Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/1908.

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The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

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25

Alwall, Jonas. „Muslim rights and plights : the religious liberty situation of a minority in Sweden /“. Lund : Lund Univ. Press, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/273099515.pdf.

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26

Santoro, Emilio. „Autonomy, freedom and rights : a critique of liberal subjectivity /“. Dordrecht [u.a.] : Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/367004119.pdf.

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27

Cooper, Carrie Elizabeth. „On the Explanation of the Wealthy Slave in Classical Athens“. Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/19802.

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This paper seeks to explain the existence of wealthy and socially influential slaves in the fourth century BCE at Athens, Greece. I describe what went on at Athens from the late seventh century until the early third century and show that transformation in the land to labor ratio combined with cultural, legal and political changes led to a period of time where slaves acquired wealth and power. First, changes in the land to labor ratio at a time when Athens was going through vast political change led to a culture where it was socially unacceptable for a free Athenian to work for another free Athenian. Slaves could then work in sectors unavailable to free Athenians, which led them to gain wealth and eventually societal power.

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Fowler, Adam. „The Positive- and Negative-Right Conceptions of Freedom of Speech and the Specter of Reimposing the Broadcast Fairness Doctrine ... or Something Like It“. Scholar Commons, 2010. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3497.

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A key theoretical debate underlying the now defunct Federal Communications Commission (FCC) regulation known as the Fairness Doctrine is conflict over what constitutes the right to freedom of speech: a positive or negative conception. Similarly, since repeal of the Doctrine, other FCC measures to uphold the “public-interest” standard in broadcasting have relied on a positive conception of speech. This thesis demonstrates the history of this debate through court cases, news reports, scholarly articles and historical documents. It then is argued that the positive-right nature of these regulations is problematic philosophically, constitutionally and practically. The positive-right conception lends itself to an uncomfortable level of paternalism on the part of government regulators, a constitutional abridgement of negative-right speech and a tedious involvement of government in regulation that can lead to a chilling effect on speech. The conclusion then suggests further areas of research related to the topics covered in the thesis.

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Gibbs, Jenna Marie. „Performing the temple of liberty slavery, rights, and revolution in transatlantic theatricality (1760s-1830s) /“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1554940031&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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30

Bernardini, Lorenzo. „Immigration detention in Europe“. Doctoral thesis, Urbino, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11576/2698151.

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31

McKay, Floyd J. „With liberty for some : Oregon editors and the challenge of civil liberties, 1942-55 /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6146.

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32

Juhasz-Nagy, Monika. „The Statue of Liberty is under attack derogation of human rights in the age of terrorism /“. Thesis, Available online, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2004:, 2004. http://etd.gatech.edu/theses/available/etd-06072004-131218/unrestricted/juhasz%5Fnagy%5Fmonika%5F200405%5Fms.pdf.

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33

Gorelli, Hernández Juan. „Delimiters of the right of vacations“. THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/107245.

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Among the different rights that workers are entitled to, the right to vacations has currently become one of the most relevant. However, many questions could be made regarding thesaid entitlement: What do we mean when we refer to vacations? Which are its mainelements? What is its purpose?In the present article, the author answers those questions in the light of several doctrinal studies, international legislation and constitutional jurisprudence. He also stresses the role the International Labor Organization Convention 132 plays on the matter, as well as the importance of the respect of freedom of association.
Entre los distintos derechos que el Derecho del Trabajo reconoce al trabajador, el derecho de vacaciones se ha constituido en uno de losmás relevantes actualmente. Ahora bien, al respecto pueden surgir ciertas interrogantes: ¿A qué nos referimos cuando hablamos de vacaciones?; ¿Cuáles son los elementos que la componen?; ¿Cuál es su finalidad?En el presente artículo, el autor responde estas y otras preguntas, a la luz de diversos estudios doctrinarios, legislación internacional y jurisprudencia constitucional. Destaca, asimismo, el papel que cumple el Convenio 132 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y la importancia del respeto de la libertad sindical.

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Будлянський, В. І. „Обмеження права на свободу та особисту недоторканність у правоохоронній діяльності“. Thesis, Чернігів, 2021. http://ir.stu.cn.ua/123456789/23090.

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Будлянський, В. І. Обмеження права на свободу та особисту недоторканність у правоохоронній діяльності : випускна кваліфікаційна робота : 262 "Правоохоронна діяльність" / В. І. Будлянський ; керівник роботи Н. В. Марущак ; НУ "Чернігівська політехніка", кафедра правоохоронної діяльності та загальноправових дисциплін. – Чернігів, 2021. – 76 с.
Актуальність дослідження питання обмеження права на свободу та особисту недоторканність у правоохоронній діяльності зумовлена ризиком порушення прав людини у зазначеній сфері та необхідністю їх забезпечення. У розділі 1 роботи досліджуються генезис та поняття права на свободу та особисту недоторканність, а також нормативно-правове регулювання права на свободу та особисту недоторканність у міжнародному та національному праві. У розділі 2 присвячений вивченню поняття, правових підстав та форм обмеження права на свободу та особисту недоторканність. У розділі 3 здійснений аналіз діяльності судових та правоохоронних органів із забезпечення прав людини при обмеженні права на свободу та особисту недоторканність, розглянуто практику Європейського Суду з прав людини у зазначеній сфері. Констатовано, що проблеми забезпечення права на свободу та особисту недоторканність є однією з найбільш уразливих сфер вітчизняного законодавства і практики його застосування. Наукова новизна одержаних результатів визначається тим, що: 1) запропоновано авторське бачення поняття права на свободу та особисту недоторканність та обмеження цього права; 2) дістало подальшого розвитку дослідження підстав обмеження права на свободу та особисту недоторканність; 3) проаналізовано практичну діяльність судових та правоохоронних органів із забезпечення прав людини при обмеженні права на свободу та особисту недоторканність.
The relevance of the study on the restriction of the right to liberty and security of person in law enforcement is due to the risk of human rights violations in this area and the need to ensure them. Section 1 of the work examines the genesis and concepts of the right to liberty and security of person, as well as the legal regulation of the right to liberty and security of person in international and national law. Section 2 is devoted to the study of the concept, legal grounds and forms of restriction of the right to liberty and security of person. Section 3 analyzes the activities of judicial and law enforcement agencies to ensure human rights in restricting the right to liberty and security of person, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in this area. It is stated that the problems of ensuring the right to liberty and security of person are one of the most vulnerable areas of domestic legislation and practice of its application. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is determined by the fact that: 1) the author's vision of the concept of the right to freedom and personal inviolability and restriction of this right is proposed; 2) received further development of the study of the grounds for restriction of the right to liberty and security of person; 3) the practical activity of judicial and law enforcement bodies to ensure human rights while restricting the right to liberty and security of person is analyzed.

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35

Neal, True. „The Talk: Christian Right and Liberal Left Rhetoric about Sex Education“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3381.

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This thesis examines the rhetoric surrounding sex education crafted by two major types of advocacy groups: the Christian Right and the Liberal Left. I conducted a qualitative analysis of content on sex education produced by six high-profile organizations: The Heritage Foundation, Family Research Council, Focus on the Family, American Civil Liberties Union, the Guttmacher Institute, and Planned Parenthood. I found that these polarized organizations do not debate each other; instead, they focus on parents whose political leanings match their own. Sex education is at the center of other issues that also divide the Christian Right and the Liberal Left: healthcare, morality, marriage, education, and STIs. I analyze the arguments advocacy organizations make, the liabilities of their appeals, and their strategies to mobilize parents emotionally. Both conservative and liberal organizations aim to secure the beliefs of the next generation through their parents, not to find common ground.

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Harms, Lisa. „Fragmented universalism : the making of the right to freedom of religion at the European Court of Human Rights“. Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0038.

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La thèse analyse la négociation du droit à la liberté religieuse dans les litiges à la Cour Européenne de Droits de l’Homme (CEDH) des années 1990 jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Une double observation constitue le point de départ de cette recherche : le constat d’une judiciarisation croissante de la régulation politique du religieux d’un côté, et celui d’une mobilisation stratégique croissante d’acteurs religieux et séculiers dans les arènes judiciaires transnationales de l’autre. La thèse pose la question de comment les acteurs religieux et séculiers influent sur le processus de construction de la norme juridique. Elle analyse l’activisme juridique déployé par des acteurs religieux, y compris les témoins de Jéhovah, des acteurs musulmans, sikhs, et chrétiens, et des activistes séculiers, dans des litiges concernant la liberté religieuse. Partant d’une approche par les champs, la thèse postule que l’inégalité en ressources et en pouvoir entre les acteurs structurent leurs approches et leurs interprétations du droit à la liberté religieuse. La Cour ne constitue une structure d’opportunité également accessible pour tous les acteurs. Tandis que certains des acteurs impliqués dans les litiges ont tendance à adapter leurs revendications religieuses de manière à correspondre aux paradigmes juridiques dominants, d’autres contestent et négocient les interprétations des fondements mêmes du droit. L’asymétrie entre les acteurs du droit se conjugue à des oppositions et tensions idéologiques qui sont inscrites dans la construction de la norme juridique
The thesis examines the litigious negotiation and contestation of the right to freedom of religion at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) from the early 1990s until today. A twofold observation constitutes the starting point for this investigation. First, the trend of the judicialization of politics increasingly extends to the domain of the politics of religious regulation. Second, an increasing number of strategic religious and secular litigators has intervened in transnational judicial struggles. Against this backdrop, the thesis asks how religious and secular actors influence the construction of the judicial norm. It analyzes the judicial activism of a variety of religious actors, including Jehovah’s Witnesses, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and secular actors. The main argument is that the unequal distribution of power and resources among religious minorities and majorities translates into diverging strategies of religious freedom litigation, and, thereby, into the interpretation of the right to freedom of religion. The power asymmetry leads to inequality regarding the degree of openness of the legal opportunity structure of the ECtHR and hence the participation in the judicial norm building. In particular, it shows that while some actors tend to adapt their religious claims in order to fit dominant interpretations of the law, other actors contest the interpretation of the foundations of the law itself. Furthermore, different means of litigation fuel an intensified ideological opposition and tension within liberal religious freedom interpretations

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Vander, Broek Allison. „Rallying the Right-to-Lifers: Grassroots Religion and Politics in the Building of a Broad-based Right-to-Life Movement, 1960-1984“. Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107943.

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Thesis advisor: James M. O'Toole
This dissertation explores the formative years of the right-to-life movement in the decade prior to Roe v. Wade and explains how early right-to-lifers built a vast and powerful movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Whereas most previous studies have focused on the connection between right-to-life organizing and the conservative ascendancy in religion and politics in the 1970s and 1980s, this dissertation studies the movement’s origins in state and local organizing in the years before Roe v. Wade and its growth into a national political crusade in the 1970s. During these years, grassroots activists fostered a vision for a broad-based right-to-life movement—a movement consisting of Americans from across the political and religious spectrums. This movement was made up of Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, Democrats and Republicans, conservatives and liberals, lay people as well as religious leaders—all of whom opposed legalized abortion for a range of reasons. Right-to-lifers believed their broad-based approach was the most effective way to fight abortion, and they embraced this diverse coalition, attacking abortion on a number of fronts with strategies ranging from legislative lobbying to alternatives to abortion to nonviolent direct action. Though their coalition eventually broke apart in the 1980s, this eclectic group of right-to-lifers built a dynamic and diverse movement and proved the powerful resonance of the abortion issue in American society
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History

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Harrison, Joel Thomas. „'Radical Orthodoxy' and debating the foundations of the legal protection of religious liberty“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2d206415-2f53-4e13-a812-64b5426e4bbf.

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This thesis examines the rationale for religious liberty in England and Wales. Currently, United Kingdom religious liberty literature shows very little sustained interrogation of the topic. Authors are likely to assume religious liberty is, most notably, a species of personal autonomy. This fails to explain why we should care about religious liberty and deepens religion’s privatisation, its separation from politics or public life. Drawing from a theological sensibility known as Radical Orthodoxy (RO), this thesis criticises current assumptions and argues that religious liberty discourse should be re-envisioned. The Introduction and Chapter One explore the current problems facing religious liberty discourse and map rationales given by prominent authors. Chapter Two argues that the main problem is that current discourse is shaped by a secularisation narrative: the differentiation of religious and secular spheres. Chapter Three relates the RO argument that this differentiation is underpinned by three themes, all of which have theological components: the rise of secular order as the protection of individual rights; the invention of private religion in modernity; and the contemporary shift to 'authenticity' or diffuse individual experiences as the hallmark of religion. Chapter Four contends that these three themes are echoed in religious liberty discourse and jurisprudence, leaving us with the question of why religious liberty matters. Chapters Five and Six explore the RO-influenced alternative, in theory and with reference to common questions in religious liberty discourse: the relationship between an individual claimant and the group; the reality of plural religious traditions; and the tension between sexual orientation non-discrimination and religious liberty. On the RO-influenced account, religious liberty concerns, against sphere differentiation, a commitment to the flourishing of multiple groups contributing to desirable social ends, understood ultimately as participating in the life of 'charity', the love of God and of others. This encapsulates two themes, both rooted in the Christian tradition: judgement against politics (as reflected in the secular order), and transformation of society along social pluralist lines. These two themes, the thesis argues, better explain why religious liberty matters.

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Danbury, Richard M. „The 'full liberty of public writers' : special treatment of journalism in English law“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5299bf69-f793-4280-9525-9f3cc6f50ccc.

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This thesis investigates whether institutional journalism should receive special treatment at the hands of the law. Special treatment encompasses the affording of benefits to and the imposition of liabilities on journalistic institutions and the individuals who work for them. The arguments against special treatment are pragmatic and theoretical: pragmatic arguments emphasise, inter alia, the difficulty of providing a definition of journalism, and theoretical arguments emphasise the difficulty in explaining why special treatment can be coherent. The former can be addressed by describing how special treatment is already afforded to institutional journalism, both liabilities and benefits, to individuals and institutions, and showing that some of the problems foreseen by the pragmatic arguments have not proved as difficult as they appear. The arguments that special treatment is incoherent can be addressed by arguing that the credibility and assessability of institutional journalism still provide a prima facie rationale for special treatment irrespective of the rise of public speech on the Internet, when combined with the integral nature of journalism to democracy. Two basic arguments are advanced why this is so. The first, the free speech values argument, is a consequentialist account that holds that special treatment is appropriate when (or because) institutional journalism contributes to free speech values. It is attractive, but presents difficulties, both when considered in the abstract and when applied to the free speech value of democracy. The second, a rights-based argument, based on the notion that freedoms of speech and of the Press are distinguishable, can be based on either on Dworkin’s theory of rights as trumps or Raz’s theory of rights as interests. Raz’s account is preferable, as it complements the free speech values thesis in explaining the coherence of special treatment.

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Molivas, Grigorios I. „Natural rights and liberty : a critical examination of some late eighteenth-century debates in English political thought“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.480845.

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Ammaturo, Francesca Romana. „Multisexual citizenship and human rights : questioning the space of citizenship for LGBTI persons beyond liberty and equality“. Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2015. http://research.gold.ac.uk/11456/.

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The emergence of the human rights of individuals defined as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersexual (LGBTI) has caused a questioning of the reliability of a system of protection of human rights resting on heteronormativity and the enforcement of a strict male-female dichotomy. It has also pushed scholars to ask who is the contemporary subject of human rights. This thesis builds on the acknowledgement of this tension in order to investigate, in the context of the Council of Europe, the process by which LGBTI individuals are created as subjects of human rights. It is argued that law and politics play a concerted productive role in constituting the subjects that they wish to protect, thus promoting adherence to rigid identity categories in order to become intelligible before the law. This endeavour will be carried out by analysing both outstanding case law from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) concerning sexual orientation and gender identity, as well as using ethnographic observation carried out at the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe in 2010. The thesis analyses the process by which the subject of human rights is produced and granted legal intelligibility in Strasbourg. Simultaneously, it also explores viable alternatives to the categorisation of individuals in terms of sexual orientation and/or gender identities in the socio-juridical field. In this regard, citizenship represents the privileged domain of inquiry, where identities are articulated, rights are allocated and exclusionary practices are enacted. The concept of “multisexual citizenship” serves to explore models of citizenship that can transcend national borders, also encompassing multiple forms of identification and socio-political and cultural allegiances. As a result of this process of transformation of citizenship, an inevitable and radical metamorphosis of human rights is also anticipated, beyond the current narrow framework of formal equality and freedom.

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Hansen, Emma. „Run forest run! - A cross-national study on the effect of property rights and liberty on deforestation“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418918.

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This thesis examines the effect of property rights and democracy on deforestation. The aim of the study is to test the two hypotheses; (1.a.) Well-defined property rights will lower deforestation and (1.b.) Higher levels of liberty will decrease deforestation. Furthermore, the test will be constructed by an extensive cross-country study of 193 countries by the method of fixed effect regressions. A contribution is made in the form of investigating the two explanatory factors, property rights and liberty, on deforestation in the scope of one study. Which there is (to the best of my knowledge) a lack of within this research area. The results gained no support for hypothesis (1.a.) meanwhile hypothesis (1.b.) found support. On the other hand, the thesis shows that property rights and liberty can affect the deforestation rate. Finally, this thesis underlines the association between the two explanatory factors under the scope, and by thus, motivates further research on the matter to fill a vital gap within the studies of deforestation.

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Schechter, Adam. „Valuing life a moral defense of the right to die in liberal democracy /“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Devlin, Nicholas E. „Ink and liberty, newspaper ownership concentration and freedom of the press under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/MQ34155.pdf.

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45

Philip, Jiji [Verfasser]. „The Human Rights Discourse between Liberty and Welfare : A Dialogue with Jacques Maritain and Amartya Sen / Jiji Philip“. Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1160314438/34.

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46

Cook, Liu Sau-fong Bernadette. „Civil liberties and the ICAC : an evaluative study /“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1992. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13274788.

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47

Hayes, Sharon Lee. „Autonomy and rights in S.I. Benn's A theory of freedom“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000.

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This thesis has two main objectives, one specific and one more general. Specifically, its aim is to analyse Stanley Benn's liberal theory of autonomy and show how that theory is flawed. The second, more general objective of this thesis is to show by implication that the entire strand of liberal autonomy, of which Benn's theory is representative, does not provide a firm ground for liberal freedom. That strand of liberal autonomy always defends the ideal of autonomy as a "good" toward which we should all strive. This teleological approach identifies autonomy as a "positive" freedom - that is "freedom to" act, be or have, rather than "freedom from" in the "negative" sense. The foundations for this view go back to nineteenth century liberals such as T.H. Green, and can be seen in the contemporary work of modern day liberals such as Joseph Raz and Robert Young, all of whom, for example, argue that autonomy in the form of human flourishing is basic to individual fulfillment, as well as to both personal and political freedom. Through an analysis of Benn's work, this thesis demonstrates that such conceptions are problematic because they are internally incoherent, and more importantly, because they fail to reconcile positive and negative notions of freedom under the liberal banner they seek to maintain.

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Goward, Stephen. „Europe as Concept and Discourse: A Comparative Analysis of Liberal and Radical Right Ideology“. Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490488.

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The central aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative analysis of the treatment and development of the conceptual and discursive theme of 'Europe' within the generic perspectives of liberalism and the radical right throughout the twentieth century. Through an inter-disciplinary combination of conceptual analysis and empirical research, the work investigates areas of convergence and divergence between the two types, providing an explanation of their respective characteristics in relation to specific philosophical traditions. The theoretical and methodological approach rests upon a form of ideal-typical analysis, influenced by the work of \X!eber and Freeden. In each case, a proto-typical model is developed, against which empirical evidence is tested and appraised. The liberal conceptual model of Europeanism is therefore located within a tradition of liberal-rational philosophy, strongly identified ,vith the work of Kant, Hegel, Durkheim, Rawls and Popper. The radical right model of Europeanism is associated ,vith a form of anti-rational, primordialist philosophy, evident in the work of Nietzsche, Heidegger, Bergson and Sorel. Using these proto-typical models as a priori points of reference for empirical analysis, the subsequent chapters of the thesis seek to test the validity and heuristic value of these comparative types by applying them in the context of ideological texts. In each case, a wide range of examples is considered and evaluated according to the proto-typical conceptual characteristics. In order to achieve an objective detachment from the subject material, the empirical methodology is based upon a form of postmodern textual deconstruction and discourse analysis, influenced by the work of Foucault, Lyotard and Baudrillard. The conclusions of the thesis suggest that a significant degree of convergence and exchange has taken place between liberal and radical right conceptualisations of Europe. In the post-war period particularly, within a fluid, destabilising ontological context, each type of Europeanist ideology has adapted itself away from its orthodox profile, following a pattern of cross-fertilisation. \X'hilst radical right Europeanism has sought to develop an increasingly subtle and complex form of discourse based upon identity and self-determination, liberal ideology has tended to become more rigid, defensive and exclusionary. The conclusion proceeds to argue that within both perspectives it is the presence of a counter-productive, dialectical, Hegelian dynamic that prevents each from achieving a stable, coherent and enduring paradigm of European identity and community. In opposition to this dialectical approach, the thesis proposes an alternative, consensual strategy modelled on the ideas of Havel. According to the broad range of literature surveyed during the preparation of this thesis there is no full-length comparative treatment of this subject in existence. Previous analysis has tended to focus upon either one or other model of Europeanist ideology, thereby failing to address the comparative significance of many points. The methodology of textual deconstruction and discourse analysis has also rarely been used in such a comparative context. As such, the thesis makes a significant original contribution to this field of inquiry and its conclusions are potentially of direct relevance to the theory and practice of European integration.

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Mounir, Nabil. „La liberté d'expression publicitaire : réflexions critiques“. Thesis, Limoges, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LIMO0057.

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L’instauration d’une véritable alliance entre les droits fondamentaux et le marché par l’extension de l’article 10§1 de la CEDH au discours publicitaire pourrait menacer la majesté de l’instrument conventionnel. Dépassant l’étonnement et les critiques suscités par la fondamentalisation de la publicité commerciale, notre étude s’est penchée sur le poids réel que pourrait avoir la liberté d’expression dans un domaine aussi complexe que celui de la publicité commerciale. L’enjeu a donc consisté à se poser la question de savoir si l’extension de l’article 10§1 de la CEDH à ce domaine s’avérait judicieuse. De l’étude des aboutissements de la fondamentalisation du discours publicitaire sur le terrain de la liberté d’expression publicitaire de l’émetteur ressort un constat préoccupant. La complexité du domaine de la publicité commerciale et son utilité relative pour le bon fonctionnement de la « société démocratique » affaiblissent le retentissement de la liberté d’expression et rendent finalement la liberté d’expression publicitaire « théorique et illusoire ». Les risques de marchandisation (une liberté au service du marché) et de banalisation (une liberté sans effet) de la liberté d’expression sont alors très présents. Afin de conjurer ces risques tout en conférant une pleine efficacité à cette liberté, une étude prospective menée sur le terrain de la liberté de réception publicitaire était nécessaire et elle s’est avérée fructueuse. Envisagée du point de vue de la réception, l’extension de l’article 10§1 de la CEDH semble produire des effets juridiques. De surcroît, une liberté fondamentale en devenir, la liberté, négative et positive, de réception publicitaire est en mesure de contribuer à la moralisation de la publicité commerciale
The establishment of a true alliance between fundamental rights and the market by extending Article 10§1 of the ECHR to now encompass advertising could threaten the majesty of the conventional instrument. Going beyond the astonishment and criticisms caused by the fundamentalization of commercial advertising, our study investigates the real implications that freedom of expression could have in a field as complex as commercial advertising. The issue at stake was therefore to evaluate whether the extension of article 10§1 of the ECHR to this field is to be considered a judicious decision. On the basis of studies concerned with fundamentalization of advertising speech in the field of the freedom of expression of the sender, a preoccupying conclusion emerges. Both the complexity of the field of commercial advertising and its relative usefulness for the proper functioning of "democratic society" weakens the impact of freedom of expression and ultimately makes freedom of advertising expression "theoretical and illusory". Consequently, the risks of commodification (a freedom at the service of the market) and trivialization (a freedom without effect) of freedom of expression are very likely. In order to remedy these issues meanwhile conferring full effectiveness on this freedom, a prospective study carried out in the field of the receiver's freedom of advertising reception was necessary and proved fruitful. If seen from the reception point of view, the extension of Article 10§1 of the ECHR seems to be having legal effects. Furthermore, a fundamental freedom in the making, the freedom, both negative and positive, of advertising reception is capable of contributing to the moralization of commercial advertising

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GODEGHESI, CATHERINA BRESCIANE. „THE RIGHT INPUTS IN AFGHANISTAN: THE LIBERAL PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN AS SECURITY TO THE WEST“. PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2015. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25178@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A paz liberal é um projeto político cujas tradições remontam ao conjunto de ideias que compõem o liberalismo. Ela representa o modelo pelo qual o ocidente se propõe a uniformizar o mundo através da democracia e de réplicas de instituições, normas e sistemas econômicos, sociais e políticos. Assim, pensar em tal projeto implica pensar também em seus aspectos práticos e na sua implementação. A paz liberal foi escolhida como objeto de estudo da dissertação porque, na medida em que se traduz em uma relação hierárquica baseada em interesses, acarreta em uma série de exclusões e marginalizações, uma vez instaurada através de uma operação de peacebuilding. A presente pesquisa procura entender quais as suas reais motivações, através da busca por qual seu objeto referente de fato: o indivíduo do país receptor ou o estado mandante? Para ilustrar tal reflexão, foi conduzida uma investigação através de um estudo de caso da missão de peacebuilding no Afeganistão, e como a questão da produção vertiginosa do ópio em tal país, que cresceu após a entrada de tais operações, pode indicar uma resposta acerca de qual o objeto referente de fato da paz liberal pós 11/9.
The liberal peace is a political project rooted in the set of ideas and values that sustain liberalism as an ideology. It represents a model through which the west gauges the world by bringing in democracy and by replicating institutions, norms and economic, social and political systems. Thinking about such project implies that there are practical and implementation aspects that cannot be ignored. Liberal peace has been chosen as the theme of this dissertation because it is about a hierarchical relationship between North and South that produces exclusions and marginalizations that happen through peacebuilding operations. This research aims to understand what the real motivations behind the liberal peace project are, by seeking which is its real referent object: the individual who lives in the state being intervened or the western countries national securities? In order to illustrate the findings for such questions, this research has carried out a case study focused on NATO s operations in Afghanistan and the concurring vertiginous growth of opium production in the country. This will lead us to understand what the real referent object behind the liberal peace project after 9/11 is.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „The right to liberty“

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