Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „The Negro in Africa“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: The Negro in Africa.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "The Negro in Africa" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Erhagbe, Edward O., und Ehimika A. Ifidon. „African-Americans and the Italo–Ethiopian Crisis, 1935–1936: The Practical Dimension of Pan-Africanism“. Aethiopica 11 (26.04.2012): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.11.1.187.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In a world where the Negro groped for recognition, Ethiopia (Abyssinia), with its ancient institutions and sovereignty virtually intact, was a symbol of racial pride and achievement. This Ethiopia was however invaded by Italy in 1935. It was a racial interpretation that the Negro world gave the Italian invasion. African-American interest in Africa which hitherto had been romantic and sentimental, with the Italian invasion became practical, and in this case designed to strengthen Ethiopian resistance. In the end, African-American contribution, though symbolically significant, was paltry. This can be accounted for by the relative poverty of African-Americans, and the time and cultural distance separating them from Africa.
2
JONES, JEANNETTE EILEEN. „“The Negro's Peculiar Work”: Jim Crow and Black Discourses on US Empire, Race, and the African Question, 1877–1900“. Journal of American Studies 52, Nr. 2 (Mai 2018): 330–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817001931.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In 1887, T. Thomas Fortune published an editorial, “The Negro's Peculiar Work,” in the black newspaper theNew York Freeman, wherein he reflected on a recent keynote speech delivered by Reverend J. C. Price on 3 January in Columbia, South Carolina, to commemorate Emancipation Day. Price, a member of the Zion Wesley Institute of the AME Zion Church, hailed from North Carolina and his denomination considered him to be “the most popular and eloquent Negro of the present generation.” On the occasion meant to reflect on the meaning of the Emancipation Proclamation (which went into effect on 1 January 1863) for present-day African Americans, Price turned his gaze away from the US towards Africa. In his speech “The American Negro, His Future, and His Peculiar Work” Price declared that African Americans had a duty to redeem Africans and help them take back their continent from the Europeans who had partitioned it in 1884–85. He railed,The whites found gold, diamonds, and other riches in Africa. Why should not the Negro? Africa is their country. They should claim it: they should go to Africa, civilize those Negroes, raise them morally, and by education show them how to obtain wealth which is in their own country, and take the grand continent as their own.Price's “Black Man's Burden” projected American blacks as agents of capitalism, civilization, and Christianity in Africa. Moreover, Price suggested that African American suffering under slavery, failed Reconstruction, and Jim Crow placed them in a unique position to combat imperialism. He was not alone in seeing parallels between the conditions of “Negroes” on both sides of the Atlantic. Many African Americans, Afro-Canadians, and West Indians saw imperialism in Africa as operating according to Jim Crow logic: white Europeans would subordinate and segregate Africans, while economically exploiting their labor to bring wealth to Europe.
3
SILVA, Claudilene Maria da, Lucimar Rosa DIAS und Silvani dos Santos VALENTIM. „A Pensadora Negra em Educação Petronilha Beatriz Gonçalves e Silva: Memórias e Reflexões“. INTERRITÓRIOS 6, Nr. 12 (07.12.2020): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i12.249002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
RESUMOO presente texto retoma questões relevantes sobre o pensamento negro em educação no Brasil. Por meio desta entrevista aprofundamos como 23 anos depois da publicação do livro que inaugurou os debates a esse respeito, as questões sobre o pensamento negro brasileiro coerentemente reverberam, desafiam e interpelam a Educação das Relações Étnico-Raciais no alvorecer do século XXI. Profa. Petronilha afirma que tal pensamento veio com os povos Negros africanos escravizados e que na Diáspora foram sendo recriados e refeitos, particularmente por meio das experiências dos/as professores/as negros/as, especialmente das professoras negras, durante todo o século XX. Foram destacados durante a entrevista elementos como a relevância e atualidade de uma práxis pedagógica antirracista e propostas do movimento Negro, das instituições Negras e dos projetos e pesquisas que assumem um compromisso visceral e dialógico com a história e perspectiva do povo Negro. Por meio de suas memórias familiares e escolares a entrevistada nos lembra que, por mais escolarizadas/os que sejamos, não podemos prescindir do pensamento que é construído nos núcleos familiares, nas comunidades, nos espaços religiosos de matriz africana e pelo movimento Negro. É importante ter presente que existe um pensamento Negro em educação em todas as áreas da vida. Ainda que importantes organizações do movimento Negro tenham se articulado nos anos 1970, é anterior a este período a formulação do pensamento Negro em educação. Este pensamento antecede o movimento Negro organizado como nós o conhecemos. Ele foi, de fato, iniciado pelas professoras Negras do antigo Ensino Primário, hoje Ensino Fundamental.Educação. Pensamento Negro. Professoras Negras. Movimento Negro.ABSTRACT This text takes up relevant questions about black thought in education in Brazil. Through this interview we went on to deepen how 23 years after the publication of the book that inaugurated the debates in this regard, questions about Brazilian black thought consistently reverberate, challenge and question the Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations at the dawn of the 21st century. Professor Petronilha affirms that such thought came with the enslaved African Black people and that in the Diaspora they are being recreated and remade, particularly through the experiences of Black teachers, especially Black female teachers, throughout the 20th century. Elements such as the relevance and timeliness of an anti-racist pedagogical praxis and proposals from the Black movement, Black institutions, projects and research that assume a visceral and dialogical commitment to the history and perspective of the Black people were highlighted during the interview. Through her family and school memories, the interviewee reminds us that, no matter how schooled we are, we cannot do without the thought that is built in family nuclei, in communities, in religious spaces of African base and by the Black movement. It is important to keep in mind that there is a Black thought in education in all areas of life. Although important organizations of the Black movement were articulated in the 1970s, the formulation of Black thought in education predates this period. This thought precedes the organized Black movement as we know it. It was, in fact, initiated by Black teachers from Primary School, today known as Elementary School.Education. Black Thought. Black Teachers. Black Movement.RESUMENEste texto retoma cuestiones relevantes sobre el pensamiento negro en la educación en Brasil. A través de esta entrevista pasamos a profundizar cómo 23 años después de la publicación del libro que inauguró los debates al respecto, las preguntas sobre el pensamiento negro brasileño reverberan, desafían y cuestionan consistentemente la Educación de las Relaciones Étnico-Raciales en los albores del siglo XXI. Profa. Petronilha afirma que este pensamiento llegó con los negros africanos esclavizados y que en la Diáspora fueron recreados y rehechos, particularmente a través de las experiencias de los maestros negros, especialmente los maestros negros, a lo largo del siglo XX. Durante la entrevista se destacaron elementos como la relevancia y actualidad de una praxis pedagógica antirracista y propuestas del movimiento negro, instituciones y proyectos negros e investigaciones que asumen un compromiso visceral y dialógico con la historia y perspectiva de los negros. A través de sus recuerdos familiares y escolares, la entrevistada nos recuerda que, por muy escolarizados que estemos, no podemos prescindir del pensamiento que se construye en los núcleos familiares, en las comunidades, en los espacios religiosos de origen africano y por el movimiento negro. Es importante tener en cuenta que existe un pensamiento negro en la educación en todos los ámbitos de la vida. Aunque en la década de 1970 se articularon importantes organizaciones del movimiento negro, la formulación del pensamiento negro en la educación es anterior a este período. Este pensamiento precede al movimiento negro organizado tal como lo conocemos. De hecho, fue iniciado por profesores negros de la antigua Escuela Primaria, hoy Escuela Primaria.Educación. Pensamiento negro. Maestros negros. Movimiento negro.SOMMARIOQuesto testo riprende questioni rilevanti sul pensiero nero nell'educazione in Brasile. Attraverso questa intervista siamo passati ad approfondire come 23 anni dopo la pubblicazione del libro che ha inaugurato i dibattiti a questo proposito, le domande sul pensiero nero brasiliano riverberano, sfidano e mettono in discussione costantemente l'Educazione alle Relazioni Etnico-Razziali all'alba del 21° secolo. Profa. Petronilha afferma che questo pensiero è venuto con i neri africani ridotti in schiavitù e che nella diaspora sono stati ricreati e rifatti, in particolare attraverso le esperienze di insegnanti neri, specialmente insegnanti neri, per tutto il XX secolo. Durante l'intervista, sono stati evidenziati durante l'intervista elementi come la rilevanza e la tempestività di una prassi pedagogica antirazzista e proposte dal movimento nero, istituzioni e progetti neri e ricerche che assumono un impegno viscerale e dialogico per la storia e la prospettiva del popolo nero. Attraverso i suoi ricordi familiari e scolastici, l'intervistata ci ricorda che, per quanto scolarizzati, non possiamo fare a meno del pensiero che è costruito nei nuclei familiari, nelle comunità, negli spazi religiosi di origine africana e dal movimento negro. È importante tenere presente che c'è un pensiero nero nell'educazione in tutti gli ambiti della vita. Sebbene importanti organizzazioni del movimento negro siano state articolate negli anni '70, la formulazione del pensiero negro nell'educazione è anteriore a questo periodo. Questo pensiero precede il movimento nero organizzato come lo conosciamo. Fu, infatti, iniziato da insegnanti neri della ex scuola elementare, oggi scuola elementare.Istruzione. Pensiero nero. Insegnanti neri. Movimento nero.
4
Wallerstein, Immanuel. „Africa in the Shuffle“. Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, Nr. 1 (1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008994.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the study of Africa in the United States was a very rare and obscure practice, engaged in almost exclusively by African-American (then called Negro) intellectuals. They published scholarly articles primarily in quite specialized journals, notably Phylon, and their books were never reviewed in the New York Times. As a matter of fact, at this time (that is, before 1945) there weren't even very many books written about African-Americans in the U.S., although the library acquisitions were not quite as rare as those for books about Africa.
5
Harris, Robert L., und Robert R. Edgar. „An American Negro in South Africa“. Transition, Nr. 60 (1993): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2934925.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
6
Pinto, Cristina Ferreira. „Things Fall Apart de Chinua Achebe — texto orgulhosamente negro“. Cem, Nr. 17 (2024): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/2182-1097/cem17a2.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Chinua Achebe, a Nigerian author, has been considered by critics as one of the most impor-tant founders of African literature, in reaction to the literature that until then had been produced on Africa. In the sequence of the most diverse colonial literary texts and the arguments that validated colonialism in Africa, always in a dimension of affirmation of white superiority and black savagery, and in which any value, history, or notion of culture was denied to African peoples, Achebe begins a mission to show the western world that pre-colonial Igbo culture had beauty, philosophy, dignity and viable social, political and judicial structures, and that it was by no means an example of the «blank slate» that many Europeans wanted people to believe. In this sense, Achebe publishes his first novel, Things Fall Apart, still in a colonial context (1958), to make his culture known, realistically and based on internal knowledge, in a counterpoint to this prejudiced and racist European devaluation.
7
Coates, Oliver. „African American Journalists in World War II West Africa: The NNPA Commission Tour of 1944–1945“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, Nr. 1 (02.11.2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054912.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The National Negro Publishers Association (NNPA) Commission to West Africa in 1944–1945 represents a major episode in the history of World War II Africa, as well as in American–West Africa relations. Three African American reporters toured the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Liberia, and the Congo between November 1944 and February 1945, before returning to Washington, DC to report to President Roosevelt. They documented their tour in the pages of the Baltimore Afro-American, the Chicago Defender, and the Norfolk Journal and Guide. Their Americans’ visit had a significant impact in wartime West Africa and was widely documented in the African press. This article examines the NNPA tour geographically, before analyzing American reporters’ interactions with West Africans, and assessing African responses to the tour. Drawing on both African American and West African newspapers, it situates the NNPA tour within the history of World War II West Africa, and in terms of African print culture. It argues that the NNPA tour became the focus of West African hopes for future political, economic, and intellectual relations with African Americans, while revealing how the NNPA reporters engaged African audiences during their tour.
8
Kuzina, Daria D. „The Depths of My Africa: Travelogues on the Land of Ancestors by Claude McKay and Langston Hughes“. RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 26, Nr. 2 (15.12.2021): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2021-26-2-227-236.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is devoted to the image of Africa in the travelogues by poets Claude McKay (A Long Way From Home, 1937) and Langston Hughes (The Big Sea, 1940), the significant figures of Harlem Renaissance; and also compares this image with Africa in the poems of both writers. The image of Africa as the land of ancestors and the foremother of the Negro people was popular among the artists and philosophers of the Harlem Renaissance, but at the same time, it was often idealized. That is why meeting a real Africa becomes, to some extent, a moment of truth for an African-American artist, the reason to take a new look at himself and his values. Biographies of Hughes and McKay reveal why equally motivated, at first glance, writers united by a common dream of a black peoples home, when faced with the real Africa, react to it in exactly the opposite way. The article shows that young cosmopolitan poet Langston Hughes did not find respond to his poetic ideals in real Africa and after that forever divided Africa into real and poetic, while Claude McKay, who kept up the reunification of the Negro people and had traveled around the whole Europe, only in Africa for the first time in his life went native. At the same time, Hughes is significantly influenced by his mixed origins and McKay - by his colonial background. The article contains materials of correspondence, fragments of the travelogues never been translated into Russian before.
9
Ewing, Adam. „The Challenge of Garveyism Studies“. Modern American History 1, Nr. 3 (02.05.2018): 399–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.16.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The past two decades have witnessed a resurgence of work on Marcus Garvey, Garveyism, and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in the American academy. Building on a first wave of Garveyism scholarship (1971–1988), and indebted to the archival and curatorial work of Robert A. Hill and the editors of the Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, this new work has traced the resonance of Garveyism across a staggering number of locations: from the cities and farms of North America to the labor compounds and immigrant communities of Central America to the colonial capitals of the Caribbean and Africa. It has pushed the temporal dimensions of Garveyism, connecting it backward to pan-African and black nationalist discourses and mobilizations as early as the Age of Revolution, and forward to the era of decolonization and Black Power. It has revealed the ways that Garveyism, a mass movement rooted in community aspirations, ideals, debates, and prejudices, offers a forum for excavating African diasporic discourses, particularly their contested gender politics. It has revealed that much more work remains to be done in Brazil, West Africa, Britain, France, and elsewhere.
10
Garuba, Harry. „Race in Africa: Four Epigraphs and a Commentary“. PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2008): 1640–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1640.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
“Look, a Negro!” It was an external stimulus that flicked over me as I passed by. I made a tight smile.“Look, a Negro!” It was true. It amused me.“Look, a Negro!” The circle was drawing a bit tighter. I made no secret of my amusement.“Mama, see the Negro! I am frightened!” Frightened! Frightened! Now they were beginning to be afraid of me. I made up my mind to laugh myself to tears, but laughter had become impossible.—Frantz Fanon, “The Fact of Blackness” (111–12)The racialization of the Tutsi/Hutu was not simply an intellectual construct, one which later and more enlightened generations of intellectuals could deconstruct and discard at will. More to the point, racialization was also an institutional construct. Racial ideology was embedded in institutions, which in turn undergirded privilege and reproduced racial ideology. It was this political-institutional fact that intellectuals alone would not be able to alter. Rather, it would take a political-social movement to be dismantled.—Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers (87)Far back as one may go into the past, from the northern Sudanese to the southern Bantu, the African has always and everywhere presented a concept of the world which is diametrically opposed to the traditional philosophy of Europe.—Leopold Sedar Senghor, “Negritude: A Humanism of the Twentieth Century” (30)Sango's history is not the history of primal becoming but of racial origin, which is historically dated.—Wole Soyinka, Myth, Literature and the African World (9)These four epigraphs give a sense of the diversity of usages of the category of race in Africa and the discourses and practices that coalesce around these usages. I use the textual fragments to open up questions about race in Africa, to explore the various discursive economies in which race is articulated and circulates, and the registers and vocabularies in which responses to it have been conducted. The approach adopted is therefore metonymic: each fragment represents a larger body of texts and practices that broadly constitute a discourse defined by a set of shared characteristics. My purpose is not to discuss exhaustively these characteristics but rather to draw rough distinctions among the conditions that govern their articulation and circulation. In this way I can indicate the network of social, historical, and discursive relations in which the idea of race functions.
11
Clarke, John Henrik. „The Cultural Unity of Negro Africa?: A Reappraisal“. Présence Africaine 165-166, Nr. 1 (2002): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.165.0053.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
12
Amalia, Ila. „REPRESENTASI PRAKTEK PERBUDAKAN DAN PENINDASAN DALAM PUISI ‘NEGRO’ KARYA LANGSTON HUGHES: SEBUAH KAJIAN POSKOLONIAL“. Diksi 29, Nr. 1 (29.03.2021): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/diksi.v29i1.33250.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
(Title: Representation of Slavery and Oppression Practices in 'Negro' Poetry by Langston Hughes: A Postcolonial Study). This study aims to describe the forms of oppression and slavery practices caused by racial discrimination and colonialism practices. With a background of slavery experienced by blacks in this case the African nation, the analysis of this poem aims to see how: (1) The form of slavery and oppression carried out by the colonials against the colonized people depicted in the poem "Negro" by Langston Hughes, (2) Forms of struggle and response carried out by colonized nations towards the practice of oppression illustrated in the poem "Negro" by Langston Hughes. The postcolonial theory approach is used as a foundation in the analysis of the poetry. The data source is taken from a poem by Langston Hughes with the theme of discrimination and racial subordination of African-Americans entitled "Negro" written in 1922. The results show that black people have experienced oppression in the form of slavery, forced/hard workers, victims of cruelty, and art workers who express their stories and historical experiences through their songs. One of the efforts made by colonized nations to fight against colonial practices is through civil movements, including through literary works. Later this civil movement led to the discourse of the abolition of slavery throughout the world.Keywords: postcolinial, colonialism, oppression, slavery, Africa
13
Dickerman, Leah. „Aaron Douglas and Aspects of Negro Life“. October 174 (Dezember 2020): 126–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00411.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In 1934, Aaron Douglas created an epic four-panel mural series, Aspects of Negro Life (1934), for the branch library on 135th Street in Manhattan, now the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture. The panels answered a call, issued by the first major program for federal support of the arts in the United States, to represent “an American scene.” In them, Douglas traced the trajectory of African American history in four stages and across two mass migrations: from Africa into enslavement in America; through Emancipation and Reconstruction; into the modern Jim Crow South; and then northward with the Great Migration to Harlem itself. The narrative Douglas constructed was remarkable in both its historical sweep and as a story of America seen through Black eyes. This essay explores how Douglas's approach to the trenchant and understudied Aspects of Negro Life panels was shaped by rich conversations across a decade-about what it meant to be Black in America, how the “African” in “African-American” was to be understood, and what a distinctly African-American modernism might be-with an interdisciplinary nexus of thinkers, activists, and artists that included W. E. B. Du Bois; a co-founder of the NAACP and co-editor of the Crisis, sociologist Charles S. Johnson; poet-activist James Weldon Johnson; bibliophile Arturo Schomburg; and philosopher-critic Alain Locke. Looking at Douglas's visual narrative in this context offers insight into how parallel practices of archive-building, art making, history writing, and criticism came together not only to shape a vision of America but also to champion a model of Black modernism framed through diaspora.
14
Harding, Rosemarie Freeney, und Rachel Elizabeth Harding. „Hospitality, healing and haints: african american indigenous religion and activism“. Pontos de Interrogação — Revista de Crítica Cultural 5, Nr. 2 (30.03.2016): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.30620/p.i..v5i2.2174.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Este texto é um trecho do livro Remnants: A Memoir of Spirit, Activism and Mothering, publicado por Duke University Press em 2015. Remnants é uma colaboração entre Rachel e sua finada mãe, Rosemarie. Atraves de memórias da vida de Rosemarie enquanto militante no movemento negro dos anos 60, e da história oral da familia Freeney-Harding, o Remnants examina o papel de compaixão, e uma espiritualidade mística, afroindigena do sul dos estados unidos como recursos para militância social e racial na communidade negra norteamericana. O texto está escrito na voz de Rosemarie.Palavras-chave: Ativismo. Negros Sul-americanos. Espiritualidade. Misticismo. Família.
15
Cruz, Isabel Cristina Fonseca da. „O NEGRO BRASILEIRO E A SAÚDE - ONTEM, HOJE E AMANHÓ. Revista da Escola de Enfermagem da USP 27, Nr. 3 (Dezember 1993): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0080-6234199302700300317.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Este estudo tem por objetivo apresentar uma análise sobre o processo saúde-doença na etnia negra brasileira, desde o seu seqüestro na Africa até os dias atuais, apontando perspectivas futuras. Utilizou-se como fonte de dados a literatura e a Taxonomía I, de diagnósticos de enfermagem, para nomear as possíveis alterações de respostas apresentadas pelos negros diante dos problemas de saúde/processo vital. Devido as condições de miséria em que hoje se situa a maioria da raça negra brasileira e à diminuta quantidade de pesquisas na área de saúde referente a este grupo étnico, concluiu-se que é necessário criar urgentemente grupos de trabalho institucionais com a finalidade de promover o desenvolvimento social da população negra brasileira e de estudar as suas crenças, valores e práticas de saúde.
16
Abang, Emenyi, und Kalu, Kalu Obasi. „Vision Versus Illusion: A Symbol of Reality in Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man“. English Linguistics Research 6, Nr. 3 (04.09.2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v6n3p15.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Vision Versus Illusion: A Symbol of Reality in Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man attempts to x-ray Ralph Ellison’s portrayal of the struggles and experiences of the Negro in the American society. The work examines his plot, characterization and his artistry which are all geared towards the success of the novel. The paper examines the role of these literary elements employed by Ellison to dissect the American society showing the conditions and plights of the Negro living among the whites in America. America is in the midst of chaos. Her oppression and antagonism of the Negro has resulted in a blindness that is contagious, and everybody is affected. This work attempts to unravel the state of incompatibility hinged on racism and exploitation as practiced in America against the Negroes. This has been the hallmark of literary expression of the 1960s and beyond among nations that have experienced exploitation and oppression. The nations notably include: South Africa, Kenya, Zambia, and other West African countries. These conditions have engendered literary reactions among scholars across the Globe.
17
ENGEL, ELISABETH. „Southern Looks? A History of African American Missionary Photography of Africa, 1890s–1930s“. Journal of American Studies 52, Nr. 2 (Mai 2018): 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700192x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article traces and analyzes the missionary photography of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the most important independent black American institution that began to operate in colonial South Africa at the onset of the politics of racial segregation in the 1890s. It argues that AME missionary photography presents a neglected archive, from which a history of black photographic encounters and a subaltern perspective on the dominant visual cultures of European imperialism and Christian missions in Africa can be retrieved. Focussing in particular on how AME missionaries deployed tropes of the culturally refined “New Negro” and the US South in their visual description of South Africa, this article demonstrates that photography was an important tool for black subjects to define their image beyond the representations of black inferiority that established visual traditions constructed.
18
Lachance, Paul F. „The Formation of a Three-Caste Society: Evidence from Wills in Antebellum New Orleans“. Social Science History 18, Nr. 2 (1994): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016990.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the Americas, two types of racial systems developed at the confluence of migration streams from Europe and Africa. In the Caribbean, free persons of color emerged as an intermediary group between whites and large populations of Negro slaves. In British mainland colonies, whites came to treat all blacks, whether free or enslaved, mulatto or Negro, as a single social category (Hoetink 1967; Mörner 1967: 136–38).
19
Kwiecińska, Karolina. „Charakterystyka pojęć dotyczących Afryki zawartych we współczesnych słownikach języka polskiego“. Adeptus, Nr. 1 (10.06.2013): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2012.005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Comparison of the linguistic image of Africa in a specific Polish dictionaryThis project constitutes the main part of my doctoral thesis carried out under the supervision of Prof. Zbigniew Greń at the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences. In order to conduct comparative research and to analyze the differences between lexemes in Polish and Swahili, I have chosen methodology connected within a course of cognitive research, namely the linguistic image of the world. As part of the project I would like to look into and describe the linguistic image of Africa in specific Polish reportages. In addition, and in order to show the differences in the ways of conceptualisation of the reality by representatives of other cultures, I am planning to visit Tanzania to do more research. This article contains the linguistic image of Africa in a specific Polish dictionary. I have analysed the lexemes: Africa, African and Negro to show the dissimilarities.
20
Pasler, Jann. „Music and African Diplomacy at the Festival Mondial des Arts Nègres, Dakar, 1966“. Diplomatica 3, Nr. 2 (28.12.2021): 302–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-03020004.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract To celebrate independence from France and promote better understanding between “continents, races, and cultures,” in 1966 Senegal produced the World Festival of Negro Arts. Forty-five nations participated. At its core were diplomatic goals involving music. Not only could music help Africans recover their pre-colonial heritage, it encouraged dialogue among cultures and cultural development fueling liberation from the colonial past. Listening for what was shared, as in jazz, and cooperating internationally, as in the Gorée spectacle and recordings competition, encouraged mutual understanding, the basis of alliances world-wide, essential for prosperity. By including African Catholic music, anglophone as well as francophone contributions, and radio broadcasts across Africa, the festival promoted inter-African alliances, necessary for lasting peace in Africa. Here, amid the cold war and this diverse soundscape of musical activities in Dakar, an African mode of diplomacy found its voice and its power. Dialogue, exchange, and cooperation would inspire a new future.
21
Obszyński, Michał. „Définir l’Afrique par la littérature – le littéraire comme vecteur de l’africanité dans le discours des Congrès des écrivains et artistes noirs (Paris, 1956 et Rome, 1959)“. Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 50, Nr. 1 (28.04.2023): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strop.2023.50.1.6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In our paper we show how Black writers (those of Africa and those of the Black diaspora in Europe and America) have contributed to the intellectual work centered on the idea of Africanity. We explain to what extent literature, as one of the domains of culture, reflects different visions of Africa, as formulated in the discourse of the World Congresses of Black Writers and Artists (Paris, 1956 and Rome, 1959). With reference to the official texts presented or elaborated during these events, we expose in which way literature is involved in the decolonial remapping of the geocultural place of Africa and in the remodeling of the postcolonial literary geography while pointing out the precursory or heralding character of certain postulates whose echoes will be heard during the festivals of negro and pan-African art of the 1960s and whose relevance is also confirmed nowadays.
22
VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. „‘SEA KAFFIRS’: ‘AMERICAN NEGROES’ AND THE GOSPEL OF GARVEYISM IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN“. Journal of African History 47, Nr. 2 (Juli 2006): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001824.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.
23
Smitherman, Geneva. „African Americans and "English Only"“. Language Problems and Language Planning 16, Nr. 3 (01.01.1992): 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.16.3.02smi.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
RESUMEN Los americanos de origen africano y el "inglés solamente" El movimiento en pro del "inglés solamente" generalmente no se caracteriza como tema rel-acionado a los afro-americanos; se tiende a limitar el enfoque a los hispanos y asiâticos. Sin embargo, la lucha histórica de los negros en general, y en torno al vernáculo negro en particular, puede ser una fuerza importante en la lucha pro los derechos linguisticos de los grupos minori-tarios. Se investiga la perspectiva negra a través de un breve repaso de los amplios beneficios sociales de la lucha afro-americana - por medio del lente del liderato negro - y a través de una encuesta de afro-americanos residentes de grandes ciudades. La conclusión destaca la necesidad de activar y educar a los afro-americanos en cuanto al "inglés solamente". RESUMO Afrikaj usonanoj kaj la movado "Nur-Angla" La nuntempa movado "Nur-Angla" (kiu celas oficialigi la anglan lingvon en Usono kiel solan oficialan lingvon) kutime ne estas karakterizata kiel demando por afrikaj usonanoj, car gi foku-sigas je hispanparolantoj kaj azianoj. Sed la historia strebado de nigruloj generale, kaj cirkaŭ la nigrula angla idiomo specife, implicas ke afrikaj usonanoj povas konsistigi signifan forton en la strebado por minoritataj lingvaj rajtoj. Oni ci tie esploras la nigrulan perspektivon pri Nur-Angla per mallonga superrigardo de la pli vastaj sociaj avantagoj de la afrik-usona strebado, tra la lenso de la nigrula gvidantara klaso, kaj per publika enketo de afrikaj usonanoj en cefaj urboj. La artikolo konkludas, ke necesas aktivigi kaj klerigi la afrikajn usonanojn pri Nur-Angla.
24
Engel, Elisabeth. „The ecumenical origins of pan-Africanism: Africa and the ‘Southern Negro’ in the International Missionary Council’s global vision of Christian indigenization in the 1920s“. Journal of Global History 13, Nr. 2 (21.06.2018): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000050.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis article explores the attitudes and policies of the International Missionary Council (IMC) concerning Africa and African Americans. It aims to revise historical scholarship that views the ecumenical missionary movement as originating in white Western missions and guided by the goals of post-war internationalism. It argues that the IMC, founded in 1921 as the central institution for coordinating Protestant missions around the world, developed an ecumenical definition of pan-Africanism. This definition cast African Americans from the US south in the role of ‘native’ leaders in the formation of indigenous churches in Africa. With this racialized version of Christian indigenization, the IMC excluded African Christian groups that sought to form their own churches. It promoted, instead, European colonial projects and missionary societies that aimed to use African American missionaries to counter the incendiary ideas of pan-Africanism.
25
Chęciński, T., und P. Jędras. „Diheterospora chlamydospora in Poland“. Acta Mycologica 8, Nr. 1 (21.11.2014): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5586/am.1972.002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
A description is given of the above named fungus, never before reported from Poland. It has been isolated from the soil in the city of Łódź, within University grounds near the academic homes accomodating negro students from Africa.
26
Boulbina, Seloua Luste. „“Thinking in Lightning and Thunder”: An Interview with Achille Mbembe“. Critical Philosophy of Race 4, Nr. 2 (01.07.2016): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/critphilrace.4.2.145.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Achille Mbembe has followed a singular path that led him to live and think in several continents at once: Africa, Europe, North America. He is one of the most innovative contemporary thinkers today, liberating the analysis of Africa (both myth and reality) from the classic economic and institutional approach, freeing this approach from its privileged axes (ancient vs. modern, colony vs. metropole, etc.), and displacing the point of view of rationality to the imaginary. From book to book, from position to position, he has developed an intra- and intercontinental migrant thought that has recently given birth to a “critique of negro reason [critque de la raison nègre],” since the Negro [le Nègre], he explains, is the only one whose flesh was made, under the empire of race, into a commodity. How does Achille Mbembe understand his work? How does he accomplish it? That is the guiding thread of this interview.
27
Weiler, Kathleen. „Mabel Carney at Teachers College: From Home Missionary to White Ally“. Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 107, Nr. 12 (Dezember 2005): 2599–633. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810510701203.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article discusses the career of Mabel Carney, head of the Department of Rural Education at Teachers College from 1918 to 1941. Carney was deeply involved with African American and African education, traveling to Africa and the American South, teaching courses on “Negro education,” and working closely with both African and African American graduate students. When she retired from Teachers College in 1942, she was given an honorary doctorate from Howard University for her support of African American education. She died in 1968. Carney is barely mentioned in educational histories of the period. Her life and contributions to African American struggles for higher education reveal a little-known history. But her story also illuminates the instability of conceptions of race, the uneasy positioning of white women reformers, and the ways that progressive white educators’ understandings of race changed in the interwar years in response to broader political events and social movements.
28
Karim, Mohammad Rezaul, Ramesh Sharma und Wahaj Unnisa Warda. „Writing Is Not “Anti-African”: How Naipaul “See(s) Much” About Africa“. Journal of Language Teaching and Research 14, Nr. 6 (01.11.2023): 1730–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1406.32.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Many critics have harshly criticized V.S. Naipaul's works, both fiction and trip memoirs on the postcolonial sociocultural milieu of Africa, for being racially objectionable. The indictment apparently has a rationale too in the sense that his writings- In a Free State (1971), A Band in the River (1979) and Masque of Africa for instance- outright seem to be intestinal butchery of the African life, past and present, without any sense of mercy. However, he has countered all the critics often to defend his writings. In fact, this stand of Naipaul on his writings prompts this paper for a scrutiny and apparently, it seems that, as it will be explored, his defense stands; he has seen “much” about Africa, its future. Paradoxically, in his internal butchery he is neither “anti-African” nor “anti-Negro.” His African discourse, though supposed to be they do not have any such offensive, butchery agenda in nature, rather seems to have a tendency of seeing “much” future possibilities in the postcolonial paradox with a spiral into its past. Although the African post-colonial paradox is colonial, he also understands it as a part of another form of ups and downs in the history of African civilization. This is more apparent in his writings and more perceptible in the context of the postcolonial viewpoint on displacement and dislocation. Postcolonial discourse usually emphasizes a crisis in its perspectives. However, for Naipaul, they are also, just like every other civilization, the nature of the history of the African civilization. It is in this understanding, being explored, he sees “much” possibilities, an enabling phenomenon, rather than a crisis in the African paradox.
29
SARR, Mouhamadou Nissire. „Quelques survivances de la civilisation égyptienne dans la Grèce antique : études des travaux de Cheikh Anta Diop et de Théophile Obenga“. Afrosciences Antiquity Sunu-Xalaat 1, Nr. 1 (02.12.2021): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.61585/pud-asasx-v1n102.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
During the last century a lively debate rose, within the western intelligentsia, on the Egyptian contribution to the Greece civilization that started since their direct contact in the course of the XXVIth dynasty. Emile Amelineau (1916) and Paul Masson-Oursel (1948) had already expressed the need to inquiry Greek testimonies in order to evaluate the influence of the Egyptian civilization in the philosophical and scientific fields on that of Greece. This topic has also been discussed by Cheikh Anta Diop and Theophile Obenga who decided to focus themselves on egyptian and negro-african sources. This present paper revisits the work of these historians in order to highlight the contribution of black Africa to universal civilization
30
Munanga, Kabengele. „Why teach the history of Africa and of the negro intodays Brazil?“ Revista do Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros, Nr. 62 (13.11.2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-901x.v0i62p20-31.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
O Brasil oferece o melhor exemplo de um país que nasceu do encontro das diversidades étnicas e culturais. Povos indígenas, primeiros habitantes da terra que se tornou Brasil; aventureiros e colonizadores portugueses; africanos deportados e aqui escravizados; imigrantes europeus de diversas origens étnicas e culturais e imigrantes asiáticos, todos formam as raízes culturais do Brasil de hoje. Sem dúvida, os sangues se misturaram como continuam a se misturar. Os deuses se tocaram e as cercas das identidades se aproximaram. No entanto, as resistências identitárias dessas matrizes culturais formadoras do Brasil continuam a se manifestar, influenciando a vida cotidiana de todos os brasileiros indistintamente. Por outro lado, os preconceitos culturais, apesar da mestiçagem, não deixaram de existir como ilustrado hoje pela chamada intolerância religiosa e pelos preconceitos raciais que estão correndo soltos até nos campos de futebol. A questão fundamental que se coloca é como ensinar a história desses povos que na historiografia oficial foi preterida e substituída pela história de um único continente, silenciando a rica diversidade cultural em nome de um monoculturalismo justificado pelo chamado sincretismo cultural ou mestiçagem, quando na realidade o que se ensina mesmo é a Europa com sua história e sua cultura. Aqui se coloca a importância de uma educação multicultural que enfoque nossa rica diversidade ao incluir na formação da cidadania a história e a cultura de outras raízes formadoras do Brasil. As leis 10 639/03 e 11645/08 que tornam obrigatório o ensino da história do continente africano, dos negros e povos indígenas brasileiros têm essa função reparatória e corretora.
31
Pollard, R. „Ethnic Variation of Twinning Rates in Malawi“. Acta geneticae medicae et gemellologiae: twin research 45, Nr. 3 (Juli 1996): 361–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001566000000957.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractMalawi is a country in South-East Africa with a population of approximately 10 million, over 95% of whom are negro of Bantu origin. The country is divided into 24 administrative districts, each of which provides details of births which are compiled centrally at the Ministry of Health. Using data reported annually by health facilities from 1987-1990, most districts had twinning rates in the range 16 to 24 per 1000 maternities, figures consistent with those of other negro populations in Africa. Two adjoining districts (Rumphi and Mzimba) had rates which were considerably higher, almost 30 per 1000. Although ethnic origin is not recorded in the latest Malawi census, language spoken in the home, which was last recorded in 1966, can be used as a proxy. Rumphi and Mzimba are the only districts with an overwhelming majority of Tumbuka speaking population. These people, who are of both Tumbuka and Ngoni ethnic origin, therefore have an unusually high twinning rate (29.57 per 1000 maternities). The rate for the main ethnic group in Malawi, the Chewa people, was 21.21 per 1000. The district of Thyolo, with a mixed ethnic population, had by far the lowest rate (13.75 per 1000).
32
Corber, Robert J. „Queering I Am Not Your Negro: or Why We Need James Baldwin More Than Ever“. James Baldwin Review 3, Nr. 1 (04.10.2017): 160–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jbr.3.10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The author reviews Raoul Peck’s 2016 film, I Am Not Your Negro, finding it a remarkable achievement as a documentary that breaks with cinematic conventions and emphasizes the importance of listening as much as looking. The director has singled out Baldwin as the writer whose work spoke most directly to his own identity and experience during his peripatetic childhood in Haiti and Africa, and in I Am Not Your Negro, Peck aims to ensure that Baldwin’s words will have a similar effect on audiences. However, even as it succeeds in reanimating Baldwin’s voice for a new political era, I Am Not Your Negro inadvertently exposes the difficulty of fully capturing or honoring the writer’s complex legacy. As scholars have long noted, interest in Baldwin’s life and work tends to divide along racial and sexual lines, and Peck’s documentary is no exception. The filmmaker privileges Baldwin’s blackness over his queerness by overlooking the parts of The Devil Finds Work and No Name in the Street in which the writer’s queerness figures prominently.
33
Jackson, Justin F. „Crossing Islands and Oceans in Labor Histories of American Empire: Capital, Commodities, Coolies, and Consumers“. International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000405.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In 1915, as the Great War was consuming Europe and its colonial empires, W.E.B. Du Bois completedThe Negro, one of the first comprehensive histories of Africa and its diaspora ever published in the United States. Overshadowed today by his more well-known writings,The Negromeditated on how “the problem of the color line” was nothing if not the result of centuries of global capitalist development dependent upon coerced labor, especially African chattel slavery in the Atlantic world. For Du Bois, peering back in time through the smoking ruins of total war, slavery's postemancipation legacies of political disenfranchisement, landlessness, poverty, and segregation had birthed a global proletariat of color exploited by white Europeans and Americans in an international order divided more and more along imperial lines.
34
Echeruo, Michael J. C. „Edward W. Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, and the ‘Color Complex’“. Journal of Modern African Studies 30, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1992): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011101.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article is an attempt to present (and thereby to come to terms with) an important aspect of the meaning of race as it relates to the experience of black people, especially in America. It commences with Edward W. Blyden because his ‘color complex’ is of a kind that brings us back, not without much embarrassment, to the realisation that while colour may be a state of the mind, it is also and even primarily a matter of the body. Blyden is particularly appropriate as a starting point, for he is an epitome, in many ways, of the African experience in the later nineteenth century, linking (as he does) the multiple experiences of the Caribbean, the United States, and mainland Africa. He wrote at a time when the intellectual and other currents in ‘Negro’ America flowed easily to the new centres of influence in Liberia and colonial West Africa. He was thus the product of the history of Africanity in his period, and for a long time after.
35
Jones, William P. „“Nothing Special to Offer the Negro”: Revisiting the “‘Debsian View’ of the Negro Question”“. International Labor and Working-Class History 74, Nr. 1 (2008): 212–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000252.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractSince the early twentieth century Eugene V. Debs and his essay “The Negro in the Class Struggle” have been cited repeatedly as examples of an alleged indifference among white radicals to African Americans and the historical significance of racism in the United States. A close reading of the essay reveals just the opposite. Not only did Debs support African Americans' struggle for equality, he believed that it was critical to the realization of America's democratic promise. That position alienated him from other white Socialists, but it won the admiration of African American radicals including W.E.B. Du Bois and A. Philip Randolph. This essay examines how Debs's essay came to be interpreted as a capitulation to racism and, over time, alleged indifference to African Americans and the significance of racism in the history of the United States.
36
Cole, Rich. „Claude McKay’s Bad Nationalists“. English Language Notes 59, Nr. 1 (01.04.2021): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-8815016.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract This article examines Claude McKay’s 1928 journey to Africa under colonial occupation and uncovers how these true events partly inspired his late work of expatriate fiction, Romance in Marseille. By bringing together migration studies with literary history, the article challenges and expands existing research that suggests that McKay’s writings register the impulse for a nomadic wandering away from oppressive forms of identity control set up in the wake of World War I. The article contends that Claude McKay’s renegade cast of “bad nationalist” characters registers a generative tension between the imperial national forms the author encountered in North Africa and the Black nationalist vision of Marcus Garvey’s Back-to-Africa campaign. Reading the dialectics of bad nationalisms and Black internationalisms, the article explores how the utopian promise for Black liberation by returning back to Africa, central to the New Negro project of Black advancement, frequently becomes entangled in McKay’s transnational stowaway fiction with conflicting calls for reparations, liabilities, and shipping damages.
37
Lewis, Rupert, und Robert A. Hill. „The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers: Africa for the Africans.“ International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, Nr. 1 (1999): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220829.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
38
Camara, Gamby Diagne. „Faces of Blackness: The Creation of the New Negro and Négritude Movements in Harlem and Paris“. Journal of Black Studies 51, Nr. 8 (12.08.2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720948737.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article explores the cultural and ideological link between the New Negro Movement of Harlem and the Négritude Movement of Paris from 1920s to the 1940s. It examines how the works of African American, Caribbean, and African authors such as Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, Aimé Césaire, and Léopold Sedar Senghor amongst others are, despite their different backgrounds, united by the common themes of racialized oppression, cultural alienation, and pride in their African heritage. The article also addresses social, cultural and theoretical shortcomings of the New Negro and Négritude movements, which have resulted in widespread criticism of theories of Black culture and identity. Lastly, it explains how the values promoted by New Negro and Négritude literarure remain useful in catalyzing social change today.
39
Rawley, James A. „Richard Harris, Slave Trader Spokesman“. Albion 23, Nr. 3 (1991): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051111.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
“So little is known of the separate traders,” lamented the historian of the Royal African Company, K. G. Davies, that he was reduced to perceptive speculation about their activity. The authority, Basil Williams, writing about the period 1714–1760, asserted, “The traffic in negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company.…“ In actuality a great deal can be discovered about the separate traders and their activity. The papers of Humphry Morice provide a rich source for a merchant who was perhaps London's and Great Britain's foremost slave trader in the 1720s. The assertion that the traffic in Negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company is easily refuted by materials in the Public Record Office. London separate traders dominated the trade for the first three decades of the eighteenth century giving way to Bristol traders in the 1730s, who in turn gave way to Liverpool ascendancy in the 1740s.The English slave trade between 1699 and 1729, energized by the end of monopoly and the booming international market for slaves in America, grew prodigiously. In these years England accounted for nearly one-half of all slaves exported from the west coast of Africa. London alone accounted for two-thirds of all slaves delivered by English ships.Although the period falls half a century and more before the classic exposition of the advantages of free trade over monopoly by Adam Smith, an English free trade doctrine had found expression in Sir Dudley North's pamphlet, Discourses upon Trade (1691), and parlimentary proceedings. Interlopers in the slave trade, smugglers in the lucrative Spanish-American trade who opposed parliamentary restriction on their activity, separate traders whose participation in the trade became legalized in 1698, and a variety of commercial, industrial, and planting interests all contributed in their fashion to an outlook favoring free trade in slaves.
40
Katznelson, Ira. „Du Bois’s Century“. Social Science History 23, Nr. 4 (1999): 459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021817.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In March 1900, William Edward Burghart Du Bois addressed the third annual meeting of the American Negro Academy on “the present outlook for the dark races of mankind.” He cautioned, though It is natural for us to consider that our race question is a purely national and local affair, confined to nine million Americans and settled when their rights and opportunities are assured. … a glance over the world at the dawn of a new century will convince us that this is but the be-ginning of the problem—that the color line belts the world and that the social problem of the twentieth century is to be the relation of the civilized world to the dark races of mankind. If we start eastward tonight and land on the continent of Africa we land in the center of the greater Negro problem—of the world problem of the black man. (1996 [1900]: 47–48)
41
Marcocci, Giuseppe. „Blackness and Heathenism. Color, Theology, and Race in the Portuguese World, c. 1450-1600“. Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 43, Nr. 2 (01.07.2016): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/achsc.v43n2.59068.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The coexistence of a process of hierarchy and discrimination among human groups alongside dynamics of cultural and social hybridization in the Portuguese world in the early modern age has led to an intense historiographical debate. This article aims to contribute to extending our perspectives, focusing on the circulation of two global categories of classification: negro (Black) and gentio (Heathen) between the mid-fifteenth and late-sixteenth century. In particular, it explores the intersections between the perception of skin color and the reworking of theological concepts in a biologizing direction, which ran parallel to the development of an anti-Jewish theory based on blood purity. The line of enquiry leads from the coasts of West Africa, where it immediately meets the problem of slavery, to Brazil, via South Asia. The intense cross-fertilization of the categories of negro and gentio in the Portuguese world provides us with an alternative geography and institutional process of racialization to that of the Spanish Empire.
42
Meriwether, J. H. „"Worth a Lot of Negro Votes": Black Voters, Africa, and the 1960 Presidential Campaign“. Journal of American History 95, Nr. 3 (01.12.2008): 737–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694378.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
43
Pyrova, Tatiana Leonidovna. „Philosophical-aesthetic foundations of African-American hip-hop music“. Философия и культура, Nr. 12 (Dezember 2020): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2020.12.34717.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article is dedicated to the philosophical-aesthetic foundations of African-American hip-hop music of the late XX century. Developed by the African philosopher Leopold Senghor, the author of the theory of negritude, concept of Negro-African aesthetics laid the foundations for the formation of philosophical-political comprehension and development of the principles of African-American culture in the second half of the XX century in works of the founders of “Black Arts” movement. This research examines the main theses of the aesthetic theory of L. Senghor; traces his impact upon cultural-political movement “Black Art”; reveals which position of his aesthetic theory and cultural-political movement “Black Arts” affected hip-hop music. The author refers to the concept of “vibe” for understanding the influence of Negro-African aesthetics upon the development of hip-hop music. The impact of aesthetic theory of Leopold Senghor upon the theoretical positions of cultural-political movement “Black Arts” is demonstrated. The author also compares the characteristics of the Negro-African aesthetics and the concepts used to describe hip-hop music, and determines correlation between them. The conclusion is made that the research assessment of hip-hop music and comparative analysis of African-American hip-hop with the examples of global hip-hop should pay attention to the philosophical-aesthetic foundations of African-American hip-hop and their relation to Negro-African aesthetics, which differs fundamentally from the European aesthetic tradition.
44
Nagib, Lúcia. „Orfeu negro em cores: mito e realismo no filme de Cacá Diegues“. Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 8 (02.03.2018): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.8..15-24.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Resumo: Orfeu, de 1999, dirigido por Carlos Diegues, um dos raros filmes atuais a falar do negro, retoma a tradicional apologia do afro-descendente por seus dotes musicais. Vinicius de Moraes, com sua peça Orfeu da Conceição, que deu base ao filme Orfeu negro (1959) e ao Orfeu de Diegues, pretendeu universalizar a música negra (e, portanto, a música brasileira), ampliando-a de seu reduto de classe baixa, ligada às orgias do carnaval e aos transes de terreiro, para a experiência sublime do amor absoluto. Para tanto, recorreu ao mito órfico do poder encantatório da música, recurso claramente anti-realista. Ao adaptar Vinicius, Diegues acrescentou uma dimensão realista à história, tentando não perder os aspectos míticos e trágicos. De fato, no filme, a utopia do paraíso negro desenvolve-se pari passu com a dura realidade da favela.Palavras-chave: cinema brasileiro; negro; Orfeu.Abstract: Carlos Diegues’s Orpheus, 1999, one of the few contemporary films to focus on blacks, makes the traditional panegyric of the African descendents for their musical skills. Vinicius de Moraes, with his play Orfeu da Conceição, on which Black Orpheus (1959) and Diegues’s Orpheus were based, intended to universalise black music (therefore Brazilian music), upgrading it from its low class niche associated with carnival orgies and voodoo trances, to the sublime experience of absolute love. To that end, he resorted to the enchanting power of music contained in the Orphic myth, in a clearly anti-realistic attitude. When he adapted de Moraes, Diegues added a realistic dimension to the story, while trying to keep the mythic and tragic ones. Indeed, in the film, the utopia of black paradise merges with the hard reality of Rio slums.Keywords: Brazilian cinema; black; Orpheus.
45
Weiss, Holger. „The Road to Moscow: On Archival Sources Concerning the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers in the Comintern Archive“. History in Africa 39 (2012): 361–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2012.0000.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract:This article is a critical assessment of the documentary sources of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW) available at the Comintern Archives in Moscow. The organization was the key platform within the Comintern Apparatus to establish an African-Atlantic network of radical activists and organizations in Africa and the Caribbean during the first half of the 1930s. The article addresses the current status of available archival sources for assessing and analysing the objectives, intensity, extent and impact of the organization and its key activists, namely James W. Ford, George Padmore and Otto Huiswoud. It reflects on past and present presentations and evaluations of the ITUCNW's activities and provides a short outline of the chronological order of the organization. In addition, the transfer of its records from Hamburg to Moscow is discussed. The main emphasis is laid on the presentation of the various documentary sources available in Moscow, including reports, resolutions and correspondence.
46
Krasner, David, Lisa M. Anderson, Nadine George-Graves, John Rogers Harris, Barbara Lewis, Henry Miller und Harvey Young. „African American Theatre“. Theatre Survey 47, Nr. 2 (12.09.2006): 191–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557406000159.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
David Krasner: In surveying contemporary London theatre, New York Times critic Ben Brantley reported that the Tricycle Theatre hadinaugurated a season of African-American plays with the commandingly titled but obscure Walk Hard, Talk Loud, a play by Abram Hill from the early1940's. Abram who? The name meant nothing to me, but Abram Hill (1910–1986) was a founder and director of the American Negro Theater in New York (1940–1951) and a playwright, it seems, of considerable verve.3That Abram Hill and the American Negro Theatre—the most important black theatre company during the mid-twentieth century—has flown below the radar is indicative of how much work still needs to be accomplished.
47
Kone, Ténon. „El migrante negroafricano ante el mito de los grandes relatos en El metro de Donato Ndongo y Nativas de Vi-Makomè / The Black African migrant faced with the myth of the great stories in Donato Ndongo’s The Metro and Nativas by Vi-Makomè“. Pacha. Revista de Estudios Contemporáneos del Sur Global 1, Nr. 2 (31.08.2020): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/pacha.v1i2.25.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Las migraciones hoy en día se han convertido en un gran desafío de la vida política, social e imaginaria del Tout-Monde. Por lo mismo, hay una innegable acentuación de las migraciones intraafricanas, transafricanas y transcontinentales. A las migraciones Sur-Sur, se añaden las migraciones hacia Europa que siguen captando más la atención de los medios de comunicación. Si la migración masiva está bien difundida en el mundo, despierta recuerdos dolorosos en el caso particular del migrante negro africano postcolonial. El objetivo general que se pretende aquí es poner en tensión, a través de las dos novelas El metro y Nativas, de Donato Ndongo-Bidyogo e Inongo Vi Makomè respectivamente, el mito del “gran relato” de la proeza sexual supuestamente vigorosa del Negro. Otro cometido mayor de este artículo es contribuir modestamente al trabajo de desmitificación de la figura (sexual) del migrante negroafricano en Europa/Occidente. La elección de estas dos novelas tiene aquí una doble importancia. La primera es que pertenecen a la categoría de las novelas llamadas novelas de migración (que se inscriben plenamente hoy en día en lo que se puede llamar la “littérature-monde”). En segundo lugar, son novelas que sacan a la luz una gran parte de la problemática de las migraciones, de las “migrances” en general y, particularmente, la del advenimiento del migrante negroafricano postcolonial. Este estudio se ha basado en gran parte sobre las formulaciones teóricas de Victorien Lavou Zoungbo a través de su libro Outsidering… (2007), en el que aborda ampliamente la problemática del “gran relato del vigor-proeza sexual del negro”. Sus formulaciones teóricas en las que propone una articulación dinámica y operativa de la historia de los negros en las Américas parecen encajar bien con la problemática de la “presencia-historia” de los migrantes negro-africanos en Europa. El estudio ha mostrado que el mito de los “grandes relatos” (particularmente el vigor-proeza sexual del Negro) puede ser un factor de rechazo visceral o de integración “exitosa” de los migrantes negroafricanos en Europa/Occidente.
48
Fraiture, Pierre-Philippe. „Statues Also Die“. Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 24, Nr. 1 (12.10.2016): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2016.757.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
“African thinking,” “African thought,” and “African philosophy.” These phrases are often used indiscriminately to refer to intellectual activities in and/or about Africa. This large field, which sits at the crossroads between analytic philosophy, continental thought, political philosophy and even linguistics is apparently limitless in its ability to submit the object “Africa” to a multiplicity of disciplinary approaches. This absence of limits has far-reaching historical origins. Indeed it needs to be understood as a legacy of the period leading to African independence and to the context in which African philosophy emerged not so much as a discipline as a point of departure to think colonial strictures and the constraints of colonial modes of thinking. That the first (self-appointed) exponents of African philosophy were Westerners speaks volumes. Placide Tempels but also some of his predecessors such as Paul Radin (Primitive Man as Philosopher, 1927) and Vernon Brelsford (Primitive Philosophy, 1935) were the first scholars to envisage this extension of philosophy into the realm of the African “primitive.” The material explored in this article – Statues Also Die (Marker, Resnais, and Cloquet), Bantu Philosophy (Tempels), The Cultural Unity of Negro Africa (Cheikh Anta Diop), and It For Others (Duncan Campbell) - resonates with this initial gesture but also with the ambition on part of African philosophers such as VY Mudimbe to challenge the limits of a discipline shaped by late colonialism and then subsequently recaptured by ethnophilosophers. Statues Also Die is thus used here as a text to appraise the limitations of African philosophy at an early stage. The term “stage,” however, is purely arbitrary and the work of African philosophers has since the 1950s often been absorbed by an effort to retrieve African philosophizing practices before, or away from, the colonial matrix. This activity has gained momentum and has been characterized by an ambition to excavate and identify figures and traditions that had hitherto remained unacknowledged: from Ptah-hotep in ancient Egypt (Obenga 1973, 1990) and North-African Church fathers such as Saint Augustine, Tertullian and Arnobius of Sicca (Mudimbe and Nkashama 1977), to “falsafa”-practising Islamic thinkers (Diagne 2008; Jeppie and Diagne 2008), from the Ethiopian tradition of Zera Yacob and Walda Heywat (Sumner 1976), to Anton-Wilhelm Arno, the Germany-trained but Ghana-born Enlightenment philosopher (Hountondji [1983] 1996).
49
Blocker, Jack S. „Writing African American Migrations“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, Nr. 1 (Januar 2011): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000150.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Efforts to write the history of the African American migrations of the Civil War era, the Gilded Age, and the Progressive Era began soon after the start of these historically significant movements. Early scholarship labored to surmount the same methodological obstacles faced by modern scholars, notably scarce documentation, but still produced pathbreaking studies such as W. E. B. Du Bois'sThe Philadelphia Negro, Carter Woodson'sA Century of Negro Migration, and Clyde Kiser'sSea Island to City. Modern scholarship since the 1950s falls into eight distinct genres. An assessment of representative works in each genre reveals a variety of configurations of strengths and weaknesses, while offering guidelines for future research.
50
Felipe, Delton Aparecido. „Brasil – África: a formação docente para o ensino de história e cultura afro-brasileira e africana como estratégia de uma educação antirracista (Brazil – Africa: the teacher training for the teaching of Afro-Brazilian and African history and culture as a strategy for antiracist education)“. Revista Eletrônica de Educação 14 (14.05.2020): 3372087. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271993372.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The present article aims problematize strategies to effect an antiracist education in the classroom, in accordance with the assumptions of Law 10.639 / 2003, for this we report the results of the Brazil - Africa extension course: Possible Dialogues in Basic Education, carried out at the State University of Paraná - Campo Mourão (Brazil). The course was organized in two moments, the first that we titled from Ten years of Law 10.639 / 2003 - stories to tell; the second from Brazil-Africa: possible relations. We had sixty-four participants enrolled, mostly teachers of the history discipline. During the extension event, we tried to elaborate antiracist strategies for the teaching of Afro-Brazilian and African History and Culture, it was possible to construct an argument for teachers to recognize the existence of racism and its functioning in Brazilian society, problematizing the impact of the said law in schools and the importance of working the history of Africa to deconstruct the stereotyped conceptions about the African black population and its descendants in Brazil. We conclude that this course made possible the amplification of the knowledge about the history of the black population, besides offering subsidies for the accomplishment of an education that would combat the racist practices present in the current society.ResumoO presente artigo tem como objetivo problematizar estratégias para efetivar uma educação antirracista, em sala de aula, em conformidade com os pressupostos da Lei 10.639/2003. Para isso relatamos os resultados do curso de extensão “Brasil – África: Diálogos Possíveis na Educação Básica”, realizado na Universidade do Estado do Paraná – Campus de Campo Mourão. O curso foi organizado em dois momentos, o primeiro que intitulamos de Dez anos da Lei 10.639/2003 - histórias para contar; o segundo de Brasil-África: relações possíveis. Tivemos sessenta e quatro participantes inscritos, em sua maioria professores e professoras da disciplina de história. No decorrer do evento de extensão buscamos elaborar estratégias antirracistas para o Ensino de História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Africana, foi possível construir uma argumentação para que os docentes reconhecessem a existência do racismo e seu funcionamento na sociedade brasileira, problematizando o impacto da aprovação da referida lei nas escolas e a importância de trabalharmos a história da África para desconstruir as concepções estereotipadas sobre a população negra africana e seus descendentes no Brasil. Concluímos que esse curso possibilitou a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre história da população negra, além de oferecer subsídios para a efetivação de uma educação que combata as práticas racistas presente na sociedade atual.Palavras-chave: Lei 10.639/2003, Formação docente, Educação antirracista.Keywords: Law 10.639/2003, Teacher training, Antiracist education.ReferencesADICHIE, Chimamanda. O perigo da história única. 2009, disponível in: http://www.ted.com/talks/lang/por_pt/chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story.html, acesso em 09/01/2019ALBUQUERQUE, Wlamyra R. de; FRAGA FILHO, Walter. Uma história do negro no Brasil. Salvador: Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais; Brasília: Fundação Cultural Palmares, 2006.ALMEIDA, S. O que é racismo estrutural? – Coleção Feminismos Plurais, Editora Justificando, São Paulo: 2018.BOGDAN, Roberto C.; BIKLEN, Sari Knopp. Investigação qualitativa em educação. Porto: Porto Editora, 1994.BRASIL. Lei nº 10.639, de 9 de janeiro de 2003. Altera a Lei nº 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996, que estabelece as dire-trizes e bases da educação nacional, para incluir no currículo oficial da rede de ensino a obrigatoriedade da temática “História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira”, e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, DF, 10 jan. 2003.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Diretrizes curriculares nacionais para a educação das relações étnico-raciais e para o ensino de história e cultura afro-brasileira e africana. Brasília, MEC/Secad, 2004.CAVALLEIRO, Eliane. Educação anti-racista: compromisso indispensável para um mundo melhor. In: CAVALLEIRO, Eliane. (Ed.). Racismo e anti-racismo na educação: repensando a escola. São Paulo: Selo Negro, 2001. p. 141-60.DOMINGUES, Petrônio. Movimento negro brasileiro: alguns apontamentos históricos. Tempo [online], Rio de Janeiro, v.12, n. 23, p. 100-122, 2007.FELIPE, Delton Aparecido. A presença negra na história do Paraná (Brasil): a memória entre o esquecimento e a lembrança. Revista de História da UEG, v. 7, n. 1, p. 156-171, 2018.FERRAÇO, Carlos Eduardo. Eu, caçador de mim. In: GARCIA, Regina Leite (Org.). Método: pesquisa com o cotidiano. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A, 2003. p. 157-175.FERRO, Marc. História vigiada. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1989.GOMES, Nilma Lino. Panorama de Implementação da Lei nº10.639/2003: Contribuições da Pesquisa Práticas Pedagógicas de Trabalho com Relações Étnico-raciais na Escola. In: SILVA, Tatiana Dias; GOES, Fernanda Lira. Igualdade Racial no Brasil: Reflexões no Ano Internacional dos Afrodescendentes. Brasileia: Ipea, 2013.LOVEJOY, Paul. A Escravidão na África – Uma História de suas Transformações. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2002.MATTOS, Hebe Maria. O ensino de História e a luta contra a discriminação racial no Brasil. In: ABREU, Martha; SOIHET, Rachel (Org.). Ensino de História: conceitos, temáticas e metodologia. Rio de Janeiro: Casa da Palavra, 2003, p. 127-136.MUNANGA, Kabengele. Rediscutindo a mestiçagem no Brasil: identidade nacional versus identidade negra. 3ed. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2008.PÉREZ, Carmen Lúcia Vidal. Cotidiano: história(s), memória e narrativa. Uma experiência de formação continuada de professores alfabetizadoras. In: GARCIA, Regina Leite (Org.). Método: pesquisa com o cotidiano. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A, 2003. p. 97-118SILVA, Alberto da Costa e. A África explicada aos meus filhos. Rio de Janeiro: Agir, 2008.e3372087