Thematische Bibliographien / Tariff, United States, 1921

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Tariff, United States, 1921“

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Veröffentlicht am 26. Juli 2024
Zuletzt aktualisiert am 27. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Tariff, United States, 1921"

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Pincus, Jonathan. „International Trade and Political Conflict: Commerce, Coalitions, and Mobility. By Michael J Hiscox. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp xiv, 209. $49.50, cloth; $18.95, paper.“ Journal of Economic History 63, Nr. 1 (März 2003): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703621807.

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This short book has a novel thesis, which is that the degree of factor mobility at the national level influenced the politics of foreign-trade policies. When factor mobility was high, tariff legislation was class legislation. When mobility was low, tariffs were decided by interest-group competition. Michael Hiscox brings data on mobility to bear on the history of foreign trade policies of the six countries—the United States, Britain, France, Sweden, Canada, and Australia—over the last one or two hundred years or so, devoting a chapter to each. He then tests his ideas quantitatively on U.S. congressional voting between 1924 and 1994, finding that, when the indicators of factor mobility were low, an “interest group theory” better explains U.S. tariff politics than does a “class legislation theory” (and the reverse when mobility was high).
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Beaulieu, Eugene, und J. C. Herbert Emery. „PORK PACKERS, RECIPROCITY, AND LAURIER'S DEFEAT IN THE 1911 CANADIAN GENERAL ELECTION“. Journal of Economic History 61, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2001): 1083–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701042097.

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The 1911 Canada–United States Reciprocity Agreement had a central role in the campaigns of the Liberal and Conservative parties in the 1911 Canadian General Election. Consequently, Laurier's defeat in 1911 has been interpreted as Canada's rejection of reciprocity and her commitment to tariff protection. This analysis shows that reciprocity bolstered support for Laurier in 1911. In the absence of opposition from pork packers, particularly in Quebec, Laurier would have retained his majority mandate. Thus, Canada was not committing to a path of protectionism after 1911.
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Rulli, Daniel. „Campaigning In 1928“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 31, Nr. 1 (01.04.2006): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.31.1.42-46.

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While the military and political accomplishments of World War I were clearly limited, the war, nonetheless, established a foundation for unparalleled economic growth in the United States during the 1920s. A significant consumer economy grew as many Americans worked fewer hours, earned higher salaries, invested in the stock market, and bought everything from washing machines to Model T Fords. This culture of consumerism in the 1920s changed the politics of American society and set the tone for American attitudes about economic political issues for decades to come. In the early 1920s, President Warren G. Harding's policies were generally conservative, especially regarding taxes, tariffs, immigration restriction, labor rights, and business regulation. Continuing Republican policies, President Calvin Coolidge included federal tax cuts and high tariffs. The expansive economy of the 1920s was fueled by the use of factory machine manufacturing and standardized mass production. The economic boom also resulted from the effects of World War I on technology, scientific management, the rapid increase in worker productivity, the psychology of mass consumption (with installment credit) behind the purchase of radios, motion picture tickets, electric appliances, and automobiles. Certainly, federal policies that supported big business with high tariffs, cutbacks in the authority of the Federal Trade Commission to regulate unfair trade practices, and the reduction of corporate and personal income taxes contributed to the boom as well. It was with this backdrop that Herbert Hoover and Al Smith squared off in the election of 1928. Hoover was born in Iowa and orphaned as a child. He began a career as a mining engineer soon after graduating from Stanford University in 1895. Within twenty years he had used his engineering knowledge and business skills to make a fortune as an independent mining consultant. In 1914, Hoover administered the American Relief Committee and during World War I he headed the Commission for Relief in Belgium and the U.S. Food Administration and was chairman of the Interallied Food Council. After the war he directed the American Relief Administration. Then Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt said of Hoover in 1920, "He is certainly a wonder and I wish we could make him President of the United States. There could be no better one." In 1919 Hoover founded the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace at Stanford University. As Secretary of Commerce in the Harding and Coolidge administrations from 1921 to 1929, Hoover was widely celebrated for his leadership. The man who had fed Belgium, had run the U.S. Food Administration, revolutionized the Department of Commerce, and ministered to victims of the 1927 Mississippi flood appeared the ideal candidate in 1928. Hoover seemed more practical than Woodrow Wilson, glowed with respectability compared to the Harding administration, was easily more inspired than Coolidge, and was generally considered more "purely American" than his Democratic opponent, New York Governor Alfred E. Smith.
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SEYER, SEAN. „An Industry Worth Protecting? The Manufacturers Aircraft Association’s Struggle against the British Surplus, 1919–1922“. Journal of Policy History 34, Nr. 3 (06.06.2022): 403–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000112.

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AbstractThe American aircraft industry’s important role in the economic, military, and cultural expansion of the United States over the past one hundred years has been well documented by historians. But America’s twentieth century aerial dominance was not preordained. After World War I, the nascent American aircraft industry faced a concerted British effort to dump thousands of war surplus machines on the U.S. market. With aircraft outside of the nation’s tariff regime, members of the Manufacturers Aircraft Association turned to Congress for emergency protections in the face of what they considered an existential threat. Despite efforts to equate a strong industrial base for aviation with the national defense, aircraft antidumping legislation became mired in partisan debates over tariff policy and accusations of wartime corruption. In the absence of relief from Congress, the Wright patent served as a barrier against the importation of foreign surplus machines.
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Goldstein, Judith, und Robert Gulotty. „America and Trade Liberalization: The Limits of Institutional Reform“. International Organization 68, Nr. 2 (2014): 263–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000490.

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AbstractAmong scholars, delegation of power to the US president in 1934 is widely believed to have been a necessary requisite for tariff reductions in ensuing years. According to conventional wisdom, delegation to the president sheltered Congress from constituent pressure thereby facilitating the opening of the US economy and the emergence of the United States as a world power. This article suggests a revision to our understanding of just how that occurred. Through a close study of the US tariff schedule between 1928 and 1964, focusing on highly protected products, we examine which products were subject to liberalization and at what time. After 1934, delegation led to a change in trade policy, not because Congress gave up their constitutional prerogative in this domain but because presidents were able to target the potential economic dislocation that derives from import competition to avoid the creation of a congressional majority willing to halt the trade agreements program.
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POTTER, SIMON J. „THE IMPERIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CANADIAN–AMERICAN RECIPROCITY PROPOSALS OF 1911“. Historical Journal 47, Nr. 1 (März 2004): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003522.

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This article builds on the recent willingness among British, Canadian, and imperial historians to question older national histories, and to re-examine how the divergent societies, economies, and polities of the empire once interacted in a wider ‘British world’. It argues that the press acted as a key mechanism for the transmission of political ideas through the permeable internal boundaries of empire. This is demonstrated through analysis of contemporary debate over the Canadian–American reciprocity proposals of 1911. This controversy provided an opportunity for political groups in Britain and Canada to use the press to forge alliances with each other and work together on a specific issue. Two key forces made this possible. In Britain, constructive imperialists had since 1903 sought to rally Dominion support for tariff reform, initially with limited success. In Canada, neither western farmers nor eastern manufacturers seemed interested in imperial preference. It was the reciprocity proposals that changed the situation, providing the second driving force. Canadian manufacturing interests, seeking to prevent the lowering of tariff barriers against United States rivals, began to court British constructive imperialists. As a result political conflict was reshaped both in colony and metropole.
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Joshi, Vivek. „Preferential Tariff Formation – The Case of the United States“. Journal of World Trade 47, Issue 4 (01.08.2013): 835–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2013028.

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In this article, we address the impact of multilateral trade liberalization (MTL) on the preferential tariffs granted by the United States, which is one of the largest traders and one of the biggest contributors to MTL. We empirically address two important questions. First, if the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) tariff for a product is higher, does it lead to a higher or lower preferential tariff? Second, the US being a large trading partner in such agreements, does reciprocity matter for giving meaningful preferential access? For a given MFN tariff, we model the preferential tariff with a simple linear functional form. We take the US MTL as known to the world by the end of Uruguay Round in 1994 and estimate the impact of MTL on preferential tariff negotiations of the US during 1995 to 2007. Here use a three-dimensional panel data, which takes into account the partner, product and time variation of the data-set. To complete our data-set, we codify eight Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA) legal agreements. We draw three important conclusions. First, the products that are highly protected do not get high preferential access even at the regional level. Second, reciprocity plays only a limited role in granting better preferential access. Third, irrespective of development level of the partner, the non-reciprocal Generalized System of Preference (GSP) preferences always matter.
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Guifen, Pei, und Wang Xinying. „A Comparative Study of China and Japan’s Response to Section 301 Investigations of the United States“. Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.902800.

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Japan is the country with the most Section 301 investigations initiated by the United States. Meanwhile, the ongoing Section 301 investigation case against China is the most complicated and tough case until now. The different responses of Japan and China will be the core theme of this paper. Originally, Japan, little by little, accepted all the demands of the United States under American pressure in the semiconductor conflict and then began to resist its unreasonable demands; eventually, Japan forced the United States to withdraw its excessive requirement in auto parts conflict. In the case of China, previous Section 301 investigations were resolved by bilateral or multilateral agreements although it was difficult. In this time, the Chinese government has taken a countermeasure against the United States’ bullying, evident from the very beginning. The situation is that China and the United States conducted bilateral negotiations on the stretch. Meanwhile, the United States continued to extend the scope of tariff goods and escalate the tariff rate against China, and the Chinese government immediately published the same amount and tariff rate for imported products from the United States. China and other countries are jointly suffering the sanction from the United States and are trying to restrain the trade hegemony of the United States.
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Song, Jingyu. „Why Tariff and Trade War?“ Finance and Market 5, Nr. 4 (22.12.2020): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.18686/fm.v5i4.2693.

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<p>By see the tariffs and trade wars in different time periods, each countries’ aim to start the trade war and tariff are protecting themselves. Analyzing and comparing the tariff acts in the colonial and antebellum period, the trade conflicts between the United States and Japan in the 1980s, and 2019’s China-United States trade war, we can see how tariffs work the same but also different in different time periods. </p>
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Spreen, Thomas H., Charlene Brewster und Mark G. Brown. „The Free Trade Area of the Americas and the Market for Processed Orange Products“. Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 35, Nr. 1 (April 2003): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800005976.

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The proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas would join the world's two largest processed orange producing regions: Brazil and the United States. Because the United States currently imposes a sizeable tariff on imported processed orange products, there is concern by U.S. orange growers over possible adverse effects resulting from tariff elimination. A model of the world processed orange market is developed as a spatial equilibrium model with implicit supply functions based on the dynamic behavior of orange production. The model is used to estimate the impact of U.S. tariff elimination on U.S. production, grower and processor prices, and imports. The results suggest a sizeable price impact on U.S. producers if the tariff is eliminated.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Tariff, United States, 1921"

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Sessoms, Kari Lauralyn. „Life in Williamsburg, Virginia: 1891-1921“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539272206.

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Martin, William R. „Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936“. PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
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Abu-Lebdeh, Hatem Shareef. „The United States and Jordan: A study in bilateral relations, 1921 to present“. Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1059480406.

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Nilson, Matthew T., Steven Marks und Thomas Meer. „Manhunting : a methodology for finding persons of national interest“. Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1921.

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The asymmetrical threats that challenge U.S. national policies are not large standing armies, but rather individuals who seek to usurp and coerce U.S. national interests. The nature of today's threats call for the U.S. military to change from finding, fixing, and destroying the enemy's forces to identifying, locating and capturing rogue individuals in order to destroy networks. To counter such threats, the USG will have to quickly and efficiently identify and find these targets globally. Unfortunately, no military doctrine, framework or process currently exists for finding and apprehending these Persons of National Interest (PONIs). Since military planners and intelligence analysts are neither educated nor trained in the methods or procedures necessary to find and capture PONIs, this thesis will propose a methodology to do so. This involves the development of an analytical process, and an organizational structure and procedure to identify and locate PONIs. Consequently, the United States government's ability to prosecute the war on terrorism today, and to find and apprehend PONIs in the future, depends on its ability to develop and institutionalize a comprehensive manhunting strategy now.
US Air Force (USAF) author.
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Rinfret, Hugues. „Tariffication in the dairy industry : a spatial equilibrium approach to analyze geographic price relationships between Canada and United States“. Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67540.

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The impacts of tariffication on Canadian milk producers were estimated via supply, price and trade flow parameters using a spatial price equilibrium model applied to milk production regions of Canada and the United States.
Two price scenarios were put forward because of supply management in Canada. The first incorporated producer prices while the second used shadow prices for Canadian producers, defined as the producer price less a reduction in price which accounts for the value of production quota. The hypothesis that tariffication reduces milk production in Canada to the extent that U.S. producers increase their exports to Canada was partly supported in scenario one but not in scenario two. Specific tariffs of $11.00/hl prevented U.S. imports to reach Qu 'ebec and Ontario. However, the rest of Canada increased its imports from Great Lakes to the detriment of Quebec and Ontario. Consequently, production decreased slightly in Qu 'ebec and increased in Ontario, whereas prices decreased significantly in both provinces. Scenario two showed ability of Qu 'ebec and Ontario to withstand American competition. Prices and production level remained unchanged while export flows to the rest of Canada increased to the detriment of the Great Lakes.
The present study investigated only a specific aspect of the tariffication proposal in the GATT and does not intend not to reflect the very complex aspects of GATT negotiations. The findings of this analysis must be interpreted with this caveat. Further studies considering other plausible tariffication scenarios or effective tariffs on an individual dairy product basis would broaden our understanding of the potential implications of tariffication.
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Hulsebos, Mark. „Cecil Leeson : the pioneering of the concert saxophone in American from 1921 to 1941“. Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722780.

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The first saxophonist to give a New York Town Hall recital and one of the earliest to appear as a soloist with a major American symphony orchestra, Dr. Cecil Leeson devoted his life to promoting the saxophone as an instrument capable of serious musical expression. Leeson was born in Cando, North Dakota, in December 1902 and,. although he didn't begin playing the saxophone until age seventeen, he nevertheless enrolled at Dana's Musical Institute in Warren, Ohio, in September 1921 as a saxophone major. With his enrollment in that year, he initiated a career as a concert soloist on an instrument previously associated primarily with concert and military bands, vaudeville, and the emerging jazz movement. Although performers such as Elise Hall of the Boston Orchestral Society, Jascha Guu ehich, H. Benne Henton, Tom Brown and the Six Brown Brothers, and Rudy Wiedoeft made tremendous gains in popularizing the saxophone in this country, when Leeson began musical study at Dana's Institute, the saxophone could claim no serious concert performers, no stylistic or tonal traditions on which to build, and no concert repertory.The purpose of this dissertation was to document the circumstances of the formative years of the concert saxophone in America, beginning in 1921 with Leeson's enrollment in Dana's Musical Institute and ending in 11941 with the commission of the Paul Creston Concerto. This marked what Leeson saw as the completion of a body of literature for the saxophone comprising works in the most important musical categories: sonatas, concertos, quartets, and saxophone with string quartet. The dissertation serves as a source of original research concerning the literature commissioned and performed by him between 1921 and 1941; it concludes with an epilogue containing a brief account of Leeson's activities from 1941 up to the time of his death in 1989. The source of this material was interviews conducted between the author and Cecil Leeson between 1981 and 1988 supported, whenever possible, with information taken from newspaper articles, essays, programs, and other published documents. Transcripts of interviews are included in the appendix.
School of Music
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Hussey, Peter F. „The Yanks Are Striking: Kern County, the 1921 Oil Strike and the Discourse on Americanism“. DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2020. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2197.

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In the fall of 1921 oil workers of the San Joaquin Valley faced a post-war economic slump, wage cuts across the board and an increasingly hostile attitude of oil operators towards consultation with the federal government on labor relations. They voted to strike, and the next day eight thousand workers walked off the fields. Strikers crafted an image of “patriotic unionism,” underpinned by a faith in the federal government and the ideology of the American Legion. The strike did not end in gruesome class warfare like had been seen months earlier in the coal mines of West Virginia, but rather in ideological confusion and despair. The oil workers movement never fully embraced a class identity; instead it embraced the burgeoning conservative identity of Americanism. This effectively hobbled the growth of the movement. Upon the strike’s conclusion there was no mass pull to the left on the part of oil workers in the San Joaquin Valley, despite the fact that their movement’s design and identity had gotten them nowhere. On the contrary a portion of workers and supporters of the strike turned to the nativism of the Klan. Overall this project looks to complicate the narrative of “us vs. them” in labor history by analyzing workers’ identities, and also looks to contribute to the ever-evolving discourse on how historians should track American conservatism as a social force.
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Decker, Pamela. „Theatrical Spectatorship in the United States and Soviet Union, 1921-1936: A Cognitive Approach to Comedy, Identity, and Nation“. The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1371461287.

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Williams, Amy Jo. „When the Sun God Turns His Face| The Early Years of the Smoki People of Prescott, Arizona, 1921-1939“. Thesis, Prescott College, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1583863.

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This thesis examines the early years (1921-1939) of the Smoki People of Prescott, Arizona. The Smoki were a civic organization predicated upon a perceived imperative to act within the capacity of guardians and authorities of regional and cultural heritage. This work seeks to examine the social and political dynamics that shaped the mission of the Smoki, and to evaluate the historical context that facilitated and sustained the organization's ability to engage in the politics of indigenous cultural appropriation, representation and display.

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Zini, Luca. „The Modern State and the Re-Creation of the Indigenous Other: The Case of the Authentic Sámi in Sweden and the White Man’s Indian in the United States of America“. FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1921.

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The present study comparatively examined the socio-political and economic transformation of the indigenous Sámi in Sweden and the Indian American in the United States of America occurring first as a consequence of colonization and later as a product of interaction with the modern territorial and industrial state, from approximately 1500 to 1900. The first colonial encounters of the Europeans with these autochthonous populations ultimately created an imagery of the exotic Other and of the noble savage. Despite these disparaging representations, the cross-cultural settings in which these interactions took place also produced the hybrid communities and syncretic life that allowed levels of cultural accommodation, autonomous space, and indigenous agency to emerge. By the nineteenth century, however, the modern territorial and industrial state rearranges the dynamics and reaches of power across a redefined territorial sovereign space, consequently, remapping belongingness and identity. In this context, the status of indigenous peoples, as in the case of Sámi and of Indian Americans, began to change at par with industrialization and with modernity. At this point in time, indigenous populations became a hindrance to be dealt with the legal re-codification of Indigenousness into a vacuumed limbo of disenfranchisement. It is, thus, the modern territorial and industrial state that re-creates the exotic into an indigenous Other. The present research showed how the initial interaction between indigenous and Europeans changed with the emergence of the modern state, demonstrating that the nineteenth century, with its fundamental impulses of industrialism and modernity, not only excluded and marginalized indigenous populations because they were considered unfit to join modern society, it also re-conceptualized indigenous identity into a constructed authenticity.
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Bücher zum Thema "Tariff, United States, 1921"

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GOVERNMENT, US. The Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement : tariff schedule of the United States. Ottawa: External Affairs Canada, 1987.

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Irwin, Douglas A. Peddling protectionism: Smoot-Hawley and the Great Depression. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2011.

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Wolman, Paul. Most favored nation: The Republican revisionists and U.S. tariff policy, 1897-1912. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992.

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United, States Congress Senate Committee on Small Business Subcommittee on Innovation Technology and Productivity. United States-Japan auto parts trade: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Innovation, Technology, and Productivity of the Committee on Small Business, United States Senate, One Hundred Second Congress, first session ... June 20, 1991. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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Bourassa, Henri. La convention douanière entre le Canada et les États-Unis: Sa nature, ses conséquences. [Montréal?: s.n., 1994.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means. Reciprocity with Canada: Hearings before the United States House Committee on Ways and Means, Sixty-First Congress, third session, on Feb. 2, 4, 6-9, 1911. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1985.

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GOVERNMENT, US. International taxation: United States tax treaties. Colorado Springs, Colo: Shepard's/McGraw-Hill, 1993.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Fiscal year 1991 Customs Service budget authorization and Customs user fee: Hearing before the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, One Hundred First Congress, second session, February 22, 1990. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

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W, Calhoun Charles. Minority victory: Gilded age politics and the front porch campaign of 1888. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. Subcommittee on International Trade. Reviewing Structural Impediments Initiative (SII): Hearing before the Subcommitee on International Trade of the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, One Hundred Second Congress, first session, April 15, 1991. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Tariff, United States, 1921"

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Beloff, Max. „Imperial Defence and Arms Control: The Role of the United States“. In Dream of Commonwealth, 1921–42, 122–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08356-5_6.

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Zhou, Jianbo, Shuhai Zhang, Haochen Liu und Fangs Hou. „A Comparative Study of Tariff Policy Reforms in China and the United States in the 1920s and 1930s“. In Proceedings of the 2023 5th International Conference on Economic Management and Cultural Industry (ICEMCI 2023), 13–23. Dordrecht: Atlantis Press International BV, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-94-6463-368-9_3.

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Ferris, John R. „The Symbol and the Substance of Seapower: Great Britain, the United States and the One-Power Standard, 1919–1921“. In Anglo-American Relations in the 1920s, 55–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11919-6_3.

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„THE UNITED STATES TARIFF AND COMMERCIAL POLICY“. In Routledge Revivals: The Commerce of Nations (1923), 84–99. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315315645-15.

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Hüsem, Selim. „Millî Mücadele Sırasında ABD’nin Ankara Temsilcileri“. In Millî Mücadele'nin Yerel Tarihi 1918-1923 (Cilt 12): Ankara, 507–24. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-74-0.ch18.

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"The national movement led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha had chosen Ankara as its center due to its protected location. Ankara was also an important city in Anatolia in terms of transportation. Following the occupation of Istanbul by the Entente powers, the Parliament was dissolved. The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was formed in Ankara with the participation of both members of the Assembly in Istanbul and deputies elected from various parts of the country. The Turkish Army's successes brought international recognition to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Many foreign representatives, including those of the Entente powers, were present in the city. By 1921, the United States, which had representatives here, was aware of the de facto authority of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. US officials in Istanbul and Anatolia were making moves to protect their commercial activities, aid organizations, and educational institutions. However, the people who led the National Struggle moves that could mean recognizing the cadre as an official government. avoided. The Government of the Turkish Grand National Assembly had adopted the principle of full independence as a red line in its relations with all foreign elements, including the Americans. They therefore expected that every American demand would be met with a response. For the archival sources in the study, the State Archives Presidency of the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey and The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) documents accessible from the Gale Archive Unbound database were used. utilized. In addition, the relevant volumes of The Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series, which are published as document books, were utilized. Publications analyzing Turkish-American relations during the War of Independence were also utilized."
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„United States of America“. In World Tariff Profiles, 169. WTO, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.30875/b7f87a85-en.

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„United States of America“. In World Tariff Profiles, 175. WTO, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.30875/bab562a0-en.

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„United States of America“. In World Tariff Profiles, 186. WTO, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30875/c96fc4c3-en.

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„United States of America“. In World Tariff Profiles, 177. WTO, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.30875/db97e7af-en.

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„United States of America“. In World Tariff Profiles, 182. WTO, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30875/5c90e34a-en.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Tariff, United States, 1921"

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Kovács, Eszter. „Transoceanic trade triangle of the US-EU-China“. In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.5.

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As part of global trade, the emergence of free trade agreements has resulted in the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers over the past seventy years. The major trade actors (European Union, United States, and China) have become economic rivals, which make them compete in confrontational or cooperative ways for greater benefits and welfare. This paper discusses three free trade agreements between the US‒EU‒China: the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), and the Economic And Trade Agreement Between The Government Of The United States Of America And The Government Of The People’s Republic Of China (ETA). The author’s contribution is the creation of alternative scenarios to analyse the effects of these treaties on profit from a game theoretical approach. The results of this model suggest that cooperation generates greater economic benefits in each situation compared to competitive strategy. At the same time, players’ welfare cannot be identified with profit in all cases.
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Shao, Guodong, Alexander Brodsky, Jorge Arinez, Daniel Menasce und Paul Ammann. „A Decision-Guided Energy Management Framework for Sustainable Manufacturing“. In ASME 2011 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2011-47454.

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A growing number of manufacturing industries are initiating efforts to address sustainability issues. According to the National Association of Manufacturers, the manufacturing sector currently accounts for about one third of all energy consumed in the United States [1]. Reducing energy costs and pollution emissions involves many areas within an industrial facility. Peak electric demands are a significant component in the cost of electricity. Electric demand management relates to electric tariff rates, new power generation, and incentives to curtail peak usages. Shifting some equipment/machine usage to the periods of lower cost or using stand-by local generators during the peak demand period can yield important savings. Analysis of these options is important to decision makers to avoid unnecessary high cost of energy and equipment. This paper proposes a Decision-Guided energy management in manufacturing (DG-EMM) framework to perform what-if analysis and make optimal actionable recommendations for a manufacturing facility both on (1) operational energy management including load shedding, curtailment, and local generation and (2) planning and investment decisions for introducing renewable technologies. The DG-EMM is based on the novel technology of the Decision-Guidance Query Language (DGQL), which is a tool for fast development and iterative extension of decision-guidance and optimization solutions. The proposed DG-EMM will support user-defined objectives for optimal recommendations, such as minimizing emissions and energy costs and maximizing Return on Investment (ROI). A case study of the peak demand control for an example manufacturing facility is discussed.
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Jan, Šejbl. „Hříšná exotika A. V. Nováka Literární obraz cesty do Asie v letech 1926–1927“. In Orientalia antiqua nova XXI. Západočeská univerzita v Plzni, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.2021.10392-120-144.

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Sinful Exotics of A. V. Novák Literary image of a journey to Asie in 1926–1927 Traveller and writer Archibald Václav Novák (1895–1979) rose to fame in the 1920s as the author of popular nov els and short stories inspired by a stay in Tahiti and the United States of America from 1919 to 1921. Sucesess of books and lectures allowed Novák to undertake another long journey. From October 1926 to April 1926 A. V. Novák visited Sri Lanka, India, Myanmar, Malaya, Singapore, Sumatra, Vietnam, Cambodia, China and Japan. After returning home, Novák organized public lectures and published new novels and short stores inspored by the places he visited and the people he met. He also wrote a four-volume travelogue based on his travel diary. On his journey, Novák took not only still photographs, but short movies as well. After the communists took power in Czechoslovakia in 1948, Novák was purged from public life. No longer heralded as either a traveller or a writer, he was virtually consigned to oblivion. It was not until after 2000 that a study of the phenomenon of Czecho slovak emigration to Tahiti kindled renewed interest in him. In 2010, some of Novák’s previously unknown pho tographs were discovered and donated to the Náprstek Museum’s photographic collection, which is a part of the National Museum in Prague. Movies, diaries and the most of negatives by A. V. Novák have not been preserved, but there is a large number of glass slides used as an accom paniment of lectures. Photographic collection and books by A. V. Novák offer a valuable source of information about the non-Europen countries in 1920s and the ways, how they were presented to public in Czechoslovakia.
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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Tariff, United States, 1921"

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Irwin, Doulgas. New Estimates of the Average Tariff of the United States, 1790-1820. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w9616.

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Goldin, Claudia. The Political Economy of Immigration Restriction in the United States, 1890 to 1921. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w4345.

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Meardon, Stephen. A Tale of Two Tariff Commissions and One Dubious ¿Globalization Backlash? Inter-American Development Bank, Januar 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010964.

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During much of the previous era of globalization, from the 1860s until the First World War, U.S. tariffs were surprisingly high. Present-day economic historians have suggested that U.S. protection as the result of a backlash against globalization that was the beginning of its decline. They have also argued that the backlash holds a lesson for the present: specifically, that we must attend to the distributive inequities that globalization engenders, or else globalization will again plant the seeds of its own destruction. I show that U.S. tariffs were not the product of backlash. A history of economic ideas in the nineteenth century United States, centered on two tariff commissions in 1866-1870 and 1882, reveals that the ideas debated in intellectual and policy circles alike bore no trace of globalization backlash. The important feature of U.S. intellectual and tariff policy history is not globalization backlash, but rather the absence from most historical accounts of certain thinkers and ideas that were crucial to the debate. Accordingly, the lesson that history holds for the present is not that we must attend to globalization's inequities. (That lesson is likely to stand or fall apart from history.) Instead it is that we need to attend to the /idea/ of backlash, which has a foothold in history that is deeper than the evidence. The lesson implies that to understand the present and future of globalization, what are required are histories of ideas.
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Estevadeordal, Antoni. Negotiating Preferential Market Access: The Case of NAFTA. Inter-American Development Bank, Juni 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011086.

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There is a growing interest related to the theoretical analysis of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Nevertheless, there has been as yet very little empirical research on the topic, in particular, on the negotiating dynamics of these types of agreements. This paper attempts to make a contribution in this direction examining the relationship between the two most important market access instruments in the case of NAFTA negotiations: the preferential tariff phase-outs and the accompanying rules of origin (RoO). The traditional literature has viewed market access negotiations solely in terms of tariff (and non-tariff) negotiations. From an analytical point of view, the role of RoO, that is the rules that are designed to determine the origin of products in international trade, has usually been restricted to a "secondary" or "supportive" function. As such, RoO were seen to assist in the application or implementation of other "primary" instruments. In the case of preferential RoO, they help to determine when a particular good will be granted preferential tariff treatment. Using a newly constructed data set this paper estimates a simultaneous equation model where the endogenous variables are the preferential tariff phase-outs between Mexico and the United States and the RoO under the NAFTA agreement. The empirical findings of this paper support the view that in accordance with recent literature, the NAFTA RoO were used as an independent commercial policy instrument with a "primary" market access function as it is the case with the traditional preferential tariffs.
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Marra de Artiñano, Ignacio, Franco Riottini Depetris und Christian Volpe Martincus. Automatic Product Classification in International Trade: Machine Learning and Large Language Models. Inter-American Development Bank, Juli 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005012.

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Accurately classifying products is essential in international trade. Virtually all countries categorize products into tariff lines using the Harmonized System (HS) nomenclature for both statistical and duty collection purposes. In this paper, we apply and assess several different algorithms to automatically classify products based on text descriptions. To do so, we use agricultural product descriptions from several public agencies, including customs authorities and the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). We find that while traditional machine learning (ML) models tend to perform well within the dataset in which they were trained, their precision drops dramatically when implemented outside of it. In contrast, large language models (LLMs) such as GPT 3.5 show a consistently good performance across all datasets, with accuracy rates ranging between 60% and 90% depending on HS aggregation levels. Our analysis highlights the valuable role that artificial intelligence (AI) can play in facilitating product classification at scale and, more generally, in enhancing the categorization of unstructured data.
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Andean Report No. 2 (2002-2004). Inter-American Development Bank, Juni 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008574.

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The Andean countries have made significant progress in their external agenda, above all because of the achievements with their main economic and political counterparts. Andean negotiations contributed to having the United States adopt the Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act, renewing and enhancing other tariff preferences granted to the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), save for Venezuela. Furthermore, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru initiated negotiations with the U.S.A. for a free trade agreement (FTA). Such negotiations started with Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, with Bolivia attending as an observer authorized to fully join in when it is ready to do so.
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