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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Tariff, Great Britain, 1830"
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van Hensbergen, Claudine, und Hannah Moss. „Women Writers and the Creative Arts in Great Britain, 1660–1830“. Women's Writing 30, Nr. 3 (03.07.2023): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699082.2023.2238493.
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Gallarotti, Giulio M. „Toward a business-cycle model of tariffs“. International Organization 39, Nr. 1 (1985): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004896.
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A modified interest-group model links movements in tariffs to changes in the level of economic activity within nations. This model is introduced and tested for tariff behavior in the 19th and early 20th centuries in three nations: the United States, Great Britain, and Germany. Empirical analysis lends strong support to the model's central thesis, that tariffs are sensitive to movements within a business cycle. Tariff changes occurring in the three nations, with the exception of British tariff increases, generally conform to the expectations of the model. Furthermore, business-cycle sensitivity provides an explanation of the behavior of tariffs superior to two prominent alternatives, those based on ideology and on hegemonic stability.
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Allen, Robert C. „American Exceptionalism as a Problem in Global History“. Journal of Economic History 74, Nr. 2 (16.05.2014): 309–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205071400028x.
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The causes of the United States’ exceptional economic performance are investigated by comparing American wages and prices with wages and prices in Great Britain, Egypt, and India. American industrialization in the nineteenth century required tariff protection since the country's comparative advantage lay in agriculture. After 1895 surging American productivity shifted the country's comparative advantage to manufacturing. Egypt and India could not have industrialized by following American policies since their wages were so low and their energy costs so high that the modern technology that was cost effective in Britain and the United States would not have paid in their circumstances.
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Lai, David. „The great power dilemma: The trade‐off between defense and growth in great Britain, 1830–1980“. Defence and Peace Economics 12, Nr. 2 (Januar 2001): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10430710108404981.
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Tetiana, Tomniuk. „UKRAINE'S FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE EU AND BRITAIN: PECULIARITIES OF IMPLEMENTATION UNDER MARTIAL LAW“. BULLETIN OF CHERNIVTSI INSTITUTE OF TRADE AND ECONOMICS III, Nr. 87 (30.09.2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.34025/2310-8185-2022-3.87.02.
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The article examines current trends in foreign trade relations between Ukraine, the European Union and Great Britain in the context of the implementation of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement. The publication examines specific features of the Agreement, providing trade facilitation by improving the efficiency of customs procedures and gradual approximation of Ukrainian legislation, rules and procedures (including standards) to EU law, the abolition of most customs tariffs. However, the study found that after the entry into force of the Free Trade Agreement in 2016, trade relations between Ukraine and Europe have not become equal. Analysis of the EU and Ukraine’s foreign trade turnover indicates a constant disproportion between the volume of exports and imports in favor of the EU. This is due to the continued application of both tariff and non-tariff restrictions on Ukrainian goods. Changes in the foreign trade policy between the countries caused by the Russian war in Ukraine have been identified. On the one hand, Ukraine needs support in the fight against the aggressor (including economic), and on the other hand, it showed limited opportunities for food exports from Ukraine due to port blockade and disruption of logistics, and Ukraine's significance as a partner in food security both for Europe and the world. This was an accelerating factor in the abolition of customs and tariff restrictions by European countries. Factors that may limit Ukraine’s export opportunities (continued use of non-tariff barriers by Europe, logistics problems) are identified, and opportunities to minimize their negative impact are identified.
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Harvey, Brian. „Changing fortunes on the Aran Islands in the 1890s“. Irish Historical Studies 27, Nr. 107 (Mai 1991): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001052x.
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By the turn of the twentieth century the west of Ireland had become a geographical expression synonymous with poverty and destitution. Whilst in the eighteenth century Connacht was regarded as inaccessible, it was not considered to be overpopulated, hungry or poverty-stricken. Its economic and social condition began to change for the worse in the nineteenth century. From 1816-17 onwards the western seaboard was affected more and more severely by a series of famines and localised distress and typhus. Hardship on the islands off Mayo and Galway was so severe in 1822-3 that London philanthropists set up a committee to launch a large-scale relief programme. The committee blamed the distress on potato failure, ‘want of employment’, high rents and low agricultural prices.The deterioration in economic and social conditions is considered to have been exacerbated by the equalisation of the currencies of, and the removal of tariffs between, Ireland and Great Britain in the mid 1820s. Some rural industries, like textiles, glass and kelp-production, were wiped out. The resistance of the western economy to natural disaster was thereby severely weakened. The western isles were hit badly by the distress of 1835 and even more so by the Great Famine ten years later. Rents remained high whilst incomes fell.
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Racine, Karen. „“The Childhood Shows the Man”: Latin American Children in Great Britain, 1790–1830“. Americas 72, Nr. 2 (April 2015): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.4.
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In his epic poemParadise Regained(1671), John Milton has Satan observe that “The childhood shows the man/As morning shows the day/ Be famous then/ By wisdom. As the empire must extend/ So let extend thy mind o’er all the world.” As parents and as patriots, the leaders of Latin America's revolutions for independence wanted bright futures for both their children and their young nations. In many ways, the goals they set for each were the same: enhanced commercial opportunities, a political arena marked by greater freedom of speech and open debate, the rule of law, government with a strong moral center in which the privileged members of society had a responsibility to set a good example, and, perhaps most cherished of all, access to modern scientific and secular education. As figurative parents of emerging nations, and as biological parents of impressionable youth, these creole founding fathers wished to instill useful patriotic values in their national and personal families alike. Bridging the Enlightenment and Romantic eras, Latin American independence rhetoric blurred the distinction between nation-building and paternity, indicating that its leaders saw themselves as parents in more than one sense.
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von Beyme, Klaus. „The Effects of Reunification on German Democracy: A Preliminary Evaluation of a Great Social Experiment“. Government and Opposition 27, Nr. 2 (01.04.1992): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00594.x.
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A Great Deal of Macro-Sociological theory in Germany since Max Weber has been devoted to the inquiry into the 'special German road to development' and to the incompatability of developments in the economic and political sectors. Germany, after its first unification in 1871, developed quickly into an important economic power. In the late-nineteenth century Germany overtook Britain in economic strength and seemed to be second only to the United States. Britain, however, remained the unmatched model of development: it was, together with the United States, the only country which synchronized effectively the development towards democracy and towards modern capitalism. Even France — the second successful model in Europe — went through various breakdowns of its political development in 1830, 1848, 1870–71. Even later, threats of a breakdown of the constitutional parliamentary systems were latent.
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Sadraddinova, Gulnara. „Establishment of the Greek state (1830)“. Grani 23, Nr. 11 (25.11.2020): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1720105.
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At the beginning of the 19th century, under the influence of the French bourgeois revolution and nationalist ideas, the Greeks revolted to secede from the Ottoman Empire and gain independence. It was no coincidence that the main members of the Filiki Etheriya Society, which led the uprising, as well as its secret leaders were Greeks who served the Russian government. Russia, which wanted to break up the Ottoman Empire and gain a foothold in the seas, had been embroiled in various conflicts with the Austrian alliance since the 18th century, before the uprising. Russia, which managed to isolate the Ottoman Empire from the West through the Greek uprising, also acquired large tracts of land through the Edirne Peace Treaty, which was signed as a result of the Russo-Turkish War. However, although Britain, France, Austria, and Prussia agreed with Russia on granting autonomy to Greece, they did not intend to transfer control of the newly formed state to Russia. The revolt of the Greeks against the Ottoman Empire in 1821-1830 resulted in the victory of the Greeks. The revolt was organized and intensified with the help of great powers. The article discusses Greece's independence as a result of the uprising. In this regard, the London Protocol of April 3, 1830, signed by Russia, France and England, is of special importance. The newly established Greek state was revived as the Aegean state. Greece's borders have become clearer. The article also deals with the redefinition of the Ottoman-Greek borders by the Treaty of Constantinople of 1832. Although the London Protocol of 1830 formally established the Greek state, the Great Powers and the Greeks were not content with that. Russia, as during the uprising, remained a state that influenced the "Eastern policy" of European states after the uprising. This study was dedicated to all these factors.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. „The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 4 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013914-3.
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The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Tariff, Great Britain, 1830"
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Draeger, Peter Hermann Heinz. „Great Britain and Hanover, 1830-66“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624643.
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Davidovic, Inja. „Chopin in Great Britain, 1830 to 1930 : reception, performance, recordings“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/13312/.
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This thesis focuses on three principal areas: the reception of Chopin's music in Great Britain, both during his lifetime and following his death; early sound recordings of Chopin's music, particularly those from the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries; and differing approaches to the performance of Chopin's music, including those by the composer himself, and interpretations by some of his contemporaries, students and 'grandstudents'. These three areas are presented in four chapters, which complement one another by exploring links between cultural, social and historical contexts of Chopin's music in Great Britain in the period from 1830 to 1930. The thesis addresses some of the varied features that contribute to an understanding of historically-informed performance practice, and ultimately demonstrates how these features - which allow for greater comprehension of nineteenth-century pianistic styles and techniques - have enriched the author's own interpretations. The written thesis is accompanied by the author's own performance of several of Chopin's works informed by late nineteenth-century expressive techniques.
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Adamson, David J. „Insanity, idiocy and responsibility : criminal defences in northern England and southern Scotland, 1660-1830“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14462.
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This thesis compares criminal defences of insanity and idiocy between 1660 and 1830 in northern England and southern Scotland, regions which have been neglected by the historiographies of British crime and "insanity defences". It is explained how and why English and Scottish theoretical principles differed or converged. In practice, however, courtroom participants could obtain to alternative conceptions of accountability and mental distraction. Quantitative and qualitative analyses are employed to reveal contemporary conceptions of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility, which provide inverse reflections of "normal" behaviour, speech and appearance. It is argued that the judiciary did not dictate the evaluation of prisoners' mental capacities at the circuit courts, as some historians have contended. Legal processes were determined by subtle, yet complex, interactions between "decision-makers". Jurors could reach conclusions independent from judicial coercion. Before 1830, verdicts of insanity could represent discord between bench and jury, rather than the concord emphasised by some scholars. The activities of counsel, testifiers and prisoners also impinged upon the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition and restricted the bench's dominance. Despite important evidentiary evolutions, the courtroom authentication of insanity and idiocy was not dominated by Britain's evolving medical professions (including "psychiatrists") before 1830. Lay, communal understandings of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility continued to inform and underpin the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition. Such decisions were affected by social dynamics, such as the social and economic status, gender, age and legal experience of key courtroom participants. Verdicts of insanity and the development of Britain's legal practices could both be shaped by micro- and macro-political considerations. This thesis opens new avenues of research for British "insanity defences", whilst offering comparisons to contemporary Continental legal procedures.
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Collinge, Peter Richard. „Female enterprise in Georgian Derbyshire, c.1780-c.1830“. Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2726/.
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Female Enterprise in Georgian Derbyshire, c.1780-c.1830 analyses quantitatively and qualitatively the continuing and increasing presence of middle-ranking women in the commercial environment of late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth century England. It challenges an older and more pessimistic interpretation of decline, narrowing opportunities and withdrawal from business in response to intensifying separate spheres ideology. Instead, alongside significant levels of continuity in opportunities within a narrow range of 'feminine' economic sectors, it demonstrates the increasing presence of women as owner-managers of enterprise, and the ability of women to enter and survive in 'masculine' business environments. Whilst never more than a significant minority, women are, nevertheless, regarded as material, rather than peripheral players, in the development of the late-Georgian economy. Despite the less regulated spaces and greater dynamism of more rapidly developing industrial towns (which provided women with opportunities to engage in business), emphasis is placed on a woman's ability to enter and remain in business being contingent upon her continued utilisation and reinforcement of familial, business and social connections. Whilst businesswomen were more constrained than men by legal, moral and social codes of conduct, it is evident throughout the research that the marketing, managing and organisation of their enterprises was comparable to their male counterparts. In a predominantly rural county like Derbyshire, proportionately more women were to be found engaged in enterprise than they were in towns and cities undergoing significantly greater industrial expansion and urban growth. For those women who out of necessity or choice took the decision to enter the business arena, their status and reputations as middleranking women were not compromised, but forged by their experiences.
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Middleton, Alexander James. „British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
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Macleod, Catriona Macdonald. „Women, work and enterprise in Glasgow, c.1740-1830“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6744/.
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This study addresses the roles women played in Glasgow during a period of economic, demographic and cultural change. Glasgow in the eighteenth century was rapidly expanding and fast establishing itself as an international trading centre and an important industrial region. Despite the considerable interest that these developments have received, the gendering of Glasgow’s economy remains relatively unexplored. This research adds to the work of redressing that imbalance, by exploring the economic activities of women of middling social status in the urban economy, focusing on women’s enterprise and also financial management as a form of work.
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Horler-Underwood, Catherine. „Aspects of female criminality in Wales, c.1730-1830 : evidence from the Court of Great Sessions“. Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/73399/.
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This thesis draws on the extensive, underexplored records of the Court of Great Sessions for the period 1730-1830 to examine the nature and extent of Welsh women’s involvement in a range of serious crimes. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, it provides an in-depth analysis of the characteristics of women indicted for various criminal activities, including crimes against the person and against the public peace, and offers explanations for their involvement, as far as the records allow. Information regarding the age, social position, and marital status of the female defendants has been compiled and analysed, and the extent to which these factors affected judicial outcomes is demonstrated. The broad geographical and chronological scope of this study also provides an insight into links between levels and types of crime involving women and their location, as well as changes over time. It is argued that there were distinctly gendered elements in the offences committed by women, the motivations attributed to them, and their treatment by the courts. There is no comparable study of female crime in the period encompassed by this thesis. Many historians of crime have wrongly assumed that experiences in Wales and England were the same, and both countries have often been analysed interchangeably. Welsh criminals, women included, have rarely been considered in their own right. Studies of crime in ‘England and Wales’ have too often failed to fully appreciate the distinctiveness of Wales. This thesis addresses these shortcomings, demonstrating that Welsh experiences of crime were unique in many respects. In so doing, it provides an unparalleled contribution to our understanding of female crime and gender relations in Wales during the long eighteenth century.
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Hagglund, Betty. „Tourists and travellers : women's non-fictional writing about Scotland 1770-1830“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1294/.
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In this dissertation I consider the travels, and the travel and other non-fictional writings, of five women who travelled within Scotland during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century: the anonymous author of A Journey to the Highlands of Scotland; Sarah Murray (later known as Sarah Aust); Anne Grant of Laggan, Dorothy Wordsworth; and Sarah Hazlitt. During this period, travel and tourism in Scotland changed radically from a time when there were few travellers and little provision for those few, through to Scotland's emergence as a fully organised tourist destination. Simultaneous with these changes came changes in writing. I examine the changes in the ways in which travellers travelled in, perceived and wrote about Scotland during the period 1770-1830. I explore the specific ways in which five women travel writers represented themselves and their travels. I investigate the relationship of gender to the travel writings produced by these five women, relating that to issues of production and reception as well as to questions of discourse. Finally, I explore the relationship between the geographical location of travels and travel writing.
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Merkin, Ros. „The theatre of the organised working class 1830-1930“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1993. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4166/.
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This study of the theatre of the British Labour Movement had its roots in 1985 when History Workshop published a collection of documents relating to the Workers' Theatre Movements in Britain and America between 1880 and 1935. In his introductory essay in Theatres of the Left, Raphael Samuel concludes that there are no traditions in British Labour Theatre except those which have been broken or lost, that There is no continuous history of socialist or alternative history to be discovered, rather a succession of moments separated from one another by a rupture (1). Since this conclusion was reached, others have repeated Samuel's assertion in varying forms. So, Andrew Davies talks of "scanty Chartist theatrical activity" and of the mainstream lab6ur movement in the 1920s remaining "uninterested in cultural matters" and Ian Saville asserts that the conception of a partisan, organised theatre devoted to spreading the socialist message throughout the working classes only began to take shape in Britain in the mid-1920s (2). Yet a cursory glance at the theatre which preceded the Workers' Theatre Movement, a glance which Raphael Samuel provides in his introductory essay on theatre and socialism in Britain, reveals I a plethora of activity in the labour movement. From the Chartists and the Owlenites in the nineteenth century, through the Socialist Sunday Schools and the Socialist League to the Clarion movement, the Independent Labour Party and the Labour Party, the theatrical activity pointed to by Samuel is startling in comparison to anything we can see today. What follows is an attempt to look at some of those moments, to look at the plays they produced and at both how and why working class political organisations looked to the theatre, to try to ascertain if they were indeed no more than broken threads and if so to try to account for why this may be the case. It is also an attempt to re-examine some of our notions of what is political theatre, for since the discovery of the work of the Workers' Theatre Movement and subsequently of the Actresses Franchise League much has been made of these as the starting point of political theatre in Britain. Yet, for a country with one of the longest traditions of organised working class movements, such assertions seem at best strange, at worst dishonest. One clue as to the reason for such claims can be found in the characterisation of the theatre of the organised working class prior to the Workers' Theatre Movement which has become common currency. It was, in the words of Colin Chambers, primarily of ethical and anti-militarist rather than directly political", or in the words of Raphael Samuel: First, the belief that it is their mission to bring the working class into contact with "great" art (ie capitalist art) and second, the tendency to produce plays which may deal with the misery of the workerss may even deal with the class struggleg but which show no way out, and which therefore spread a feeling of defeat and despair (3). Such definitions of what is (or rather what is not) political theatre rest very heavily on a notion that political is most importantly propaganda. If the theatre that existed in connection with political organisations prior to 1926 was not propagandist then it follows for some that it was not political. What follows is therefore also an attempt to uncover a different approach, by looking at the groups own justifications for their involvement in theatrical ventures as part of the struggle for socialism.
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Tarver, Anne. „The Consistory Court of the Diocese of Lichfield and Coventry and its work, 1680-1830“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34749/.
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This thesis examines the work of the bishop's consistory court of the Diocese of Lichfield and Coventry through the cause papers and administrative documents generated between 1680 and 1830. These courts were extensively used through the century, business peaking in the 1730s and 1780s at between 200 and 250 causes per year. The overall pattern of the work of the courts is established in relation to its constituent elements of defamation, tithes, matrimonial, testamentary and Office causes. The social and spatial provenance of the plaintiffs is considered. Almost all of the plaintiffs were of the 'middling sort' and lower social levels, and many were women. Comparative material from Birmingham in 1770 would suggest that the users of the courts mirrored the overall occupational structure of the period. A re-evaluation of the work of the ecclesiastical courts shows that the Lichfield courts represented a source of arbitration for intractable disputes of predominantly rural origin. Causes arose from within the community, rather than being imposed externally by the church authorities, and formed a channel for public censure of those who offended against local mores, regardless of sex or social standing. Judgements in the form of sentences were often invisible and the courts have been considered to have been useless. The fact that these courts could harm neither purse nor person was not a failing, but a strength in a 'face to face' society, where an individual insisting upon the incarceration or financial deprivation of another could seriously escalate conflicts within a community. The medieval function of these courts was merely to 'correct and punish the disobedient, the unquiet and the animous', and case studies from Lichfield demonstrate that this function continued into the nineteenth century.
Bücher zum Thema "Tariff, Great Britain, 1830"
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GOVERNMENT, US. The Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement : tariff schedule of the United States. Ottawa: External Affairs Canada, 1987.
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Whinney, Margaret. Sculpture in Britain, 1530-1830. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1988.
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Whinney, Margaret. Sculpture in Britain 1530-1830. 2. Aufl. London: YaleUniversity Press, 1992.
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Robert, Stewart. Party and politics, 1830-1852. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1989.
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Robert, Stewart. Party and politics, 1830-1852. New York: St. Martin's, 1989.
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Whinney, Margaret Dickens. Sculpture in Britain, 1530-1830. 2. Aufl. London, England: Penguin Books, 1988.
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Whinney, Margaret Dickens. Sculpture in Britain, 1530-1830. 2. Aufl. New York: Penguin Books, 1988.
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Collins, Bruce. War and empire: Britain, 1790-1830. Harlow, England: Longman, 2010.
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The Whig revival, 1808-1830. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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Bronstein, Jamie L. Empire, state, and society: Britain since 1830. Hoboken: Wiley, 2012.
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Schwartz, Robert M. „The Internet of the Nineteenth Century: Railways and the Postal Service in France and Great Britain, 1830–1914“. In Creative Ways to apply Historical GIS, 97–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21731-9_8.
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„Great Britain (1789–1830)“. In Political Crime in Europe, 99–118. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.8306213.11.
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„Great Britain (1830–1848)“. In Political Crime in Europe, 149–66. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.8306213.15.
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Abulafia, David. „Deys, Beys and Bashaws, 1800–1830“. In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0041.
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The battle of Trafalgar left the Mediterranean open to British shipping, but Great Britain had not yet gained incontestable mastery over the sealanes. The bitter struggle for control of Sicily and southern Italy between Britain, acting in support of King Ferdinand of Naples, and Napoleon’s armies, acting in support of Marshal Murat, who was trying to usurp the Neapolitan throne, reached a high point in July 1806 at the battle of Maida (a British victory, deep in Calabria). Maida demonstrated that Napoleon had been foolish in allowing so many troops to be pinned down in miserable conditions far from the areas in northern and central Italy he most wished to control. Earlier dreams of using Taranto as a base for controlling southern Italy and the entrance to the Adriatic and Ionian seas evaporated. Yet the British fleet was far more stretched than the story of its victories suggests. The British needed to keep open the channel of communication linking Malta to Trieste, for Trieste had become an important source of supplies from the Austrian empire, now that routes through Germany were blocked by Napoleon’s armies. And by 1808 the French seemed to be clawing back their control of the Mediterranean; they had re-established their fleet at Toulon, and there were fears of a naval attack on Naples and Sicily. The British government wondered whether there was any point pursuing war in the Mediterranean. Other concerns intruded: the French were trying to take control of Spain, and with the outbreak of the Peninsular War attention shifted to formidably tough land campaigns in Iberia. How difficult conditions were can be seen from the size of the British fleet, which had plenty of other duties to perform close to England, in the Caribbean and elsewhere. On 8 March 1808 fifteen ships of the line lay under the control of Admiral Collingwood, Nelson’s capable successor; one at Syracuse, one at Messina and one off Corfu; twelve stood guard at Cádiz. These large warships were supported by thirty-eight frigates, sloops, brigs and bomb-vessels within the Mediterranean, most of which were patrolling and reconnoitring as far afield as Turkey and the Adriatic.
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Abulafia, David. „Ever the Twain Shall Meet, 1830–1900“. In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0043.
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The English poet of empire Rudyard Kipling penned the much quoted lines, ‘East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet’. Even if, by the early twentieth century, European observers had become overwhelmed by what they saw as fundamental differences between attitudes and styles of life in East and West, this was not true of the nineteenth century. Then, the ideal became the joining of East and West: a physical joining, through the Suez Canal, but also a cultural joining, as western Europeans relished the cultures of the Near East, and as the rulers of Near Eastern lands – the Ottoman sultans and their highly autonomous viceroys in Egypt – looked towards France and Great Britain in search of models they could follow in reviving the languishing economy of their dominions. This was, then, a reciprocal relationship: despite the claims of those who see ‘orientalism’ as the cultural expression of western imperialism, the masters of the eastern Mediterranean actively sought cultural contact with the West, and saw themselves as members of a community of monarchs that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean. Ismail Pasha, viceroy of Egypt between 1863 and 1879, always dressed in European clothes, though he would occasionally top his frock-coat and epaulettes with a fez; he spoke Turkish, not Arabic. Equally, the Ottoman sultans, and more particularly their courtiers (like Ismail, frequently Albanian), often sported western dress. They would, of course, be selective in their use of western ideas. The Egyptian viceroys were happy to send clever subjects to study at the École Polytechnique in Paris, a Napoleonic foundation; at the same time they discouraged excessive mixing in the French salons: they wished to import radical ideas, but about technology, not government. What had almost entirely disappeared by the early nineteenth century was the idea of the Ottoman realms as the seat of conquering warriors of the faith. Having lost their military and naval superiority in the East, the Ottomans were no longer the subject of fear but of fascination. Traditional ways of life caught the attention of western artists such as Delacroix, but other westerners, notably Ferdinand de Lesseps, the builder of the Suez Canal, were keen to promote modernization.
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Kindleberger, Charles P. „Britain, the Classic Case“. In World Economic Primacy, 125–48. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195099027.003.0008.
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Abstract Great Britain furnishes the classic example of the national life cycle of rapid growth in trade, industry, and finance, reaching a peak and world economic primacy, then slowly declining. The usual formulation starts with the industrial revolution ofl760 to 1830, with varying dates given by different analysts. Some regard the peak as the Great Exhibition in London’s Crystal Palace in 1851; others regard it as being later, perhaps 1870 or in the 1890s. Decline was accelerated by the two World Wars ofl914-1918 and 1939-1945, sometimes telescoped into one. The industrial phase was pre ceded by a rise in trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, followed by one in finance.
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Marrison, Andrew. „The Tariff on Iron and Steel“. In British Business and Protection 1903-1932, 139–71. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198202981.003.0006.
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Abstract It is understandable that iron and steel was one of the industries at the forefront of the argument for Tariff Reform. To economic nationalists, it was central amongst the producer goods which formed the backbone of the economy, its strength fundamental to that ascendancy of heavy engineering which carried Britain into the late nineteenth century. It was of great importance for national defence-even Liberal governments allowed the Admiralty to specify British steel in contracts for naval vessels-and it had been particularly subject to American and German import penetration in the ‘invasions’ of the 1890s. Furthermore, the Tariff Commission’s enquiry into the industry began in propitious circumstances for the Tariff Reformers, since in the aftermath of the Boer War German and American steel producers once more turned their attention to the British market.
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Burk, Kathleen. „Financial and Commercial Networks between Great Britain and South America during the Long Nineteenth Century“. In British World Policy and the Projection of Global Power, c.1830–1960, 111–28. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108182775.007.
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Lindemann, Mary. „The General Poor Relief, 1799–1830: Decline and Rebirth?“ In Patriots and Paupers, 177–210. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195061406.003.0008.
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Abstract As the eighteenth century drew to a close, Hamburg stood at the very zenith of its power. The harbor was jammed with ships, warehouses bulged with the goods of five continents, and merchants coolly calculated the profits to be reaped from a war-torn Europe. Not all the signs were auspicious, of course. The conflict between republican France and Great Britain threatened to disrupt or even break the cycle of European and world trade that had so richly rewarded Hamburg. Some men, perhaps more prescient than the rest, worried that the widening European conflict would eventually sweep northward and feared that Hamburg might suffer the same terrible fate as Antwerp and Amsterdam.
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Bonner, Thomas Neville. „Toward New Goals for Medical Education, 1830-1850“. In Becoming a Physician. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062984.003.0011.
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The years around 1830, as just described, were a turning point in the movement to create a more systematic and uniform approach to the training of doctors. For the next quarter-century, a battle royal raged in the transatlantic countries between those seeking to create a common standard of medical training for all practitioners and those who defended the many-tiered systems of preparing healers that prevailed in most of them. At stake were such important issues as the care of the rural populations, largely unserved by university-trained physicians, the ever larger role claimed for science and academic study in educating doctors, the place of organized medical groups in decision making about professional training, and the role to be played by government in setting standards of medical education. In Great Britain, the conflict over change centered on the efforts of reformers, mainly liberal Whigs, apothecary-surgeons, and Scottish teachers and practitioners, to gain a larger measure of recognition for the rights of general practitioners to ply their trade freely throughout the nation. Ranged against them were the royal colleges, the traditional universities, and other defenders of the status quo. Particularly sensitive in Britain was the entrenched power of the royal colleges of medicine and surgery— “the most conservative bodies in the medical world,” S. W. F. Holloway called them—which continued to defend the importance of a liberal, gentlemanly education for medicine, as well as their right to approve the qualifications for practice of all other practitioners except apothecaries. Members of the Royal College of Physicians of London, the most elite of all the British medical bodies, were divided by class into a small number of fellows, almost all graduates of Oxford and Cambridge, and a larger number of licentiates, who, though permitted to practice, took no part in serious policy discussions and could not even use such college facilities as the library or the museum. “The Fellows,” claimed a petition signed by forty-nine London physicians in 1833, “have usurped all the corporate power, offices, privileges, and emoluments attached to the College.”
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Tariff, Great Britain, 1830"
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Wang, Zhimin, und Furong Li. „Critical peak pricing tariff design for mass consumers in Great Britain“. In 2011 IEEE Power & Energy Society General Meeting. IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pes.2011.6039603.
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