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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru“

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Veröffentlicht am 18. Mai 2024

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1

André, Maria Claudia. „Victoria Ocampo y Rabindranath Tagore ante la crítica bengalí“. Letras Femeninas 42, Nr. 2 (01.11.2016): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/letrfeme.42.2.0092.

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Resumen Partiendo de la lectura de las publicaciones de escritores e investigadores de la India, en su mayoría oriundos de la región de Bengala, el presente ensayo examina la dinámica afectiva entre Rabindranath Tagore, el célebre poeta bengalí, ganador del Premio Nobel de Literatura en 1913, y la afamada escritora argentina Victoria Ocampo. Además de analizar las infuencias temáticas, intelectutales e ideológicas que ejercieron el uno sobre el otro, tanto en el ámbito personal como en lo profesional, el ensayo explora el impacto de reconocidas figuras del ámbito político de la India en el pensamiento de Ocampo, entre ellos, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawarhalal Nehru y su hija, Indira Gandhi. La intención que motiva la exploración de dichos temas, por un lado, es la de poder apreciar el enfoque que la academia india da a esta singular amistad y evaluar su percepción en cuanto al genio figura de Victoria Ocampo; y por otro, determinar aquellos aspectos de dicha amistad que resultaron extraordinariamente enriquecedores y fructíferos en lo que hace a la producción literaria y artística de ambos. El legado de esta relación es un fiel reflejo del espíritu humano y de la energía creativa de dos seres que, a pesar de las diferencias culturales, se inspiraron mutuamente para hacer del arte y de la literatura un instrumento civilizador y un puente intercultural.

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Oza, Preeti. „DALIT IDENTITY POLITICS AS A HISTORY OF NATION BUILDING: CONFLUENCE OF MAHATMA GANDHI AND DR. AMBEDKAR“. GAP GYAN - A GLOBAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Nr. 3 (16.08.2019): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47968/gapgyan.230022.

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Mohandas K. Gandhi's relationship with other eminent history makers of his time—whether personal friends and allies like Jawaharlal Nehru, Rabindranath Tagore, or the opponents and antagonistic rivals like Mohammed Ali Jinnah—was never straightforward, uncomplicated, or free of turbulence. But amongst this group of prominent people, one of his most controversial relationships was with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who is considered the messiah of the downtrodden and untouchables (Dalits) in India. As he served India in several capacities, He had various occasions for confrontations with Gandhi but the most famous ones are the differences in the positioning Dalits in India. This paper deliberates upon these differences and how the process of Nation-building was gradually shaped and how these differences affected today‘s Indian people.

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Kabi, Sandip Kumar. „Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore and Educational thinking of Dr. Abul Kalam Azad“. Revista Review Index Journal of Multidisciplinary 1, Nr. 1 (30.09.2021): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm2021.v01.n01.004.

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Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was emotionally and mentally very near to both of them – M.K Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore. He was very close to making important decisions from the twenty’s century. With the beginning of independence in 1947, he was naturally elected to the Cabinet. He held the position of the Minister of Education between 1947-52 and the Minister of Education, Environment and Scientific Research during 1952-58. His impact on the policy-making process was enormous. He belonged to Nehru, his military ally during the liberation struggle and was one of his closest advisers to the Cabinet. Maulan Azad was patriotic, a philosopher, a leader and a great scholar. With deep learning and brilliant intelligence, he did a very important work for the Muslims, freeing them from the dust of apartheid and apartheid that had accumulated in them for a hundred and eleven years of their history in India. He was the rightful heir to all the movements of the past. During the course of his brilliant and intellectual life and the transformation of his mind, we find the whole history of his Islamic thought.

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GRIGORIEVA, N. „PREREQUISITES FOR THE CREATION OF THE CONCEPT SPACE EDUCATION IN THE PEDAGOGICAL SYSTEM OF M. MONTESSORI“. Scientific papers of Berdiansk State Pedagogical University Series Pedagogical sciences 1, Nr. 2 (06.10.2022): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31494/2412-9208-2022-1-2-81-90.

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The article considers the prerequisites for the creation of the concept of «space education» in the pedagogical system of M. Montessori. The necessity of its introduction into the work practice of preschool institutions of Ukraine is argued. The 21st century education paradigm is aimed at finding such an education system that would teach a person to live and act in accordance with the universal laws of Nature and the Cosmos. The versions of the researchers of the life and scientific work of the Italian teacher are presented regarding the time frame of the appearance of the term «space education», the formation and generalization of the material, which took shape in a separate educational course. The meaning of the concept of «space education» is revealed. It was found out that the work on the formation of the theory took place in stages and lasted for a long time. The influence of the Indian period of M. Montessori's life on the formation of her philosophical and pedagogical views in the last years of her life was studied. The closeness of the ideas and worldview of M. Montessori with the representatives of the Indian intelligentsia of those times – J. Arundale, A. Besant, M. Gandhi, J. Nehru, R. Tagore is traced. They admired her method, were like-minded and belonged to the Theosophical Society, which, as it turned out, actively helped M. Montessori during his stay in India. Attention is focused on a detailed analysis of the philosophical and pedagogical views of A. Besant, M. Gandhi, and R. Tagore. Three conditions are named that contributed to the creation of the concept of «space education» during his stay in India. The indisputable role of Mario Montessori's son and Lena Wickramaratne's student in creating a class of children of various ages (6-12 years old), selection and production of didactic materials, implementation of Maria Montessori's theory of «space education» in practice is emphasized. The publication outlines a topic that needs further research. Key words: M. Montessori's method, humanistic pedagogy, theosophy, cosmic education, preschool age, Indian period.

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5

Das, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, India, Saswat S., Anindya Sekhar Purakayastha, Kazi Nazul University, India und Sandeep Sarkar, Vellore Institute of Technology, India. „De-familiarising Nationalist Discourses: Performative Ironies of the Normative Indian Episteme“. Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature 8, Nr. 2 (15.12.2014): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/asiatic.v8i2.496.

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The present excursus attempts a deconstructive reading of the foundational texts of normative Indian nationalism and problematises them and their epistemic plexus through the critical trajectories of Homi K. Bhabha and Partha Chatterjee. Nationalism still remains a primary signifier in academic debates and in works like The Nation and its Fragments and Nationalist Thoughts and the Colonial World, Chatterjee challenges the assumption that nationalism in Asia and Africa is a derivative version of pre-given European nationalist a prioris. For Chatterjee, Asian and African nationalism was based on difference and not on derivation and the present essay addresses this differentiality, this dynamics of performative operativity of Indian nationalism with specific references to textual episteme of foundational thinkers such as Tagore, Gandhi, Vivekananda and Jawaharlal Nehru. We interrogate the normative cognitivities of these foundational thinkers by pitting them against the radical conceptualisation of DissemiNation of Homi K. Bhabha. We argue that while the foundational texts of Indian nationalism did not imitate the epistemic structures of the West they ended up in offering only mythic abstractions and religious normativities that surely fail to betray any proud deliberative encounter with â€œthe historic and objective realitiesâ€ of India.

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López Hernández, José. „Mario López Areu, Pensamiento político y modernidad en la India: Tagore, Gandhi, Ambedkar, Nehru (Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, Madrid, 2018)“. Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político 16 (28.01.2022): 659–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/revintpensampolit.6461.

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7

Tevetoğlu, Fethi. „Gazi Nazrûl İslâm“. Belleten 53, Nr. 207-208 (01.08.1989): 853–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1989.853.

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Atatürk, (Mustafa Kemâl Paşa) olarak dünyâya yaygın büyük ününü, kuşkusuz, Çanakkale savaşlarında yarattığı (Anafartalar Destanı) ile kazanmışdır. Târihin en büyük kahramanlık destanlarına beşiklik etmiş bulunan Anadolu'ya, Türklerin bin yıllık yurduna saldıran Avrupa emperyalistlerine karşı (Mustafa Kemâl Paşa)'nın elinde yükselen meş'ale, sömürgecilik çizmesi altında inleyen Asya'lı ve Afrika'lı birçok milletlere kurtuluş yollarını aydınlatan ilâhi bir ışık olmuştur. Mevlânâ Abdul Bahri ve Mevlânâ Muhammed Ali-Şevket Ali Kardeşler başta, pekçok Müslüman mücâhid gibi, Hindistan'ın en ünlü evlâtları Rabindranath Tagore (7 Mayıs 1861-7 Ağustos 1941), Mahatma K. Gandhi (2 Ekim 1869-30 Ocak 1948), Pandid Cevâhir-i-lâl Nehrû (14 Kasım 1889-27 Mayıs 1964) ve Bengalli büyük kadın şâir Sarojini Naidu (13 Şubat 1879-3 Mart 1949)'nun da dâhil bulundukları yüzlerce seçkin Hindû lider, her türlü İngiliz baskı ve terörünü hiçe sayarak, Anafartalar'da destanlaşan Mustafa Kemâl Paşa ile O'nun büyük milletini Anadolu'da sömürgecilere karşı savaş verdikleri sırada desteklemişlerdir. Şahsen tanımak mutluluğuna erdiğim Nehrû'nun 14 Kasım 1963 Perşembe günü, Yeni Delhi'deki -bugün Nehrû Müzesi bulunan- mâlikânelerinde bana bizzat söylediklerine göre, bütün bu Hindli İstiklâl Mücâdelecileri'nin yüreklerine (SEMBOL KAHRAMAN) diye yerleşmiş (Mustafa Kemâl Paşa)'ya duyulan sevgi ve tutkuyu onlara ilk üfleyen, aşılayan değerli şâir: Gazi Nazrûl İslâm olmuşdur.

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Łukaszuk, Tomasz. „The evolution of India-Central Europe relations after the Cold War“. Studia Politologiczne 2020, Nr. 56 (15.06.2020): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.56.15.

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The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.

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9

MANDAL, SUDHENDU. „TAGORE AND GANDHI“. Science and Culture 87, Nr. 9-10 (24.11.2021): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.36094/sc.v87.2021.tagore_and_gandhi.mandal.319.

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10

Mazrui, Ali A. „Africa between Gandhi and Nehru“. African and Asian Studies 16, Nr. 1-2 (16.03.2017): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341369.

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The author’s interest in Africa’s relations with India goes back to his doctoral thesis at Oxford University, published under the title of Towards a Pax Africana. The impact of India upon twentieth century Africa has a special place for Gandhi’s strategies of civil disobedience and Nehru’s principle of nonalignment. Gandhi’s satyagraha (soul force) inspired African political figures as diverse as Nobel laureate Albert Luthuli of South Africa and Ivorian president Houphouet-Boigny. Nehru’s ideas about what used to be called “positive neutralism” helped to shape African approaches to foreign policy in the entire post-colonial era. The essay, published almost two decades ago, explored these historical dimensions in this prescient analysis.

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11

Zaitcev, Andrei. „The Splits of the Indian National Congress in the 1940s and 1960s and the Consolidation of the Party around the Nehru-Gandhi political Dynasty in domestic and Indian Historiography“. Исторический журнал: научные исследования, Nr. 4 (April 2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.4.38629.

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The article analyzes domestic and Indian scientific publications covering the splits of India's oldest political party, the Indian National Congress, in the first decades after the independence of India. The subject of the study is to highlight the role of the Nehru-Gandhi family of these splits in Russian and Indian historiography. The purpose of the study is to identify the level of scientific coverage of the problem of consolidation of the Indian National Congress Party around Nehru-Gandhi during the splits of the 1940s-1960s. The main method of research has become cultural-anthropological, which involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the relationship of domestic and Indian scientists to the object of research. Despite the fact that the historiography devoted to the activities of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty consists of a huge number of monographs and articles in scientific journals, the degree of elaboration of the topic can be defined as low. To date, most of these works and author's assessments have not been analyzed and generalized. This is the scientific novelty of the work. In addition, it is relevant because the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently holds leading positions in the Indian National Congress. The main conclusion is that, according to experts, the splits of the party are associated with personal qualities and the unified social and political doctrine of the Nehru-Gandhi family.

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Bagchi, Barnita. „Transcultural Utopian Imagination and the Future: Tagore, Gandhi, Andrews, and India–Britain Entanglements in the Early 1930s“. Utopian Studies 33, Nr. 2 (01.07.2022): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/utopianstudies.33.2.0206.

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ABSTRACT This article focuses on the transcultural utopian imaginings of futures in early twentieth-century India and Britain, with Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, anticolonial politician M. K. Gandhi, and British Christian activist C. F. Andrews at the center. Homing in on two trips made to England by Tagore (1930) and Gandhi (1931), especially their visits to Woodbrooke Quaker College in Birmingham, and on Gandhi’s visit to Lancashire, the article shows how British Christian and Quaker utopians and Indian utopians cooperated with each other. The article excavates the utopian experiments of Corder Catchpool, also a Quaker, in Darwen, Lancashire, where Gandhi stayed. Religion should be accorded an important place in our understanding of utopia, the article argues. A human propensity to create a paradoxical sense of futurity that does not negate the past, one that Tagore highlights in The Religion of Man (1931), is found in all the utopians discussed.

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Rizvi, Gowher. „Gandhi and Nehru: An enduring legacy“. Round Table 81, Nr. 323 (Juli 1992): 363–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539208454114.

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14

Basu, Aparna. „Three Statesmen: Gokhale, Gandhi and Nehru“. Indian Historical Review 31, Nr. 1-2 (Januar 2004): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360403100225.

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15

Lai, Kangsheng. „Rhetorical Analysis on Expectations and Functions in Jawaharlal Nehru’s Eulogy for Mahatma Gandhi“. Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, Nr. 1 (28.02.2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.1p.69.

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The paper introduces the life story of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and then analyzes the relationship between the two great people in India. After Gandhi’s death, Jawaharlal Nehru delivered the eulogy for commemorating his intimate comrade and respectful mentor Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of India. Under generic constraints based on audience’s expectation and need, the eulogy is analyzed from the perspectives of two major expectations and five basic functions. Through the rhetorical analysis of Jawaharlal Nehru’s eulogy, it can be concluded that a good eulogy should meet audiences’ two major expectations and five basic functions.

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Wåhlin, Vagn, und Kim Arne Pedersen. „Education for the people: Concepts of Grundtvig, Tagore, Gandhi and Freire. Translated by John Stanley Martin“. Grundtvig-Studier 59, Nr. 1 (01.01.2008): 194–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v59i1.16533.

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17

Pye, Lucian W., und Katherine Frank. „Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi“. Foreign Affairs 81, Nr. 1 (2002): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033063.

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Sen, Amiya P. „Book review: Uma Das Gupta, ed., Friendships of ‘Largeness and Freedom’: Andrews, Tagore and Gandhi—An Epistolary Account, 1912–1940“. Indian Economic & Social History Review 59, Nr. 1 (Januar 2022): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194646211066021.

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19

Zaitcev, Andrei. „The activity of the Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty in Modern Indian English-language Historiography (from 1991 to the present)“. Genesis: исторические исследования, Nr. 7 (Juli 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.7.38347.

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The article analyzes Indian English-language publications devoted to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, written and published after 1991, which became a turning point in the history of independent India, this is the subject of this study. The purpose of this work is to determine the nature of scientific assessments of the role of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty in the political history of India in the second half of the XX century in English-language publications of Indian authors after 1991. The main method used in the work was cultural-anthropological, as it involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the attitude of Indian scientists to the object of research, as well as the identification of political preferences of researchers, the features of scientific schools and trends in historical science that they represent. The relevance of the work is explained by the fact that the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently actively participates in the political life of the Republic of India, still have a significant political influence, holding leadership positions in the Indian National Congress Party. In addition, their political activities in 1947-1991 continue to be the subject of discussion in the scientific and intellectual community of India. The novelty of the work is explained by the insufficient study of Indian historiography devoted to the history of the country after independence in 1947. The main conclusion is that due to the large-scale political changes in India that began after the death of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991, more and more criticism of the political dynasty can be found in the works of Indian specialists, but at the same time there is no consensus in Indian science about the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty at the present time, pluralism of opinions has very wide and polar range. This can be considered the main feature of Indian historiography.

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Giri, Ananta Kumar. „Gandhi, Tagore and a New Ethics of Argumentation“. Journal of Human Values 7, Nr. 1 (April 2001): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097168580100700105.

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21

Sorabji, Richard. „Tagore in Debate with Gandhi: Freedom as Creativity“. Sophia 55, Nr. 4 (19.09.2016): 553–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11841-016-0553-x.

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22

Lokhova, Irina V. „Internal Political Struggle in India in the 1960s and its Influence on the Foreign Policy of the Country“. Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, Nr. 2 (25.06.2022): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2022-2-12-18.

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The article reveals the process of internal political struggle in India in the 1960s aggravated after J. Nehru death. Later its results affected the foreign policy course of the country. The emphasis in the study is both on the confrontation between political groups in the government and on the intra-party split of the INC which ended in a complete victory for the supporters of I. Gandhi. The purpose of this study is to review the internal political changes allowed the government of the country to define clearly the independent pacifist orientation of its foreign policy, to intensify significantly in the international arena and to support openly peace and reducing tension, general disarmament, ending local conflicts and turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. The relevance of the article is determined by its inclusion in the circle of interests of historical science on issues of the Indian policy of the 1960s-1970s in the Indian Ocean there was an unsteady anti-Americanism and at the same time it was not clearly pro-Soviet, thus it realized the outlined foreign policy course. The result of the study showed that at the beginning of her working I. Gandhi did not have such great authority as J. Nehru who stood above political intrigues and political struggle. Thus, faced with active opposition, she could not pursue Nehru’s political course in the government and the INC using his methods. Softer and more democratic domestic policy did not interfere Nehru to be a leader. But it was disastrous for his daughter because the “old guard” of the INC sought to pursue persistently its line and, having discredited I. Gandhi, remove her from power. The opposition would not decide to do it if Nehru was alive. In such circumstances showing Nehru’s inherent tolerance would essentially mean not to continue his traditions but to be a passive observer of the degeneration of the Nehru Congress into the Congress of the “syndicate”.

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Lokhova, Irina V. „Worldview formation and I. Gandhi development as a politician“. Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, Nr. 2(2020) (25.06.2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-2-41-50.

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The article is devoted to the study of the process of I. Gandhi personally development as a politician, characteristics and features of her worldview formation. Indira Nehru’s entourage had a decisive role in becoming her as a politician and a leader of the nation continuing her father’s “Nehru course”. The cornerstone of I. Gandhi foreign policy concept and activity was the doctrine of “Great India” which took shape in the conditions of the 20th century world shocks which radically changed the political map of the world. Colonialism contributed to the emergence of a heightened sense of national dignity among many Indian politicians and intellectuals including I. Gandhi. J. Nehru views played an important educational role in I. Gandhi worldview formation. His scientific, philosophical and political views became the foundation that would subsequently develop and strengthen in her mind and form the future politician with certain beliefs and ideas about “Great India.” For her people she was not just a female politician, but a symbol, because even after the resignation from the post of prime minister, I. Gandhi presence in the government was seen as maintaining fidelity to the commandments of the largest national leader by the people. The spiritual appearance formed in her childhood helped her overcome all the difficulties that she would encounter on her political path. She would endure all the ups and downs with dignity and even the awareness of the impending assassination attempt did not make her hide but meet her opponents.

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Mahipal, D. S., und Santu Ram Kashyap. „An Evaluation of the Using Library Resources and Services by the Agriculture Scientists at Indira Gandhi Agriculture University Raipur, Chhattisgarh“. Journal of Ravishankar University (PART-A) 28, Nr. 2 (01.08.2022): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52228/jrua.2022-28-2-8.

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The aim of this paper is to identify the resources, services and make them accessible that are available at the Nehru Library, Raipur Chhattisgarh and used by its scientists. The sample for this study consisted of 245 of the 265 agricultural scientists who working at Indira Gandhi Agricultural university, Raipur. Questionnaires have been used for the collection of data under the scope of the study. The results of the study indicate that agriculture scientists visited libraries occasionally due to inadequate library resources. In addition it was found that the majority of agriculture scientists were partially satisfied with library resources and services. Indra Gandhi Agricultural University's library offers a variety of electronic resources and services in conjunction with modern resources. Scientists use the Nehru library for their studies and research. Electronic based services are proving to be an important service for scientists. Scientists are satisfied with the services provided by the library.

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Zaitcev, Andrei. „The Rule of the Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty as a phenomenon of the Political Life of Independent India (based on the materials of domestic and Indian historiography)“. Genesis: исторические исследования, Nr. 8 (August 2022): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.8.38396.

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The author considers the problem of the Nehru-Gandhi family rule as a phenomenon of the political history of modern, postcolonial India. The purpose of this work is to identify the main aspects of this phenomenon identified by domestic and Indian specialists. The main research methods were comparative-historical, which allowed to compare the scientific publications of domestic scientists, taking into account the Soviet and post-Soviet periods of the history of our country with the publications of Indian specialists, and cultural-anthropological, which involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the relationship of domestic and Indian scientists to the object of research. The relevance of the work is explained by the fact that the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently actively participates in the political life of the Republic of India, still have a significant political influence, holding leadership positions in the Indian National Congress Party. In addition, their political activities in 1947-1991 continue to be the subject of discussion in the scientific and intellectual community both in our country and in India. The novelty of the work is explained by the insufficient study of the designated problem in domestic and Indian historiography. The main conclusion is that the phenomenon of Nehru-Gandhi rule was formed on the basis of many political and socio-cultural factors described in the work, which are described in detail by domestic and Indian experts.

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Gurjar, Monu Singh. „The Comparative Analysis over Women Education via Tagore and Gandhi“. Educational Quest- An International Journal of Education and Applied Social Sciences 8, Nr. 3 (2017): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2230-7311.2017.00110.6.

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Kantor, Roanne. „Imperfect Solidarities: Tagore, Gandhi, Du Bois, and the Global Anglophone“. Comparative Literature 74, Nr. 1 (01.03.2022): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00104124-9434563.

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Paranjape, M. R. „'Natural Supernaturalism?' The Tagore-Gandhi Debate on the Bihar Earthquake“. Journal of Hindu Studies 4, Nr. 2 (01.07.2011): 176–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhs/hir023.

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Holden, Philip. „Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity: Gandhi, Nehru and Iqbal (review)“. Biography 30, Nr. 3 (2007): 379–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2007.0050.

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von Hatzfeldt, Gaia. „Agonistic democracy: the endurance of the Gandhi and Nehru legacy“. Contemporary South Asia 24, Nr. 2 (02.04.2016): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1197884.

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31

Som, Reba. „Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol over Substance?“ Modern Asian Studies 28, Nr. 1 (Februar 1994): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011732.

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If to Gandhi goes the credit of having drawn out Indian women from their cloistered protected environment to join the national movement for freedom, to Jawaharlal Nehru surely goes the credit for having recognized the need formally to grant equality between the sexes and to enshrine it in the Fundamental Rights drawn up at the Karachi Congress of 1931.

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Bagchi, Barnita. „Writing Educational Spaces in Twentieth -Century Reformist Indian Discourse“. Social and Education History 1, Nr. 1 (23.02.2012): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/hse.2012.04.

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This paper analyses discourse and practice around educational spaces in twentieth-century India, with attention to notions of region, nation, and the international, and a concurrent focus on the gendering of such spaces. The actors and writings examined were important shaping presences in the reformist/ progressive educational field of that time and place. By reformist or progressive education, I refer to theories and practices of education that sought to radically change prevalent official or formal systems of education, with a valence of achieving progress in society. I examine the (very different) contours of the village community-based school and a renovated, internationalist ashram-like space found in the educational practice and thought of M.K. Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, both of whom formulated influential models of education. We consider also notions of educational space found in the writing and practice of women educationists such as Rokeya Hossain, Marjorie Sykes, and Jyotirmoyee Devi. Tagore, Gandhi, Hossain, Devi or Sykes were grappling with formulating educational practices and concepts in a country which, under the rule of Britain, experienced a highly entangled and complex educational arena, where competing deprivations, demands, practices, and institutions subsisted Educational space and spaces embodied such contradictions, entanglements, and deprivations. My focus is the period 1920-1960.

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Chandra, Prem, und Vaibhav Goel Bhartiya. „Right to property, poverty and law in India“. Journal of Anatomical Sciences 30, Nr. 1 (03.06.2022): 34–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46351/jas.v30i1pp34-58.

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It is common phenomenon, all over the country, particularly since independence from the clutches of the colonial power of the British Empire, to witness and experience ever growing unceasing quest for a dynamic and just new social order on this sacred sanctum of the Mother India. There is ever growing unceasing quest for the new social order because of the tremendous fillip given to the revolutionary rising expectations created in the minds of the common people due to the ceaseless efforts, in arousing term to rise form slumber, made by Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru and host of others. The struggle started much before independence in arousing an awareness amongst the masses for their dignity, freedom and independence. Mahatma Gandhi, who lived half-clad, endeavored to symbolize the poverty of the people. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar struggled for equitable sharing of political power by all sections of the Indian society and he wanted to establish “State Socialism” and Jawaharlal Nehru believed in establishing a new society on the foundation of the socialism. Human freedoms necessary for dignity of the man are explicitly incorporated in the constitution. One of the human freedoms called the right to property finds place. Keywords: Rights, Property, Poverty, Law

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Bhattacharya, Kumkum. „Bindu Puri: The Tagore–Gandhi Debate on Matters of Truth and Untruth“. Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research 32, Nr. 3 (04.11.2015): 431–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40961-015-0035-5.

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35

Lukács, Eszter. „Value Driven Foreign Policy in South Asia, and its Lessons for the West Asian Region“. UKH Journal of Social Sciences 3, Nr. 1 (30.06.2019): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v3n1y2019.pp83-84.

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India during the long rule of the Nehru-Gandhi ‘dynasty’ aptly practiced realist foreign policy in the regional theatre and globally, but fell short of representing specifically Indian cultural values. Since the early 1990s, India’s foreign policy has regained its identity. Today, under Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi, India assertively stands for its heritage in foreign policy. This is a practice that has relevance for the entire West Asian region, including the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

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Das, Sonali. „Portrayal of Gandhi in Cinema: An Analysis“. Dialogue: A Journal Devoted to Literary Appreciation 18, Nr. 1 (25.06.2022): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30949/dajdtla.v18i1.20.

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Satyajit Ray believed Indian cinema needed an icon, uniquely Indian, who would give us a distinct identity. In course of time, Gandhi came to be seen as an inspiration who became a popular subject for cinema, in India and abroad. The ideas of Gandhi and Gandhism are popular subjects for the visual narratives. While Gandhi's life and work fascinated filmmakers around the world, Gandhi considered cinema as “evil” and was sceptical about its influence over the masses. In his lifetime, Gandhi saw only one film, Vijay Bhatt's Ram Rajya (1943). He refused to meet Charlie Chaplin, the then greatest star, calling him 'just a buffoon'. Even though Gandhi did not have a high opinion of cinema, film industry can be considered to be the most secular industry. The films of those times promoted nationalist fervour and spread humanitarian values, the same ideals Gandhi believed in and preached. It is interesting to note that even though Gandhi is the Father of our Nation, the first two films on Gandhi were produced by the Westerners, i.e Nine Hours to Rama (1963) by Mark Robson, and Gandhi (1982) by Richard Attenborough. Further the star cast involved actors mostly from the Britain or from the West. Indian producers and directors considered a film on Gandhi to be a risk. Even Nehru was of the opinion that the Government was not fit enough to make a film on Gandhi and there was lack of competent people to do so. But after the mega success of Attenborough's Gandhi, there was a big spurt of Indian film production on Gandhi. Portrayal of Gandhi in films is a strategy for marketing Gandhian philosophy and in disseminating different aspects of Gandhi unexpressed before. There is plurality of expression of Gandhian philosophies in the visual medium like cinema. My paper makes a humble attempt to analyse different facets of Gandhi's life as portrayed in two films, one directed by a foreigner and another by an Indian. Those two films are Attenborough's Gandhi (1982) where Gandhi is presented as a national hero who agitated against the British using his dual weapons of Ahimsa and Satyagraha and attained freedom for India; and Rajkumar Hirani's Lage Raho Munnabhai (2006) where Gandhi is depicted in a novel way in a comic pattern to impart Gandhian philosophy at the contemporary age.

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Shabbir, Ghulam, Khizar Jawad und Azmat Ullah. „POLITICAL LEADERSHIP OF MUHAMMAD ALI JINNAH: HIS TASK MANAGEMENT TACTICS AND GOAL ORIENTATION STRATEGIES“. Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, Nr. 03 (30.09.2021): 476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i3.271.

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Like most charismatic leaders Jinnah was an exceptionally gifted discrete who had the competency to pass out of his nation from solitude. It was his collective understanding of the obligation and the prominence of contribution to his nation. After the self-exile in England, his re-entry into the Indian politics strengthened the strategy of his future’s politics. The instantaneous difficulty for him was how to formulate a stratagem that could form the conditional dynamism in such a way that it generates opportunities for the Muslims to understand their determinations. This study has analysed his task management tactics and goal orientation strategies during the Freedom Movement. This is archival based research, and the argument is developed through the historical, descriptive, and analytical methods. Key Words: Jinnah, Gandhi, Nehru, Congress Ministries, Quit India Movement, Jinnah-Gandhi Talks, Cabinet Mission Plan

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Nasir, Hajra, Mariam Asif und Saima Gul. „The Promulgation of Hindutava Ideology under Secularism's Curtain in the Modi Era“. Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VII, Nr. I (30.03.2022): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2022(vii-i).07.

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The research article addresses the underline reason for opting for Secularism in India by Nehru.Nehru knew India was a home of people from different cultures, languages, religions, and ethnicities. So,choosing one religion, i.e., Hinduism, would create problems for the rest of the religions, and in the future other religions may ask for a separate country. An aggressive reaction was seen by other parties who wanted to protect Hinduism after the adoption of Secularism in India. Secularism welcomes all religions and allows people of its Nation to live freely by treating everyone equally. Gandhi also announced his view on Secularism and how he considered it a western concept and would not fit in easily. Gandhi believed that you could not separate religion from state policies. Nevertheless, Nehru was more than convinced, so he chose Secularism as an ideology for India.

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Clammer, John. „Can Art Embody Truth? Ethics, Aesthetics and Gandhi“. Social Change 51, Nr. 1 (März 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085721996859.

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The philosophical question of whether moral standards apply in art and the practical one of whether the arts can be vehicles of positive social transformation run through a great deal of social theory. In this article, these issues are discussed through an examination of Mahatma Gandhi’s approach to art and in particular his views on music and visual arts as they formed part of his personal world view and his socio-political programme. The article contextualises this in relation to Gandhi’s over-arching concern with the pursuit of truth and its theistic basis, his relationship to certain aspects of classical Indian philosophy and in particular the status of rasa among the four traditional purusharthas, and his relationship with Rabindranath Tagore and the artists at Kala Bhavan in Santiniketan, in particular Nandalal Bose. The article suggests that Gandhi was far from uninterested in aesthetic matters, but that the key to his thought lies in his holistic approach to both philosophy and lifestyle where the arts play an important role when integrated with ethical and religious demands.

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Dasgupta, Sandipto. „Gandhi’s Failure: Anticolonial Movements and Postcolonial Futures“. Perspectives on Politics 15, Nr. 3 (18.08.2017): 647–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000883.

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M.K. Gandhi was the undisputed leader of India's struggle for independence. Yet his vision for postcolonial India was completely marginalized at the moment of decolonization. The article takes this seemingly paradoxical juncture as the vantage point from which to offer a critique of Gandhi's political thought and more broadly an analysis of the shift from anticolonial movements to postcolonial rule. Through the voices of Gandhi's two most significant contemporary critics—B.R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru—the article shows how his ideas failed to either inspire the struggle of the ruled (Ambedkar), or address the anxieties of the would-be rulers (Nehru). Gandhi's vision for a postcolonial India persisted within the conceptual constellation of negating colonial modernity, rather than the historical possibilities of postcolonial futures. These predicaments provide an opportunity to analyze the persistence of modern western political imaginaries in the decolonized world. Not through mere assertions of continuity or mimicry, but rather through the concrete struggles, aspirations, and anxieties that constituted the strands of those transitional moments.

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Mastny, Vojtech. „The Soviet Union's Partnership with India“. Journal of Cold War Studies 12, Nr. 3 (Juli 2010): 50–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00006.

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The relationship between the Soviet Union and India was a hallmark of the Cold War. Over nearly forty years, Soviet-Indian relations passed through three distinct periods, coinciding with the ascendance of three extraordinary pairs of leaders, each extraordinary for different reasons—Jawaharlal Nehru and Nikita Khrushchev, Indira Gandhi and Leonid Brezhnev, and Rajiv Gandhi and Mikhail Gorbachev. The rise and decline of a political dynasty in India paralleled the trajectory seen in the Soviet Union. None of the periods ended well—the first in debacles with China, the second with Indira Gandhi's assassination, the third with the demise of the Soviet Union. The relationship in its heyday in the 1950s and 1960s was the product of a unique set of circumstances during the early Cold War. In the end, however, the relationship proved to be little more than a sideshow in the larger drama of the Cold War.

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Sharma, Dinesh. „The Spice Route between Africa and India“. African and Asian Studies 16, Nr. 1-2 (16.03.2017): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341368.

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As an introduction to the special issue, this essay covers a range of topics – from Mazrui’s historic essay on Gandhi and Nehru to Rumi and Wordsworth’s universal optimism and the role of education and technology in globalization. The historic and cultural relationship between Africa and India is examined, where several important themes are discussed: 1) the emphasis on human rights and social justice; 2) building sustainable development through literacy, education, tech-transfer, and cultural exchange; 3) journeys of loss and redemption between Africa, India and the West; and 4) the historic India-Africa summits.

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Valmiki, Amita. „IS DECOLONIZATION OR REVITALIZATION OF EDUCATION NECESSARY IN POST-COLONIAL INDIA? A PHILOSOPHICAL INTROSPECTION“. Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, Nr. 14(6) (15.07.2019): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.14(6)-1.

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The material is to go back to the work of the master-academicians of British Rule and Post British Rule times. Some asked for radical change in the education system, like Rabindranath Tagore; but people like M. K. Gandhi were moderate and thought of self-sufficient education system. Many other academicians till date are figuring out new educational policies either to ‘decolonize’ or ‘revitalize’ Indian Education System; this being the Indian ‘post-modern deconstruction’ of rigid and orthodox being replaced by progressive and invigorating policies; not giving up the old but ‘revitalizing’ the old in new scenario.

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Vecchi, Lucas Henrique Lima, und Duarte Nuno Drumond Braga. „O humanismo oriental de Adeodato Barreto e o contexto político internacional dos anos 30“. Via Atlântica, Nr. 36 (28.11.2019): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/va.v0i36.160088.

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Civilização hindu, do ensaísta goês Adeodato Barreto no ano de 1935, além de ser uma apresentação ao público português da civilização milenar indiana, foca a “Nova Índia”, renascida para a luta anticolonial de Gandhi e de Tagore. Possui referências a um vasto panorama internacional dos anos 30, passando pelos fascismos, pelo colonialismo europeu e, implicitamente, pelo salazarismo português. O objetivo deste texto é mostrar como o seu discurso de defesa da Índia se relaciona com uma crítica ao fascismo, ao totalitarismo e ao colonialismo. Para esse efeito exploraremos também a concepção de humanismo oriental enquanto forma de indianismo goês.

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Guha, Nikhiles. „Book Review: Javed Majeed, Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity: Gandhi, Nehru and Iqbal“. Indian Historical Review 43, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2016): 341–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616663523.

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MENON, NANDAGOPAL R. „Communal Harmony as Governmentality: Reciprocity, peace-keeping, state legitimacy, and citizenship in contemporary India“. Modern Asian Studies 49, Nr. 2 (20.08.2014): 393–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000109.

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AbstractDebates about secularism in post-independence India have often revolved around the visions of two of the country's founding fathers—M. K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. A sharp distinction is drawn between them by those who argue that the Gandhian model (or, what in common parlance and state discourses is called communal harmony) stems from Indian cultural and religious values, and lies beyond the realm of the state. The Nehruvian model, however, is a state project through and through. This article transcends this dichotomy to show that the association of Nehru and Gandhi with these models does not necessarily mean that secularism and communal harmony faithfully reflect their ideas and, despite the differences in their aims and methods, both models are united in the discourses and practices of the state as strategies of ‘governmentality’. After redefining the core of communal harmony as reciprocity (rather than tolerance), I show how it is performed, how it supplements the state's efforts to keep the peace in a religiously plural society by the force of law, and shores up the state's legitimacy deficit. However, the state's simultaneous involvement in Nehruvian and Gandhian projects is not an innocuous fact because it undermines the state's constitutional and secular obligations to non-discriminatory citizenship in the Indian nation. The argument is that the state's endorsement ofdargah-centred Islamic piety as an exemplary site of communal harmony and particular ideas of the Indian nation legitimized by communal harmony ‘problematizes’ the national belonging of certain kinds of pious Muslims.

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Chouhan, Sandhya. „Patrioitic Note in Sarojini Naidu’s Poetry“. Journal of Advanced Research in English and Education 05, Nr. 02 (19.02.2021): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2456.4370.202006.

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Sarojini lived and created in those stirring times when India was passing though the stages of her struggle for freedom. It was the age of such great patriots and freedom-fighters as Gandhi, Nehru, Gokhale, Tilak and many others and she had close contacts with all these heroic personalities. Patriotism was in the air so to say, and Sarojini could not remain unaffected by the spirit of the times. After her meeting with Gandhi in 1914, she herself plunged into the thick of the bottle, and her letters and speeches are full of her deeply felt love for her motherland. This love is also reflected at every step in her poetry. India was is her blood; it was as part and parcel of herself, and the note of patriotism is struck in numerous poems written at different periods. It is expressed in her poems, ‘To India’, ‘The Gift of India’, ‘An Anthem of Love’, ‘Lokman Tilak’, etc.

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Ali, Tahseen. „The Untold and Alternate Story of the Indian Subcontinent's War of Independence“. African and Asian Studies 2, Nr. 1 (2003): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903763835661.

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AbstractWhen the Indian subcontinent became independent in August 1947, it marked the end of the foreign occupation of the largest country in the world. Renowned for his part in that long struggle for independence was the famous Mahatma ('Great-souled one') Mohandas K. Gandhi, the proponent of non-violence, and his western-educated disciple, Jawaharlal Nehru. Gandhi was said to have charmed the British with his strength and simplicity and compel them into withdrawing from the subcontinent. Yet against the background of Gandhi's famous struggle whispers of another movement were heard, complete with its own leaders and its own vision on the fight for freedom. This paper takes a closer look at that struggle, and its efficacy in the quest for Indian independence. What were its goals and its guiding principles? How did it compare with Gandhi's struggle? This is the untold and alternate story of the Indian subcontinent's war of independence, and the men and women whose sacrifices created an immortal saga of patriotism.

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Sorabji, Richard. „Review of Bindu Puri, The Tagore-Gandhi Debate on Matters of Truth and Untruth“. Sophia 55, Nr. 2 (Juni 2016): 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11841-016-0536-y.

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Grbić, Igor. „Tagore and Gandhi: The Way of the Artist and the Way of the Ascetic“. Literature Compass 12, Nr. 5 (Mai 2015): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lic3.12226.

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