Bücher zum Thema „Suffrage populaire“

This book celebrates the 2017 centenary of women's right to full suffrage in New York State. The book highlights the activism of rural, urban, African American, Jewish, immigrant, and European American women, as well as male suffragists, both upstate and downstate, that led to the positive outcome of the 1917 referendum. The book argues that the popular nature of the women's suffrage movement in New York State and the resounding success of the referendum at the polls relaunched suffrage as a national issue. If women had failed to gain the vote in New York, the book claims, there is good reason to believe that the passage and ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment would have been delayed. This book makes clear how actions of New York's patchwork of suffrage advocates heralded a gigantic political, social, and legal shift in the United States. Readers will discover that although these groups did not always collaborate, by working in their own ways toward the goal of enfranchising women they essentially formed a coalition. Together, they created a diverse social and political movement that did not rely solely on the motivating force of white elites and a leadership based in New York City. The book convincingly argues that the agitation and organization that led to New York women's victory in 1917 changed the course of American history.

This chapter examines the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, with particular emphasis on the creative, disruptive, and destructive force behind constitutions and government: the people. Democracy is inherent in modern constitutionalism. The authority of the constitution derives from people’s sovereignty. If constitutionalism was designed to contain the abuse resulting from absolute sovereign power by setting up arrangements inside government, the democratic exercise of sovereignty emerged as an external constraint on government. This chapter traces the evolution of universal suffrage and considers its consequences, including the perils (and tyranny) of majority rule for a diverse society. It discusses the idea that a sovereign people has a single general will and looks at representative government as a means of balancing popular sovereignty with constitutionalism. It analyses the binding mandate and how it was replaced by the free mandate, along with the referendum as a genuine expression of the will of the people.

This chapter explores the historical relationship between and dynamics among feminists and nonviolent activists in the United States, surveying three waves of feminist nonviolent mobilization and interrogating the contributions to and erasure of feminist thinking from popular nonviolence histories. The US feminist and nonviolence movements were born of the same social heart among early, nonviolent abolitionists. It was from the experience of marginalization among nonviolent women abolitionists that the US suffrage movement was born, and again, following women’s activism in the civil rights and antiwar movements, second-wave feminism. The chapter examines and discusses (1) a double-standard of gendered effectiveness and invisibility among nonviolent movements, (2) a radical-feminist challenge to patriarchal tendencies in nonviolent organizing, and (3) the feminist-led transformation from a nonviolence that glorifies “self-sacrifice” to a nonviolence that values self-protection, preservation, and health in the realization of collective social justice.

This chapter reviews the volume, noting that literary critics elsewhere who have conceived the protesting commoners of Shakespeare’s drama as a ‘rabble’ have selectively reproduced the negative perspective of the plays’ patricians, whose hostility chimes with their own. It notes that early modern plebeian protest could actually prove both organized and successful, as recounted in Thomas Deloney’s Jack of Newberry, but suggests the need to investigate the possibility that a certain prudential anti-populism may have informed Folio revisions of some Quartos. Underlining Coriolanus’ introduction of the ideal of widespread manhood suffrage into early Jacobean culture, the chapter reaffirms, over a quarter of a century later, the assessment reached in Shakespeare and the Popular Voice of a dramatist substantially sympathetic to plebeian views and needs; yet it adds that final developments in his personal life may require us to recognize a somewhat hypocritical nouveau riche.

Explores the complexities of the lived experiences of Victorian women in the home, the workplace, and the empire as well as the ideals of womanhood and femininity that developed during the 19th century. Contrary to popular misconception, many Victorian women performed manual labor for wages directly alongside men, had political voice before women's suffrage, and otherwise contributed significantly to society outside of the domestic sphere. Daily Life of Victorian Women documents the varied realities of the lives of Victorian women; provides in-depth comparative analysis of the experiences of women from all classes, especially the working class; and addresses changes in their lives and society over time. The book covers key social, intellectual, and geographical aspects of women's lives, with main chapters on gender and ideals of womanhood, the state, religion, home and family, the body, childhood and youth, paid labor and professional work, urban life, and imperialism.

The Masses Are the Ruling Classes handles a neglected theme: social policy in the United States is determined by mass consent. Contemporary explanations of decision making in the United States typically attribute power over policy making to a variety of hidden forces and illegitimate elites, holding the masses innocent of their own problems. Yet the enormous openness of the society and nearly universal suffrage sustain democratic consent as more plausible than the alternatives (conspiracy, propaganda, usurpation, autonomous government, and imperfect pluralism). Despite the multitude of problems that the nation faces, its citizens are not oppressed. The core problem that blocks the maturation of American society is not democratic participation, but its content; popular preferences are romantic rather than pragmatic. None of these programs achieve their ends of poverty reduction or behavioral change. Rather, they persist as testimonials to America’s romantic preferences. Thus, if the American people are largely responsible for social policy, then they are also responsible for the problems that beset the nation, notably enormous economic and social inequality. If the masses rule policy choice, then the persistence of material and social deprivation that lies easily within the economic capacities of the nation to address suggests that the nation abides its inequalities and suffering. The commitment of American society to policy romanticism and its rejection of pragmatism blocks its social development.

What happened in the years following World War II to create a democratic revolution in the western half of Europe? This book provides an innovative new account of how a stable, durable, and remarkably uniform model of parliamentary democracy emerged in Western Europe—and how this democratic ascendancy held fast until the latter decades of the twentieth century. The book describes how Western Europe's post-war democratic order was built by elite, intellectual, and popular forces. Much more than the consequence of the defeat of fascism and the rejection of Communism, this democratic order rested on universal male and female suffrage, but also on new forms of state authority and new political forces—primarily Christian and social democratic—that espoused democratic values. Above all, it gained the support of the people, for whom democracy provided a new model of citizenship that reflected the aspirations of a more prosperous society. This democratic order did not, however, endure. Its hierarchies of class, gender, and race, which initially gave it its strength, as well as the strains of decolonization and social change, led to an explosion of demands for greater democratic freedoms in the 1960s, and to the much more contested democratic politics of Europe in the late twentieth century. The book is a compelling history that sheds new light not only on the past of European democracy but also on the unresolved question of its future.

Despite the thirst for more information about women's golf, very little exists about its history outside of books about the legendary Babe Didrikson Zaharias. Hudson fills this void, offering a complete history of women in golf. He focuses on the fascinating development of women's golf, the creation of the women's tour, star athletes of the past, the astronomical rise of the present-day tour greats, and the future of the sport. Golf may well have replaced baseball as America's pastime, and the sport enjoys incredible popularity across the globe. At the professional level, women's golf continues to escalate in popularity and media attention, particularly with the dominance of LPGA champion Annika Sorenstam and the interest surrounding teenage phenom Michelle Wie. Despite the thirst for more information about women's golf, very little exists about its history outside of books about the legendary Babe Didrikson Zaharias. Hudson's new book fills this void, focusing on the fascinating development of women's golf, the creation of the women's tour, star athletes of the past, and the astronomical rise of the present-day tour greats. In addition, Hudson examines women's golf in the context of the country's history of discrimination against women. Women's golf grew in popularity after the passage of the 19th Amendment in 1920, granting the right of suffrage. Unfortunately, gender discrimination remains a reality in the world of golf in certain locales of country club golf. Nonetheless, women's golf has never been more popular. For example, the Futures Tour, where girls and young women hone their skills on the way to the LPGA, has grown to more than 300 players from 27 countries, making it the largest international developmental tour in the world. And the 2006 LPGA Tour featured 34 events with prize money nearing $50 million, the highest ever in LPGA history. In 1890, Hudson writes, theWashington Postreported that some girls are anxious to learn golf, because they are really fond of sport and exercise; others, because it gives them a chance to show off a natty suit. Those girls are now acknowledged as women—and this book shows how very far they, and their sport, have come.