Dissertationen zum Thema „Sudan (2004)“
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1
Kuol, Kuol Deng-Abot. „An investigation of the roles of traditional leadership in the liberation struggle in southern Sudan from 1983-2004“. Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/205.
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The aim of this research study was to examine the role of traditional leadership during the upsurge of civil war in Southern Sudan. There has not been much research conducted in this field especially in Abiem County. Throughout the research process the role of traditional leaders has shown an unprecedented position during the liberation struggled characterized by huge support in terms of material support, manpower and political mobilization. The data analysis clearly reflected the roles of traditional leaders that occupied the historical perspective amidst the armed struggle waged by successive liberation movements and especially during the Sudan people’s Liberation Movement and Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLM/SPLA) from 1983 - 2004. It reflected on the vital roles of people’s support in the liberation movement represented by their traditional leaders, chiefs, elders, spiritual leaders, women and youth. Thus the perception of the role of traditional leadership in its different categories ha s shown a satisfactory and effective contribution to the war of liberation in Southern Sudan. However, in order to achieve the objectives, an investigation was conducted with various interviewees. As stated earlier, participants ranged from the chiefs and elders to local military and civil appointed administrators, women, youth and religious leaders. The main results of the study have profoundly asserted the important role of traditional leaders in the local government and their involvement in popular decision making and in local conflict management.
2
Siyam, Amani Abdel Fattah Mohamed. „An analytical study of child survival using the Sudan, Egypt and Yemen PAP-CHILD surveys“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2004/.
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The thesis is a comparative study of, Egypt, Sudan and Yemen, three countries with similar social and economic profiles, yet with a variable dynamic in achieving reductions in child mortality levels. The study begins with a consideration of the individual country backgrounds and then presents comparative findings on population health and child survival. Empirical results on the correlates of child survival are presented, together with a selective review of the related techniques of analysis. The analyses of survival to age five was based on data from the PAPCHILD surveys carried-out in Egypt (1991), Sudan (1992/93) and Yemen (1991/92). The aim was to investigate the determinants of child survival with the innovation of adjusting for the effect of a family's "child mortality background". Methods of analysis included life-table analysis, logistic (marginal and multilevel) and Cox regression models. The transition to better child survival could further benefit from the spacing of births, the avoidance of higher-order births, and the concentration of childbearing in the central reproductive ages. Unequivocally, deaths of older siblings prior to the birth of every index child were strong predictors of poor survival settings. Deaths of older siblings after the birth of the index child were rare, yet captured "immediate" risk spells. Events of conception, birth and death of a subsequent sibling entailed time-varying excess risks. Evidently, adjusting for measures of familial child losses explains much of the "between-households" variation in mortality risks and spell-out "within-households" inter-dependencies of survival. Households further correlate in risks to child survival when they belonged to the same geographical cluster. The novelty in representing the latter correlation with a "regional" component of unmeasured effects was in aid of pertinent policy recommendations. Further, the study makes recommendations on reducing reporting errors of demographic data collected from mothers. Critical findings and policy implications are: for Egypt, better child survival rates are achievable by narrowing "regional" socio-economic gaps and sustaining lower fertility rates; in Sudan, the slowing pace of declines in child mortality were not best explained by relations with observed correlates, and appears further underpinned by the country's economic crisis; in Yemen, child mortality levels can be reduced by a third if the timing between successive births could be extended to two years, net of key promotive socio-economic interventions.
3
Kinner, Kelly S. „Comparing coverage in "The New York Times" and "The Washington Post" via the gendered lens: The case of Darfur, Sudan, 2003--2005“. Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1442950.
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4
Hussein, Ghaiath Mohamed Abas. „The ethical considerations in the health-related research activities conducted during armed conflicts : case study of Darfur, West Sudan (2004-2012)“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8580/.
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The aim of this thesis is to conduct an empirically informed and philosophically robust ethical analysis of health-related human research undertaken during armed conflicts using the case study of Darfur, west Sudan (2004-2012). It adopts an empirical bioethics approach that combines the collection and analysis of empirical data with traditional philosophical analysis. The empirical data were collected using a systematic review of the studies that were conducted in Darfur during the chosen study period, followed by a qualitative project in Sudan. The qualitative findings were used to inform the philosophical discussion where the lines of arguments suggested by the project participants1 and the literature were scrutinized. This empirically-informed approach was chosen to overcome some of the shortcomings of the use of an abstract philosophical theorization when applied alone to an applied ethics field like humanitarian (research) ethics. Four main themes emerged and are discussed in the light of the relevant literature. The overall thesis is that the mainstream research ethical governance models are inadequate to ethically guide humanitarian activities as they lack the needed moral representativeness and operational feasibility. To overcome these problems, I argue that ethical oversight should shift from individualistic autonomy-based bioethics to relational autonomy and trust-based bioethics and from committee-based to community- situated governance models.
5
Kothari, Ammina. „A study of the New York times coverage of the Darfur, Sudan conflict, July 2003-July 2006 /“. Thesis, Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/7766.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Oregon, 2008.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. "List of journalists interviewed": p. 88. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109). Also available online.
6
Sirdar, Mohamed Mahmoud. „Antibiotic residues in commercial layer hens in Khartoum State, Sudan, 2007-2008“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23460.
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The prevalence of antimicrobial residues in table eggs produced in Khartoum State, Sudan was estimated and determined. All available producing layer farms in the state were sampled in April, June and August 2008. For each layer house three egg samples were randomly collected to increase the sensitivity of antimicrobial residue screening test detectability. In total, 933 egg samples were analyzed, collected from 175 layer farms (335 layer houses) in three periods of collection. An in-house residue detection test using Geobacillus stearothermophillus var calidolactis was the analytical procedure used for the analysis. Data were analysed using Survey Toolbox to calculate the true prevalence and confidence intervals. The proportion of layer farms with antimicrobial residues in April, June and August was 61.1%, 60.2% and 68.7% respectively. The proportion of layer houses affected in April, June and August were 56.0%, 54.1% and 57.1% respectively. The results showed insignificant variation among the three periods of the surveillance (p = 0.57). A census covering all three localities of the state (Khartoum, Bahry and Omdurman) was carried out in late 2007 and early 2008. Data were recorded on areas where farms occur, number of houses per farm, total capacity of birds and farming systems. The census showed that there were 252 layer farms in the state distributed in 31 different areas with a total population of 2 221 800 birds. A structured questionnaire survey was carried out in April 2008 in the state, to assess and collect data on risk factors associated with the presence of antimicrobial residues in table eggs. The questionnaire investigated antibiotic usage patterns for each layer farm as well as the basic knowledge and understanding of farmers about public health concerns associated with antibiotic use in food producing animals. Questions were closed ended and data was obtained through direct interviews with farm owners and managers. Descriptive statistical analysis was carried out on the information captured; calculating frequencies, graphs and measures of association, using the EpiInfo™ statistical package. Ninety two farms were surveyed 98% of which comprised open-sided houses. It was found that 48.9% of the farms surveyed were on antibiotic treatment when the survey was conducted, while 58.7% of the farms had used antibiotics within the last three months. There was a significant association between having disease on the farm and using antibiotics (P<0.001). The study showed that there is a serious lack of knowledge about the dangers of using antibiotics in animals and their potential impact on human health. In addition, Sudan lacks any type of formal control of veterinary drugs in terms of legislated residue limits or monitoring and surveillance programmes. This leads the authors to the conclusion that all Sudanese consumers are at risk for ARs in eggs.Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Production Animal Studies
unrestricted
7
Badiey, Naseem. „The state within : the local dynamics of 'post-conflict reconstruction' in Juba, southern Sudan (2005-2008)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547745.
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Mohamed, Tarig A. „MONITORING AND ANALYZING OF DESERTIFICATION TREND IN NORTH SUDAN USING MODIS IMAGES FROM 2000 to 2014“. OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2044.
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Desertification is a serious threat that damages the environment in many African countries, as a result of climatic factors and population growth. This research, investigated and monitored the dynamics of the desert area in the Republic of Sudan using geographic information system (GIS) and remote sensing images. The expansion of desertification in Sudan, particularly in Darfur, Kordofan, and Alshymalia states has, increased rapidly. Many efforts have been committed to understanding its dynamics, causes, and impacts. However, the data are still lacking. In this study Moderate-resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) Normalized Different Vegetation Index (NDVI), Enhanced Vegetation Index (EVI), and Gross Primary Productivity (GPP) images were acquired for the months of July, August, and September (growing seasons of the vegetation in the study area) of the years 2000, 2009, and 2014 respectively. Landsat 8 Operational Land Imager (OLI) data were used to compare and validate the result of MODIS data. Artificial Neural Network (ANN) and Spectral Mixture Analysis (SMA) techniques were utilized to produce three classification maps, and to address the issue of the mixed pixel. Post-classification change detection method was used to quantify the change that had occurred in the study area. The results show that the overall classification accuracy for the MODIS data for the year 2000, 2009, and 2014 was 79.52 %, 81.90 %, and 85.76 % respectively, and there was a significant increase in the expansion of the desert area towards the south and southwest of the study area. The temporal period between 2000 and 2009 indicated the greatest conversion of vegetation to desert area. Population growth and climatic changes such as temperature increment and precipitation variation were the major factors that led to the desert expansion. The result of this study will provide the people of Sudan with the information regarding desert area land expansion during the past 14 years, thereby raising awareness about the environmental problem in Sudan.
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Heleta, Savo. „The Darfur conflict from the perspective of the rebel justice and equality movement“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/970.
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In 2003, a conflict broke out in Darfur, Sudan’s western province, between the mainly “African” rebels and the government forces and their proxy “Arab” militias. It is estimated that about 200,000 people have so far died in the conflict from fighting, disease, and starvation. The UN and aid agencies estimate that over two million Darfurians, out of the population of about six million, are living in refugee camps. Even though the majority of all deaths in Darfur have occurred in 2003 and 2004, the conflict is nowhere near the end. Even after more than five years since the Darfur conflict began, there is hardly any comprehensive information about the rebels’ aims, objectives, and plans for the future. We cannot fully understand the conflict and plan peace negotiations between the warring parties if we do not know enough about the rebels. This study has critically explored the aims and perspectives of the Justice and Equality Movement, currently the most powerful Darfur rebel movement. The author has used the first-hand information gathered through interviews with the representatives of the rebel movement and additional data about the conflict and the rebels collected through an extensive literature analysis to portray the movement and its aims, perspectives, and plans for the future. Using the grounded theory approach as the data analysis tool, the author has presented key findings about the Darfur conflict from the perspective of the Justice and Equality Movement that have emerged from the data collected in this study.
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Gross, de Almeida Daniela. „The Darfur conflict : beyond ethnic hatred explanations“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2185.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.
11
Masabala, Josiah. „An investigation into the extent to which the socio-economic dimension is addressed in attempts to manage the North-South Sudanese Conflict : with a particular focus on the comprehensive peace agreement of 2005“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1551.
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The socio-economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The underlying assumption of this study is that the socio-economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of providing an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the way in which conflict theory has dealt with conflict and determines to what degree peace agreements in the Sudan have taken into consideration the socio-economic dimension of the conflict between the North and South Sudan since February 1972 to January 2005. This study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the Sudan with possible wider application to other future peace agreements.
12
Paxal, Stine Aas. „An Implementation Study of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan“. Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-20185.
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In this Master’s thesis I have studied the implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan. After 40 years of civil war in Sudan, the peace agreement was signed between the two warring parties, the Government of Sudan in North and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in South. The 2005 CPA initiated an interim period of six years, which ended in July 2011. My research question in this classificatory analysis has been To which degree and in what way has the Comprehensive Peace Agreement been implemented by the parties in the Sudanese civil war after the signing on 9 January 2005 and until the end of the interim period on 9 July 2011? I have studied the content of the 2005 CPA which I divided into seven dimensions. Out of these dimensions I derived ideal-typical sets of criteria based on valid distillation of the substantial intentions of the treaty. These dimensions are the measuring scales against which actual implementation is to be compared. By developing a percentual scale I have sought to grade the level of implementation within the different dimensions. My results indicate that the 2005 CPA has been far from implemented within the six-year time frame. With an average implementation level of 3.5 only one dimension scores higher than the average level; the "political issues" dimension. The least implemented dimension is "Abyei region" with a score of 2.2. The rest of the dimensions lie close to an implementation level of 3.
13
Mickler, David. „Protecting civilians or preserving interests? : explaining the UN Security Council's non-intervention in Darfur, 2003-06 /“. Murdoch University Digital Theses Program, 2009. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20091112.122459.
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Birech, Robert T. „Giving reconciliation a chance in Sudan seeking an alternative response to the Darfur conflict“. Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FBirech.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna. Second Reader: Berger, Marcos (Mark T.). "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Sudan, Darfur, conflict resolution, reconciliation, Native administration system and Judiyya. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-52). Also available in print.
15
Ahmed, Khidir Haroun. „The politics of Islam and the alienation of South Sudan, 1945-2005“. Thesis, University of Reading, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602466.
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This research investigates the role of the politics of Islam in the alienation of South Sudan that led to its secession from Sudan on 9 July January 20 II. The research covers the period from the establishment of political parties in 1945 until the signing of the peace agreement between the north and South Sudan in 2005, which gave the Southern Sudanese the choice of self-determination to remain within the boundaries which the Republic of the Sudan inherited from Anglo-Egyptian colonial rule on I January 1956 or secession. The politics of Islam is meant here to cover the role of traditional political parties as well as that of Islamists. The thesis starts by explaining the failure of successive imperial rulers, Egypt and Britain, to establish a tame orthodox Islam and the rise of political parties based around the two most powerful neo-Sufi sects. With independence, they accepted a predominantly secular constitution for a unitary state. The Islamic movement's rise began after the October Revolution of 1964. Manipulated by Islamists, the traditional political parties adopted more Islamic platforms that made Islam in politics influential in the period 1964-1969 to the extent that dominated all attempts to write a permanent constitution in the country. Southerners adamantly rejected any move to adopt an Islamic constitution. Nimieri's adoption of a truly secular constitution in 1973, along with the autonomous rule for the South was the only serious attempt to put Southern concerns to rest. Nimieri's reconciliation of 1977 brought Islam back to the centre of national politics. The rise of the South, represented by the SPLMlA in 1985, was an indication that secular Sudan was becoming a condition for Sudan's unity. However the Islamists' seizure of power in 1989 and their determination to establish and maintain sharia led to the South's secession.
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Abdelrahman, Omer Ali. „History and development of the law of contract in Sudan (1898-2000)“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416620.
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Mohammed, Suhair Ahmed Salah. „Islamists and democracy in Sudan : the role of Hasan Turabi, 1989-2001“. Thesis, University of Westminster, 2012. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z85v/islamists-and-democracy-in-sudan-the-role-of-hasan-turabi-1989-2001.
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This research assesses the experiment of the Islamic movement in Sudan following the 1989 coup. The main question that needs to be answered with regard to Turabi and the Islamists in Sudan is the gap between theory and practice. Sudan is a complex country, with a diverse population encompassing different tribes, languages, religions and cultures, all impacting on the country’s history and future. Consequently, the Islamic movement was influenced by the nature of this society. The Islamisc movement in Sudan was established in the 1940s, linked to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and to revivalists in the 19th and 20th centuries, such as al-Afghani, Mohammed ‘Abdu, Mawdudi, Hasan al-Turabi and Rashid al-Ghannouchi. The research assesses the theories of Turabi in Shura, democracy and issues of government. It critically evaluates the concepts of Tawhīd, the state in Islam, and human rights, minorities, women, etc., in the Islamic state. This research established that gaps existed between the theory and practice of Turabi and the Islamists in Sudan. Their military coup represents the first violation of democracy. They possessed a clear human rights’ vision, but in practice violated them from the early days of the coup. They developed mature theories on power sharing, justice and equality, but have monopolised power since 1989. Shura was implemented in the movement institutions, but remains to be enhanced in the State. In the first decade, Islamist succeeded in developing the economic sector, by exploring for oil, and establishing a free market, but with no mechanisms to mitigate its negative side-effects. In society, significant laws were developed, in favour of women, education, and media. One may argue that Islamists need to take further steps towards Shura and democracy on the practical level, and establish proper mechanisms.
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Gabrielsen, Jumbert Maria. „The internationalization of the Sudanese conflicts : from South Sudan to Darfur : agenda setting, mobilization and qualifications“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. https://spire.sciencespo.fr/notice/2441/53r60a8s3kup1vc9kd0rlgo0g.
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Comment un conflit interne devient-il un enjeu international? L’objet de cette thèse est de comprendre l’internationalisation des conflits au Sud-Soudan et au Darfour, comprise comme le processus par lequel ces deux conflits, dont les enjeux étaient à l’origine essentiellement internes, sont devenus des conflits attirant une grande attention internationale. Nous partons du constat que la mise sur agenda international est loin de concerner tous les conflits armés sur la scène internationale, et qu’il ne convient pas d’expliquer l’internationalisation d’un conflit par rapport à un autre simplement par des niveaux de violence ou des intérêts stratégiques des grandes puissances. Nous proposons tout d’abord d’analyser les internationalisations comme des processus « par le bas », où réseaux d’activistes mobilisés hors du Soudan, essentiellement aux États-Unis et en Europe, mais aussi les mouvements rebelles soudanais et autres représentants de la société civile soudanaise, font pression sur les gouvernements et les organisations internationales pour se saisir de ces conflits. Nous montrons que ces acteurs sont parvenus à imposer leurs qualifications et leur grille d’analyse des conflits et des réponses appropriées, et contribuent ainsi à l’émergence de la norme de l’internationalisation (un conflit interne non résolu « devrait » devenir un enjeu de préoccupation internationale). Les réponses « du haut » sont analysés ensuite, cherchant à comprendre comment ils sont affectés par les pressions « par le bas ». Dernièrement, nous proposons de mettre en lumière la manière dont l’internationalisation influence les dynamiques locales de résolution des conflitsHow does an internal conflict become an international issue ? The subject of this thesis is to understand the internationalization of the conflicts in South Sudan and in Darfur, understood as the process through which these two conflicts have gone from being struggles over local and national governance to becoming issues of high level international concern. Internationalization, in the sense of conflicts being set on the agenda, is far from concerning all armed conflicts on the international arena, and referring to levels of violence or strategic interests of the great powers does not explain why a conflict is internationalized and another is not. The first part of the thesis analyses the internationalization processes « from below », where activist networks mobilized outside Sudan, first and foremost in the United States and in Europe, but also the Sudanese rebel movements and other representatives of Sudanese civil society, exert pressure on various governments and international organizations, requiring them to seize themselves of the conflicts. These actors have managed to impose their qualifications of the Sudanese conflicts, and their understandings of the appropriate responses, and thus contribute to the emergence of internationalization as a norm (a conflict not resolved internally should become an issue of international concern). The responses « from above » are then studied, seeking to understand how they are affected by pressure « from below ». Lastly, the thesis shows how internationalization influences local dynamics of conflict resolution
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Klein, Peter William. „Tea and Sympathy: The United States and the Sudan Civil War, 1985-2005“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2007.
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The specters of violence and economic insecurity have haunted the Sudan since its independence in 1956. The United States Congress has held numerous hearings on the Sudan's civil war and U.S. television news outlets have reported on the conflict since 1983. While attempting to engage the Sudan in a viable peace process, the U.S. Congress has been beset by ineffectual Cold War paradigms and an inability to understand the complexities of the Sudan civil war. U.S. television news programs, on the other hand, engaged in a process of oversimplification, using false dichotomies to reduce the conflict into easily digestible pieces. This thesis will analyze the overall tone and focus of U.S. Congressional hearings and television news broadcasts on the Sudan and demonstrate the problematic factors in their portrayals of the war.
20
Sandenbergh, Hercules Alexander. „How religious is Sudan's Religious War?“ Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3470.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2006.Sudan, Africa’s largest country has been plagued by civil war for more than fifty years. The war broke out before independence in 1956 and the last round of talks ended in a peace agreement early in 2005. The war started as a war between two different religions embedded in different cultures. The Islamic government constitutionalised their religious beliefs and imposed them on the whole country. This triggered heavy reaction from the Christian and animist people in the South. They were not willing to adhere to strict marginalising Islamic laws that created cleavages in society. The Anya-Anya was the first rebel group to violently oppose the government and they fought until the Addis Ababa peace accord that was reached in 1972. After the peace agreement there was relative peace before the government went against the peace agreement and again started enforcing their religious laws on the people in the South. This new wave of Islamisation sparked renewed tension between the North and the south that culminated in Dr John Garang and his SPLM/A restarting the conflict with the government in 1982. This war between the SPLA and the government lasted 22 years and only ended at the beginning of 2005. The significance of this second wave in the conflict is that it coincided with the discovery of oil in the South. Since the discovery of oil the whole focus of the war changed and oil became the centre around which the war revolved. Through this research I intend to look at the significance of oil in the conflict. The research question: how religious is Sudan’ Religious war? asks the question whether resources have become more important than religion.
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Khaba, Busisiwe Millicent Tryphine. „Ethnic mobilization and the implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement of the Sudan (2005-2011) / B.M.T. Khaba“. Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/10260.
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The current socio-economic and political landscape of Sudan and South Sudan can be described as one that is war-ridden and deeply divided by religion, culture, ethnicity and ownership over oil. It has been more than twelve months since the secession of Southern Sudan from the North (See Map 1). Despite the secession, general instability continues. To deal with this turmoil, Sudan declared a so-called “state of emergency” in 2012 along its border with South Sudan. The reason for this was the on-going tension between North Sudan and South Sudan over ownership of the oil-rich Abyei area. This conflict over oil is furthermore fuelled by diverse internal divisions among the Sudanese population (North and South). Sudanese diversity is characterized by two opposing antagonistic religious groupings, namely the Arabic North, whose main religious belief is Islam, and the so-called “black Africans” in the South, whose religious belief is mainly Christianity or Animist. In addition to this primary division there are also over 570 ethnic groups in Sudan (North and South). Conflicts and tension between the different ethnic groups is furthermore caused by disputes over natural resources such as water, livestock and land as well as political power and economic gains. Despite the continued conflict the assumption in this study was that the signing and implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) (2005–2011) represented a potential step towards eventual stability. This dissertation therefore focuses, as a case study, on an analytical description of the CPA and its outcomes. Specific reference was made to the role and impact of political mobilization by using an instrumental approach as a framework for analysis. In the above regard, research centred on the following three themes: *Ethnic mobilization as a factor in the political destabilization of Sudan since independence and towards the implementation of the CPA; *Ethnic mobilization as a guideline in the structuring of the CPA; and *Ethnic mobilization and the eventual outcome of the CPA. By addressing the above themes, the study attempted firstly to provide a balanced perspective on the causes of continued instability and conflict in Sudan. Secondly, an attempt was made to provide a future scenario for the possible unfolding of socio-economic and political developments in Sudan and South Sudan.MA (Political studies), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013
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Washburne, Sarah Lykes. „Legitimacy, identity and conflict : the struggle for political authority in Southern Sudan, 2005-2010“. Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/106777.
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The consolidation of political authority over Southern Sudan has never been achieved, nor has the region ever experienced a comprehensive, uniform system of governance. No one political group, external or internal, has ever been able to present itself as the legitimate representative of the populace of Southern Sudan. These, however, were the objectives which the Sudan People‘s Liberation Movement (SPLM) sought to achieve from 2005 to 2010. The main contention of this thesis is that the success or failures of the SPLM at post-conflict state-building can be measured through the conceptual framework of legitimacy. As a rebel movement, the SPLM fought a war of liberation against the government of Sudan from 1983 to 2004. Yet, the SPLM was not fighting for the secession of the South, as its predecessor had, but for the liberation of the country and for the creation of a ‗New Sudan‘ where all the politically marginalised groups of Sudan would be political equals. The movement based its rationale on a ‗revolutionary ideology‘, but this form of ideological legitimation was insufficient to gain Southern-wide support for its cause. The movement failed to establish rebel governance structures, was accused of abuses against the local population, and generally looked to external actors for support. Yet, through a peace agreement largely propelled forward by the United States, the SPLM ‗won‘ the war and was tasked with constructing a semi-autonomous state in Southern Sudan. The successes or failures of the SPLM in developing the Government of Southern Sudan were largely dependent on its ability to create effective institutions and consolidate legitimacy. In order to accomplish this, the SPLM would have to shed its militaristic ethos and revolutionary ideology and thereby enable it to govern not as a rebel movement but as a political party. This, however, did not take place. The new Southern Government, which was supposed to be developed along the lines of a decentralised system of governance, remained centralised. The state and county governance institutions did not undergo the necessary capacity-building and were, subsequently, not able to provide for the security, development or welfare of the Southern populace. Thus, the government failed to consolidate eudaemonic legitimacy. In light of this shortcoming, government officials and the SPLM leadership promoted civic and revolutionary 3 ideology as means to consolidate support. While ideological legitimation was successful to a certain extent, the majority of the Southern populace was illiterate and living in poverty; concepts such as democracy, civic responsibility or SPLM successes during in the peace process were not as appealing as the provision of basic services and development. Thus, the inability of the government to provide for the needs of the citizens jeopardised the attempts at ideological legitimation. As long as the government remained centralised and paralysed in providing for the welfare of the Southerners, it was unable to be considered as the true representative of the populace.
23
Heumann, Benjamin W. „Mapping vegetation phenology in the Sahel and Soudan, Africa, 1982 to 2005“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101139.
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The Sahel and Soudan regions of Africa are hot-spots for vegetation change due to climatic and anthropogenic causes. Recent studies using remote sensing have demonstrated that vegetation recovery has occurred across the region questioning the occurrence of widespread land degradation in the region. These studies have focused on proxy measurements of net primary productivity, but have not addressed seasonal characteristics of vegetation such as phenology. This thesis examines how vegetation phenology has changed from 1982--2005 in the Sahel and Soudan regions and how phenology relates to observed bio-productivity and regional precipitation patterns. This is the first research to assess multi-decadal phenology change for a tropical ecosystem. Results show that while bio-productivity has significantly increased in the Sahel, significant phenology change has primarily been detected in the Soudan region. Furthermore, the relationship between phenology and bio-productivity and precipitation differs between the Sahel and Soudan. This research demonstrates the utility of measuring phenological change of a tropical ecosystem for vegetation monitoring applications.
24
Altebo, Petra. „Political Ideas and Behaviour of Armed Groups : A comparative analysis of armed groups’ ideology and repertoires of sexual violence during the conflict in Darfur 2003-2006“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324938.
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The purpose of this thesis is to study under what conditions armed groups practice different repertoires of sexual violence, by studying ideology’s influence on behaviour. This will be explored through a structured focused comparison of three armed groups active in the conflict in Darfur 2003-2006, the Janjaweed, Sudan’s Liberation Army/Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement. The theory suggest that a strong implemented ideology will lead to control over behaviour and values, hence sexual violence will be practice in line with organizational objectives and ideas, either instrumental or not practiced at all. Consequently, a weak ideological framework will lead to variation in socialization processes and an opportunistic repertoire. The findings correlate as expected by the hypothesis, while data constraints call for caution. The results suggests a broadening of the theoretical framework as well as further studies on the suggested causal mechanism, combatant socialization, to examine how, and under what circumstances, behaviours are spread as a social practice among combatants.
25
Almroth, Lars. „Genital mutilation of girls in Sudan : community- and hospital-based studies on female genital cutting and its sequelae /“. Stockholm, 2005. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2005/91-7140-236-5/.
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26
Kajivora, Edward Riak. „The role of religion in conflict : with special reference to its contribution in the civil war in Sudan from independence to 2002“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497559.
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27
Miamingi, Remember Philip Daniel. „Inclusion by exclusion? : an assessment of the justiciability of socio-economic rights under the 2005 Interim National Constitution of the Sudan“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8099.
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This work critically examines the justiciability of the Sudan model of constitutionalising socio-economic rights (SER) and the legal implications of this model. Discusses the following questions: (1) What is the scope and extent of the Sudan Bill of Rights? (2) What is the effect of section 27(3) on section 22 of the Sudan Interim National Constitution? (3) Does the Constitution provide for justiciable SER, if yes, can the South African model of
rendering SER justiciable and their standard of review provide a useful guide to the Sudan?Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Professor Julia Sloth-Nielsen of the Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
28
Elrayah-Eliadarous, Hind. „Economic burden of diabetes on patients and their families in Sudan /“. Stockholm, 2007. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2007/978-91-7357-450-1/.
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29
Andreasson, Maja. „Det prekära vi:et : Om den kollektiva rösten i Joshua Ferris och Ed Parks kontorsromaner: Then We Came to the End (2007) och Personal Days (2008)“. Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-160804.
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30
au, D. Mickler@murdoch edu, und David Mickler. „Protecting Civilians or Preserving Interests? Explaining the UN Security Council's Non-intervention in Darfur, Sudan, 2003-06“. Murdoch University, 2009. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20091112.122459.
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The UN Security Council is the preeminent multilateral decision-making body and has the legal authority to initiate military interventions if it first determines a threat to international peace and security, including from civil wars or widespread state repression. While traditional norms of non-intervention and the politics of the Cold War curtailed the bodys ability to fulfil this role, evolving understandings and practices of sovereignty and security in the post-Cold War era have led to the apparent emergence of a new norm permitting humanitarian intervention and an in principle acceptance that the body has a responsibility to protect vulnerable civilians residing inside the borders of their own state, including through military means.
In this context, the thesis argues that the situation in Darfur, western Sudan, has represented a quintessential case for the Council to fulfil its responsibility to protect. According to a number of authoritative investigations, since 2003 the Sudanese government and government-allied Arab militias have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity on a widespread and systematic basis against Darfurs non-Arab population. As a result, over 200,000 people died either directly from violence or indirectly from conflict-induced disease and malnutrition, while a further two million fled from their homes and villages in fear. A number of nonmilitary measures were attempted by the Council but failed to create adequate security on the ground.
As such, there was a compelling legal-institutional, normative and moral case for the Council to coercively deploy a military intervention in Sudan to protect vulnerable civilians in Darfur. However, during the 2003-06 period of study, no such intervention was deployed. The thesis argues that intervention by the Council was precluded by the national interests of its permanent members, including a lucrative economic relationship between China and Sudan, and because of valuable Sudanese intelligence cooperation in Western counter-terrorism operations in the region. The thesis concludes that the Councils members chose to preserve these national interests at the expense of protecting civilians in Darfur.
31
Bashar, Gado Zuhair Mohammedi. „Conflict resolution and reconciliation in Sudan : inter-tribal reconciliation conferences in South Darfur State up to 2009“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6335.
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This study explores and critically examines the role of indigenous mechanisms (the Inter-Tribal Reconciliation Conferences-ITRCs) in resolving tribal conflicts in South Darfur State of Western Sudan. The fundamental question raised by this study is: have these reconciliation conferences- 1989-2009- been able to address the root causes of the tribal conflicts and are they capable of serving the same role that they once did? Tribal leadership structures, such as Native Administration (NA) and their mechanisms of conflict resolution/management in Darfur, have been subjected to highly significant changes over time. The question is to what extent these changes further fuelled tribal conflicts and/or have negatively affected the capability of the NA and the ITRCs to deal with these conflicts? This thesis relies on archive records and reports of the ITRCs and data generated through interviews conducted with key informants. Through a detailed analysis the study: 1) presents a detailed account of the major conflicts and their causes in South Darfur; 2) identifies the changing identities of the protagonists and of the perceived causes; 3) assesses the effectiveness of the agreements reached by these conferences when considered alongside the causes identified. Analysis of the ITRCs shows that tribal conflicts in Darfur (from1980s), and South Darfur in particular, were connected to the wider political conflict in the Sudan and the region respectively. The analysis suggests that the history of neglect/marginalisation of the region by successive governments, and the political manipulation of the NA and local government, have negatively affected the performance of these institutions. The experience of the ITRCs indicates that they were unable to address the underlying causes of the tribal conflicts, such as land disputes, the manipulation of the NA and local government, rape and mass killings.
32
Warner, Lesley Anne. „The role of military integration in war-to-peace transitions : the case of South Sudan (2006-2013)“. Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2018. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-role-of-military-integration-in-wartopeace-transitions(e6c8c98c-e327-4584-8ef4-bb5883588f9c).html.
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This thesis examines the role of military integration during war-to-peace transitions, with a particular focus on the case of South Sudan between 2005 and 2013. Drawing on the nascent literature on military integration, this thesis makes five contributions that help understand the role this process can play in such environments. First, this thesis argues that governments undergoing war-to-peace transitions can either fight armed groups, ignore them and accept that they lack the monopoly on the use of force within the country, or seek political-military accommodation with them through military integration. When presented with these options, integration can be the ‘least bad’ choice in some cases. Second, this thesis demonstrates that military integration can help temporarily overcome wartime factionalism, thereby benefitting short-term peace consolidation, but can eventually lead to instability if the process is not approached as a transitional security mechanism. Third, the case of South Sudan examined in this thesis shows how the combination of an open-ended integration process and failed demobilization initiatives can increase pressure on the military integration process as the most expedient way of mitigating the threat these groups pose to stability. Fourth, this thesis argues that a disconnect between the integration process and broader defence sector reform efforts can result in the security sector being rebuilt on an unstable foundation, as was the case in South Sudan. Finally, this thesis uses South Sudan’s experience with military integration to demonstrate how a military’s failure to ‘graduate’ from the integration process risks leaving the security sector in a state of arrested development, preventing efforts to transform the military from gaining traction, and making the force prone to fracturing during periods of heightened political competition.
33
Mickler, David. „Protecting civilians or preserving interests? Explaining the UN security council's non-intervention in Darfur, Sudan, 2003-06“. Thesis, Mickler, David (2009) Protecting civilians or preserving interests? Explaining the UN security council's non-intervention in Darfur, Sudan, 2003-06. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2009. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/1301/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The UN Security Council is the preeminent multilateral decision-making body and has the legal authority to initiate military interventions if it first determines a threat to international peace and security, including from civil wars or widespread state repression. While traditional norms of non-intervention and the politics of the Cold War curtailed the body’s ability to fulfil this role, evolving understandings and practices of sovereignty and security in the post-Cold War era have led to the apparent emergence of a new norm permitting ‘humanitarian intervention’ and an in principle acceptance that the body has a ‘responsibility to protect’ vulnerable civilians residing inside the borders of their own state, including through military means.
In this context, the thesis argues that the situation in Darfur, western Sudan, has represented a quintessential case for the Council to fulfil its ‘responsibility to protect’. According to a number of authoritative investigations, since 2003 the Sudanese government and government-allied Arab militias have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity on a widespread and systematic basis against Darfur’s non-Arab population. As a result, over 200,000 people died either directly from violence or indirectly from conflict-induced disease and malnutrition, while a further two million fled from their homes and villages in fear. A number of nonmilitary measures were attempted by the Council but failed to create adequate security on the ground.
As such, there was a compelling legal-institutional, normative and moral case for the Council to coercively deploy a military intervention in Sudan to protect vulnerable civilians in Darfur. However, during the 2003-06 period of study, no such intervention was deployed. The thesis argues that intervention by the Council was precluded by the national interests of its permanent members, including a lucrative economic relationship between China and Sudan, and because of valuable Sudanese intelligence cooperation in Western counter-terrorism operations in the region. The thesis concludes that the Council’s members chose to preserve these national interests at the expense of protecting civilians in Darfur.
34
Bashar, Gado Zuhair M. „Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in Sudan: Inter-Tribal Reconciliation Conferences in South Darfur State up to 2009“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6335.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study explores and critically examines the role of indigenous mechanisms (the Inter-Tribal Reconciliation Conferences-ITRCs) in resolving tribal conflicts in South Darfur State of Western Sudan. The fundamental question raised by this study is: have these reconciliation conferences- 1989-2009- been able to address the root causes of the tribal conflicts and are they capable of serving the same role that they once did?
Tribal leadership structures, such as Native Administration (NA) and their mechanisms of conflict resolution/management in Darfur, have been subjected to highly significant changes over time. The question is to what extent these changes further fuelled tribal conflicts and/or have negatively affected the capability of the NA and the ITRCs to deal with these conflicts?
This thesis relies on archive records and reports of the ITRCs and data generated through interviews conducted with key informants. Through a detailed analysis the study: 1) presents a detailed account of the major conflicts and their causes in South Darfur; 2) identifies the changing identities of the protagonists and of the perceived causes; 3) assesses the effectiveness of the agreements reached by these conferences when considered alongside the causes identified.
Analysis of the ITRCs shows that tribal conflicts in Darfur (from1980s), and South Darfur in particular, were connected to the wider political conflict in the Sudan and the region respectively. The analysis suggests that the history of neglect/marginalisation of the region by successive governments, and the political manipulation of the NA and local government, have negatively affected the performance of these institutions. The experience of the ITRCs indicates that they were unable to address the underlying causes of the tribal conflicts, such as land disputes, the manipulation of the NA and local government, rape and mass killings.
35
Berggren, Vanja. „Female genital mutilation : studies on primary and repeat female genital cutting /“. Stockholm, 2005. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2005/91-7140-231-4/.
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36
Lin, Jun-Ye. „Atrocity images and the Audience“. Master's thesis, Akademie múzických umění v Praze.Filmová a televizní fakulta. Knihovna, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-364684.
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Susan Sontag’s reviews and descriptions of agony images is the keystone of war photography. From On photography(1977) to Regarding the Pain of Others(2003), Sontag wrote about how agony images could affect the majority of people. Media ruled photographs and used them as its own container. Through her book, the passiveness of the audiences was examined. She criticised the way of how people looked at an agony image. According to her, audiences constantly consumed other’s pain if the they are far away. She judged repeating formats and simplified messages from media which numb the sensation of people, the surfeit of similar horrendous images turned an audience into a consumer. “Is a photograph ever “real”? she asked. Firstly, within in my thesis I would like to to examine the relevancy of Sontag theory, her interests in emotion in charge of atrocity and pain. To found out the possible respond of the audience, in respect to war in contemporary art photography. When artists have the chance to turn their camera from those atrocity on sites, what could be the differences in audiences’ reactions from traditional war photojournalist. Moreover, Sontag’s concept “the audience as consumers” will be traced back to its basic elements. To scan the particular words and phrase which Sontag used in her two books. Secondly, use Regarding the Pain of Others(2003) as a starting point of the timeline, then search for the critical thoughts which against or support Sontag’s words during the decade. Furthermore, use different concepts of the agony images to examine the remarkable singular atrocity images and the art works relate to war and atrocity. To explore the change according to the interaction between atrocity and contemporary photography and their audiences. After all, use the dialects between the theories and the war in contemporary art photography to extent the perspective from Regarding the Pain of Others(2003) to get closer to our time — to build the the reference of how to see an agony image.
37
Aleu-Baak, Machar Wek. „Perceptions and Voices of South Sudanese About the North-South Sudan Conflict“. PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/184.
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The conflict in Sudan reflects historic hatred and ethnic discrimination between Northern Arab Muslims and Southern African Christians and Animists. The longest and worst conflict began in 1983 and ended in 2005, when African Christians and Animists struggled to form an interim autonomous government. This conflict claimed 2 million lives from both sides and displaced almost 4 million people from the South. This thesis attempts to understand how people from Southern Sudan perceive the root causes and sustaining factors of the Sudanese conflict between Arab Muslims and African Christians. This research looks specifically into the roles of ethnic differences and religion. In this study, 10 emigrants from South Sudan were chosen to present their perceptions and views about the conflict, in the form of written responses to 22 questions. Analysis of their responses in light of conflict resolution literature suggests that the North-South Sudan conflict involves complex issues primarily fueled by ethnic and religious differences. This research reveals that South Sudanese refugees from varying backgrounds and professions expressed similar experiences of racial, religious discrimination and political and economic marginalization, and suggests that Sudan's July, 2011 declaration of independence, creating two separate nations, North and South Sudan, was a positive solution to achieving a just peace.
38
Zhai, Yu. „Against Interpretation : dream work and film work in Susan Sontag's Death Kit“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2586621.
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Du, Toit Gerda Maria. „Political risk and Chinese investments in the African oil and gas industry : the case of China National Petroleum Corporation in South Sudan“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79944.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.
40
Eisawi, Ali Ahmed Mohamed. „Palynological and palaeoenvironmental interpretation of the Late Cretaceous to Tertiary strata of the Melut Basin (southeast Sudan)“. [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/tuberlin/volltexte/2007/1665/pdf/eisawi_ali.pdf.
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Motzenbäcker, Sabine. „Hanson, Susan, Geography, Gender, and the Workaday World / [rezensiert von] Sabine Motzenbäcker“. Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3098/.
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Rezensiertes Werk:
Hanson, Susan: Geography, gender, and the workaday world. -
Stuttgart : Steiner, 2003. - 76 S. : Abb., graph. Darst., Kt. - (Hettner-Lecture ; 6 (Heidelberg, Deutschland) : 2002.07.01-05)
ISBN 3-515-08369-3
42
Mills, Paul S. „'Margaret danced through Neil Armstrong' : readers responding to Susan Power's spiritual fiction /“. Electronic version (PDF), 2003. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2003/millsp/paulmills.pdf.
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Hemker, Fabian. „Podiumsdiskussion zum Thema „,Schwerste Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit' in Dafur/Sudan - und die Welt schaut zu?" <2005, Berlin> / [Tagungsbericht]“. Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5613/.
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Tagungsbericht:
Hemker, Fabian: Podiumsdiskussion zum Thema „,Schwerste Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit' in Dafur/Sudan - und die Welt schaut zu?" <2005, Berlin> / veranst. von DGVN und GKKE am 23. Februar 2005.
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Chukwunaru, Charles Obinna. „Conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa: a case study of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan (2003 – 2013)“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14818.
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Africa has witnessed some of the most horrific and devastating conflicts in the world in recent times. This study, concerned about the problem of these seemingly intractable or endemic violent conflicts ravaging the continent of Africa since decolonisation; resulting in poverty, hunger, diseases, massive killing, rape, permanent disability and underdevelopment, examined the issues relating to conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa. In doing so, it used the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan as a case study. It examined the role of international organisations, especially that which the African Union and the United Nations played in the prevention, management and resolution of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan, as well as the remote and immediate cause of the Darfur conflict and major parties to the Darfur conflict. Other issues examined by this study include the outcome of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry into the violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, including acts of genocide in Darfur; and the Sudanese government’s response. Moreover, it analysed the implication of the Darfur conflict in the problem of preventing, managing and resolving violent conflict in Africa while drawing some lessons for the African Union, as well as the government of Sudan. However, this research, which adopted the qualitative case study methodology in data collection, presentation and analysis, posits that the protracted violent conflict, which was triggered by some rebel leaders with doubtful motives in the Darfur region of Sudan, who capitalised on the age-long problem of underdevelopment in the Darfur region, as well as low intensity disputes among the tribes over ownership of land and water resources, was avoidable. It further asserts that the African Union lacked the capacity to engage in an effective peace support operation in Africa as witnessed in the failure of its mission in Darfur, which eventually got rescued by the United Nations through the UN-AU Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Further, this study has contributed in narrowing the existing gaps in academic literature on the aspect of conflict prevention management and resolution especially in Africa, even as it introduced the conspiracy theory in the understanding of the issues relating to the conflict in the Darfur region while recommending the immediate operationalisation of the African Union standby force to avert the reoccurrence of the Darfur conflict in Sudan and other parts of Africa, among other strategies aimed at enhancing the capacity and capability of the African Union to prevent, manage and resolve violent conflicts in Africa with or without the intervention of foreign powers. Moreover, this study recommends good governance that will promote political, social and economic justice as well as adherence to the rule of law; against all forms marginalisation, discrimination and other forms of structural violence in Africa. Essentially, this research has made an original contribution to the conflict studies literature with the formulation of the “Violent Intrastate Conflict Model” which explains the conflict dynamics and processes in most violent intrastate conflicts or civil war.
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Babiker, Mohamed Abdelsalam. „International humanitarian law and human rights law in internal armed conflicts : their concurrent application and enforcement in the Sudan (1893-2003)“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421560.
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Musa, Suad Mustafa Elhag. „The identity, agency and political influence of al-Hakkamat Baggara women poets in armed conflict in Darfur, Sudan, from 1980s to 2006“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5394.
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This research explores the role of al-Hakkamat rural women poets in the context of armed conflict in Darfur, from 1980s to 2006. Utilising QSR NVivo7 software, the study analyses and interprets qualitatively collected data in the light of the posed research questions. Processes and attributes leading to the identification of al-Hakkamah, such as her singing and composing talents, are explored - from identifying and nurturing to fully constructing her role as a folk singer and agitator as well as a powerful social actor. Her nurtured personal and social identities reconstruct for her gender roles that are found to be both feared and revered by the community and appropriated by the government. She is found to respond effectively to situations ranging from gallantry (lauding), solidarity (lobbying) to downright belligerency (inciting). These roles exhibit robust and proactive gender roles and power relations in Darfur that enable women, not without historical precedence, to exercise their own identity, agency and political influence in an otherwise overwhelmingly patriarchal society. The study also reveals that the conflict of Darfur is rooted in the history of the neopatrimonial domestic politics pursued by the riverine ruling elites, marked by systemic failure to manage resource issues equitably between tribal and ethnic entities in Darfur. In such circumstances, al-Hakkamat agency is either volunteered or enlisted in the attempt to secure an advantage. In either case her agency is verifiably seen to bolster the hypothesis that rural women in Darfur exercise more power than their counterparts in rural northern Sudan.
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Stanek, Tomasz Bogdan. „Applications of the well-educated mind 2003 concept by Susan Bauer in the Southern California history classrooms“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2012. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/134.
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The purpose of this study is to discover how courses in world history and United States history are taught in Southern California secondary schools. At this stage of the research the study of the history course instruction will be generally defined as an exploratory and investigative inquiry involving the interviews of the history faculty, analysis of their course offerings and syllabi content, and the overall teachers' course content preparation and knowledge.
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Lahure, Matthieu. „La formulation moderne et contemporaine du problème de l’égalité des sexes et de la différence des genres comme question de justice appliquée“. Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040158.
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Cette thèse décrit comment la philosophie politique reformule l’exigence démocratique d’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes comme une question de justice appliquée. Les relations entre les hommes et les femmes occasionnent des distributions de droits, de pouvoirs et de biens qui avantagent les hommes, y compris dans le contexte égalitaire des sociétés démocratiques. Cette thèse décrit les mécanismes par lesquels cette injustice persiste, et puise dans la philosophie moderne (Locke, Rousseau, Tocqueville, Mill) et contemporaine (Rawls, Walzer, Okin, Kymlicka) des ressources théoriques et des procédures distributives pour évaluer et corriger cette injustice dans ses diverses déclinaisons. Il s’agit d’envisager la possibilité pour la dynamique démocratique de procéder à un nouvel approfondissement de ses principes afin de faire face au défi que représentent pour elle la différence sexuelle et plus encore la différenciation sociale inégalitaire des genres. Notre conclusion est que l’égalité entre les sexes passe par un libéralisme politique critique qui réaffirme la valeur de l’autonomie individuelle tout en convenant que la promotion de celle-ci passe par des interventions de l’Etat qui dépassent le simple principe de non-discrimination et prennent en compte la spécificité des biens que les individus convoitent, ainsi que la situation sociale qui les caractériseIn this work I show how the democratic claim for equality between men and women is formulated in political philosophy as a question of applied justice. The relationships between men and women involve distributions of rights, powers and goods which are to men’s advantage, even within the equalitarian context of democratic societies. The aims of this research have been to measure up this unequal treatment and analyse the mechanisms through which it persists, as well as to offer solutions to correct its various manifestations. With this in view, I have chosen to rely on the theoretical tools and to develop the perspectives on distributive procedures provided by the works of modern philosophers such as Locke, Rousseau, Tocqueville and Mill, and by the contemporary reflections of Rawls, Walzer, Okin, and Kymlicka. What is at stake here is the possibility for democracy to re-examine the very principles of its dynamics so as to face the challenge of sexual difference and to correct the inequality of socially grounded gender differentiation. I have reached the conclusion that to achieve equality between the sexes, there has to be a critical political liberalism reaffirming the value of individual autonomy. But for the promotion of such autonomy State intervention needs to go beyond the mere principle of no-discrimination and to take into account the specific nature of the goods which the individuals are after as well as the social situations by which they are characterised
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Satter, Lori. „Susan B. Anthony : a visionary of the nineteenth-century United States suffrage movement /“. Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/242.pdf.
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Ille, Enrico [Verfasser]. „Projections, plans and projects. Development as the extension of organizing principles and its consequences in the rural Nuba Mountains, South Kordofan, Sudan (2005-2011) / Enrico Ille“. Leipzig : Verlag Ille & Riemer, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1030232989/34.
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