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1
Debus, Marc, und Thorsten Faas. „Die hessische Landtagswahl vom 28. Oktober 2018: Fortsetzung der schwarz-grünen Wunschehe mit starken Grünen und schwacher CDU“. Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, Nr. 2 (2019): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-2-245.
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Federal politics has often influenced elections to the Hesse state parliament . This was also true for the election 2018, which was not only decisive for the future of the incumbent black-green coalition government led by Prime Minister Volker Bouffier (CDU), but also for the fate of the federal party chairs of CDU and SPD, Angela Merkel and Andrea Nahles, at the federal level . Compared to previous election campaigns in Hesse, the 2018 campaign was less polarized, visible also in the openness of CDU, SPD, Greens and FDP in terms of forming coalition governments . The election result continued the transformation of the German party system into one with six parliamentary parties . After some vote counting problems, the incumbent coalition, which won a small parliamentary majority, was - in line with established theories of government formation - renewed . As a result of their gains in votes, the Greens’ position was stronger than five years ago, which led to more offices and to a stronger bargaining power in the coalition negotiations .
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Panneerselvam, A. „Evaluating the Efficacy of India's Coalition Governments“. Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, Nr. 11 (22.09.2021): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.11.21.28.
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Nowadays, alliance is typical in many regions of the planet. The Nordic Countries, the Benelux Countries, Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Japan, Turkey, Israel, New Zealand, Kosovo, Pakistan, Kenya, India, Trinidad and Tobago, Thailand, and Ukraine are instances of nations that regularly have coalition governments. Other countries that have frequent coalition governments include the countries of the Benelux and Germany. Since 1959 until 2008, Switzerland was led by a coalition government consisting of the four parties who held the most parliamentary seats. The fact that India opted for democracy and that we have been working toward maintaining a robust democratic system for almost 75 years now counts as a significant accomplishment. In India, the study of coalitions is still in its very early stages and is a relatively new field of academic endeavour. Nevertheless, it might turn out to be of tremendous significance for our nation. The development of democracy must necessarily progress through this stage of coalition building. They might represent a logical step in the process of transitioning from a multi-party system to a bi-party system in India, which is a country that has more than a hundred different political parties. In this study, several aspects of coalition governments and the history of coalition governance in India are examined and discussed. In order to arrive at a conclusion, the research used both historical and descriptive methods. In this study, a substantial amount of time was spent using a thematic software programme to analyze the qualitative data, which consisted of information obtained from secondary sources.
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PANNEERSELVAM, A. „Evaluating the Efficacy of India's Coalition Governments“. Journal of Psychology and Political Science, Nr. 12 (27.11.2021): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.12.15.23.
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Nowadays, alliance is typical in many regions of the planet. The Nordic Countries, the Benelux Countries, Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Japan, Turkey, Israel, New Zealand, Kosovo, Pakistan, Kenya, India, Trinidad and Tobago, Thailand, and Ukraine are instances of nations that regularly have coalition governments. Other countries that have frequent coalition governments include the countries of the Benelux and Germany. Since 1959 until 2008, Switzerland was led by a coalition government consisting of the four parties who held the most parliamentary seats. The fact that India opted for democracy and that we have been working toward maintaining a robust democratic system for almost 75 years now counts as a significant accomplishment. In India, the study of coalitions is still in its very early stages and is a relatively new field of academic endeavour. Nevertheless, it might turn out to be of tremendous significance for our nation. The development of democracy must necessarily progress through this stage of coalition building. They might represent a logical step in the process of transitioning from a multi-party system to a bi-party system in India, which is a country that has more than a hundred different political parties. In this study, several aspects of coalition governments and the history of coalition governance in India are examined and discussed. In order to arrive at a conclusion, the research used both historical and descriptive methods. In this study, a substantial amount of time was spent using a thematic software programme to analyze the qualitative data, which consisted of information obtained from secondary sources.
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Guseletov, Boris. „Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations“. Science. Culture. Society 28, Nr. 3 (29.09.2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.
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Ngozwana, Nomazulu. „The Trajectory of Contemporary Governance in Lesotho: A Transition towards Coalition Government“. Journal of Education, Teaching and Social Studies 4, Nr. 4 (29.10.2022): p35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jetss.v4n4p35.
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This paper examines the success story of the formation of coalition government in Lesotho. Lesotho has since 1970 experienced a chequered history of authoritarian and military rules until 1993 when the country went democratic. Interestingly, within two decades of the country’s multi-party democratic experience, it has experimented with multiple governmental systems viz; in 1993-1998, it adopted First-Past the Post or winner-takes-all model, and then in 2001, it adopted Mixed Member Proportion model, which brought some stability within the unitary parliamentary governance. In 2012 the latter model gave impetus to a new model of coalition government. Unfortunately, however, the three- party coalition government was interrupted in 2014 by a military adventurism which gave rise to the 2015 snap elections that led to another seven-party coalition government. Interestingly, another faction occurred from the seven-party coalition and a vote of no-confidence was passed by the opposition against the ruling coalition, which led to the early 2017 elections. The third coalition governance of four parties was established after the elections and took its term of five years before the elections of October 2022 that established a “trinity” of three parties coalition under the leadership of a prominent businessman. This paper posits that although coalition model has been accepted by the Lesotho people, however, it has come with increasing cost on executive expenditure, as it puts great burden on taxpayers. This paper recommends the inclusion in the democratic discourse (conversation), a blend of the western democratic culture with traditional African culture in administering the affairs of the state since the two are not mutually exclusive.
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Saha, Tularam, und Goutam Dakua. „The Changing Trends of Coalition Politics of Kerala from its Origin to 2016 in India“. RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, Nr. 3 (15.03.2024): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n03.012.
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The Constitution of India provide for a federal system of government though the term ‘federalism’ which is nowhere been used in the constitution. But the article 1 of the constitution describes that India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. K.C. where describes Indian federalism as “Quasi-federal”. Granville Austin called it ‘co-operative federalism.’ And Ivor Jennings describes it as ‘federation with strong centralizing tendency’. This nature of Indian federalism has leads India towards coalition. The coalition politics at the central level has been relatively a recent phenomenon but at the state level it has been in operation right after the first general election (1952). The growth of regional parties and dominant leadership at state level has federalized the polity and the state government has stretched their arms. The first coalition at state level formed in Kerala in 1954. The coalition politics is a time-tested thing in contemporary democracy. The concept of coalition politics occurred when the states used to ally with each other in order to defect of a common enemy. In 1954 the Congress created a coalition government in Kerala. Since this time Kerala has been living with coalition rule after regular intervals. The politics in Kerala is dominated by two coalition fronts: the communist party of India (Marxist)- led left Democratic front (LDF) and the Indian National Congress – led United Democratic Front (UDF) since late 1970s. Kerala was the first Indian state where the communists were chosen to power. Since the early 1980s these two coalitions have alternate in government. They are unable to gain re- election for a second term. These two-alliance coalition have occurred periodically and ruled continued to 2016 election. In May 2016, the LDF win election and now in power. This LDF coalition occurred with CPI (M)-58, CPI-19, TDS-3, NCP-2, KCB-1, CPM(L)-1, CS-1 and Independents-5.
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Oppelland, Torsten. „Die thüringische Landtagswahl vom 27. Oktober 2019: Das nächste Experiment – eine rot-rot-grüne Minderheitsregierung mit Verfallsdatum“. Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, Nr. 2 (2020): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-2-325.
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After a campaign, which was both polarized and poor in content, the state election failed to produce a clear majority in the Landtag . The winners of the election were The Left and the AfD, while the parties of the right and left center suffered losses; only the FDP gained a little and managed to pass the five percent threshold . The election outcome deemed it unlikely that a government could be formed since neither the previous red-red-green coalition nor a CDU-FDP coalition had a majority . As coalitions transcending the traditional coalition blocks or any agreements for the toleration of a minority government could not be reached either, the consequence was that in February 2020, the Thuringian FDP leader Thomas Kemmerich was elected state premier in the third ballot with votes from the FDP, CDU, and AfD . Of the latter party not a single member voted for their own candidate . The outrage in the general public led to FDP’s federal party leader Patrick Lindner to force Kemmerich to resign on the day after his election . Only then, during the „interregnum“ that followed, were CDU and the former coalition parties The Left, SPD, and Greens able to agree on a „stability mechanism“ which allowed Bodo Ramelow to be reelected as a state premier of a minority government, which is meant to stay in office for only a little more than one year .
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Tavas, Bekir, und Yılmaz Serdaroğlu. „An analysis regarding effectiveness of coalitions and single party power in multi-party systems: The case of TurkeyÇok partili sistemlerde koalisyon ve tek parti iktidarının etkinliğine ilişkin bir inceleme: Türkiye örneği“. Journal of Human Sciences 14, Nr. 2 (02.05.2017): 1509. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i2.4607.
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With the transition to democratic life and the adoption of multi-party systems in the world, the concepts of majority and pluralism have become increasingly important. Majority and pluralism which are based on the concept of self-rule, have changed the management power in favor of the ruled, on the other hand they brought some debates in terms of government. Single party power which means the domination of majority and coalition process means pluralism are criticized in terms of merit in administration. Although democracy gives the right to equal participation in governance, state administration merit and experience represent a process that has become the foreground of state tradition. In particular, inter-party conflicts of interests in the coalition government, conflicts in management and polyphony can lead to a slower pace of government while at the same time bringing democracy into practice. For this reason, it is important that the difference between coalition and single-party power should be examined and put forth in multi-party systems. In this study, it is aimed to reveal this difference through the political history ofTurkey. According to the results obtained by literature review in the study, although coalition-based administration leads to delay in making decisions in state administration and public service but it is seen as a necessity of democracy. As a result, it is argued that the main problem in a fast-growing country likeTurkeyis conflict of interests between coalition partners, not coalition governments. ÖzetDemokratik yaşama geçiş ve çok partili sistemlerin dünyada yerini almasıyla birlikte, çoğunluk ve çoğulculuk kavramları giderek önem kazanmıştır. Her iki kavram temel olan halkın kendi kendisini yönetmesi ilkesi, bir yandan yönetim gücünü yönetilen lehinde değiştirirken, bir yandan da yönetim açısından bazı tartışmaları da beraberinde getirmiştir. Çoğunluğun hükmetmesi anlamına gelen tek parti iktidarı ile çoğulculuğun hükmetmesi anlamına gelen koalisyon süreci üzerine yapılan eleştirilerin başında, yönetimde liyakat konusu gelmektedir. Demokrasi her ne kadar yönetime eşit katılma hakkı verse de, devlet yönetimi liyakat ve deneyimin, devlet geleneğinin ön plana çıktığı bir süreci ifade etmektedir. Özellikle koalisyon yönetimindeki partiler arası çıkar çatışmaları, yönetimdeki anlaşmazlıklar ve çok seslilik, bir yandan demokrasiyi uygulama alanına taşırken, diğer yandan yönetimde daha yavaş bir seyre neden olabilmektedir. Bu nedenle çok partili sistemlerde koalisyon ve tek parti iktidarları arasındaki farkın incelenmesi ve ortaya koyulması önemlidir. Yapılan bu çalışmada, bu farkın Türkiye siyasal tarihi üzerinden ortaya konması amaçlanmıştır. Araştırmada elde edilen sonuçlara göre koalisyona dayalı yönetim devlet yönetiminde karar almada gecikmeye neden olup, kamu hizmetlerinin aksamasına yol açsa da, demokrasinin bir gereği olarak görülmektedir. Neticede Türkiye gibi hızlı büyüyen bir ülke yönetimindeki temel sorunun koalisyon yönetimleri değil, koalisyon ortaklarının arasındaki çıkar çatışmaları olduğu savunulmaktadır.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. „Falling from Grace: The Collapse of Ethiopia's Ruling Coalition“. Northeast African Studies 21, Nr. 2 (01.10.2021): 11–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.21.2.011v.
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Abstract The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the government party in Ethiopia from 1991 to 2019, was Africa's biggest party in terms of membership base and considered to be the most powerful incumbent on the continent. The factors behind its rapid fall from grace and eventual collapse in 2019 will be put under scrutiny in this article. Comparative political research has pointed to both endogamous and exogamous factors contributing to party instability. Party-specific concerns such as differences in local constituencies, variations in ethnopolitical identities, differences of ideological outlook, and policy preferences are all factors that may lead to a withering of party consensus. Furthermore, the governance structure of the country may also impinge on party stability, because federal models may be more divisive in nature than unitary states. The argument pursued in this article will be to investigate how the origin of the EPRDF's component parties and their ethnopolitical base under the federal system were made relevant in the internal power struggle to claim control of the coalition and hence the government of the land. The article concludes by identifying four key factors contributing to the internal power struggle that led to the demise of the EPRDF: disagreements over ideology; disputes over party bylaws, procedures, and practices; contestation over the federal state model; and finally, the surge of ethnonationalism with intrinsic territorial ambitions.
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Nayar, Baldev Raj. „India in 2004: Regime Change in a Divided Democracy“. Asian Survey 45, Nr. 1 (Januar 2005): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.71.
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The outstanding event of 2004 in India was the national election. Its unexpected results made for the ouster of the BJP-led government——despite the excellent performance of the economy——and its replacement by a coalition headed by the Congress Party, oriented toward greater state activism in economic affairs.
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Guseletov, Boris. „Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts“. Science. Culture. Society 27, Nr. 3 (04.10.2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.2.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.
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Guseletov, Boris. „Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts“. Science. Culture. Society 27, Nr. 3 (04.10.2021): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.2.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.
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Chin Huat, Wong. „SABAH STATE ELECTION 2020: DID THE ELECTORATE VOTE FOR CHANGE?“ Platform : A Journal of Management and Humanities 3, Nr. 2 (31.12.2020): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.61762/pjmhvol3iss2art11136.
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After the defection of 13 elected state assemblypersons to former Chief Minister Musa Aman, Sabah’s Warisan-led State Government was forced to dissolve the state legislature on 30 July 2020. As many as 20 parties and 447 candidates took part in the snap poll on 26 September 2020, which saw the Warisan Plus coalition replaced by the Gagasan Rakyat Sabah coalition aligned with Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Combing through electoral data, this paper finds three interesting facts. First, the Sabah election outcome was more a reinstatement of status quo in 2018 than a decisive shift of voters’ preference. Second, voters supported incumbents who changed parties as long as they were backed by main parties. Third, two out of five constituencies failed to produce majority winners despite the First-Past-The-Post system. Drawing insights from Cox’s (1997) framework on party reduction, this paper argues that concentration of executivepower at both the federal and state level made the election a contestation of incumbency advantage.Keywords: Sabah, state election, party-hopping, incumbency advantage, wasted votes, clientelism
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Guseletov, Boris. „Results of the parliamentary elections in Portugal and their impact on Russian-Portuguese relations“. Science. Culture. Society 28, Nr. 1 (25.03.2022): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.1.3.
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The article examines the results of the Portuguese parliamentary elections held on January 30, 2022. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2015, 2019 and 2022, and characterizes all the leading Portuguese political parties represented in parliament from 2015 to 2021. The results of the government led by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, are presented. The results of the government headed by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, formed by the results of the 2015 elections are presented. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its impact on the election campaign are revealed. The article examines how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences influenced the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the main opposition parties in this country are assessed: the liberal-conservative Social Democratic Party, the right-wing radical populist Chega Party and the Liberal Initiative Party. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as other political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections: the Liberal Initiative, the Left Bloc and the Unionist Democratic Coalition. The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their attitude to the new government coalition are presented. The state of Russian-Portuguese relations is analyzed. It forecasts how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the relations between Russia and Portugal.
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Kamal Hussien Adham. „Evaluation of successive Iraqi governments after 2003“. Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, pic4 (30.09.2023): 571–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3ipic4.249.
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Initiating the evaluation of the performance and achievements of any government in a country facing numerous internal crises, inconsistencies in its foreign policies, and a complex political system, such as post-2003 Iraq, presents a challenging task. The Iraqi political system that emerged after 2003 saw significant developments, defining its institutions within a specific framework blending parliamentary, federal, and decentralized elements since 2005. However, it witnessed a trajectory of disappointments for the Iraqi people due to the adoption of patronage and deals in managing the political process, illustrating the weakness in the performance of specific governments, notably those under the State of Law Coalition formed by the Islamic Dawa Party and other coexisting political forces. Successive governments, led by former Prime Ministers Ibrahim al-Jaafari (2005-2006), Nouri al-Maliki (2006-2010), Haider al-Abadi, Adil Abdul-Mahdi, and Mustafa al-Kadhimi, grappled with an inability to fulfill their promised agendas, culminating in crises as each administration concluded, compounding the existing challenges. This reality contradicts the true objectives of the political process in Iraq, aiming to achieve genuine representation of the Iraqi people and form governments that genuinely reflect and serve them.
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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, und Rashaad Ali. „Sarawak State Elections 2016: Revisiting Federalism in Malaysia“. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, Nr. 1 (April 2017): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600102.
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The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem, who passed away suddenly on 11 January 2017. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the Najib Razak administration and the federal government. This paper seeks to examine the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the centre. We argue that Malaysia's claim to be a federation is largely superficial, as much power constitutionally rests with the federal government at the expense of state autonomy. This is demonstrated through both an examination of federalism as a broad concept and a brief history of centre–state relations in Malaysia. This paper posits that further “bargaining” by states with the federal government during election campaigns may be possible if the centre continues to exhibit political weakness.
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Belov, Vladislav. „TURBULENCE OF THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF GERMANY“. Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 34, Nr. 4 (31.08.2023): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420231832.
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The approaching middle of the 20th electoral period in Germany was marked by significant fluctuations in the electoral popularity of established parties, which were recorded by numerous surveys of leading German demoscopic institutions. Respondents' moods were influenced by a variety of factors. According to the author of the article, the main problems were numerous problems in the state of the national economy, including the decline in the international competitiveness of the German socio-economic space (Standort). It was they who largely led to the growth of protest moods, reflected in the record high ratings of the Alternative for Germany party. The author substantiates the position that negative processes in the economy, including deindustrialization, high inflation, lack of qualified personnel, problems with digital and energy transformation, are associated with the inefficient policy of the current cabinet of ministers. In this context, current trends in the preferences of German voters, the processes taking place in the parties of the government coalition and the opposition are analyzed, and a forecast is made for the further development of partypolitical life in Germany.
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STRELTSOV, D. V. „The Party System in Contemporary Japan: from the LDP Dominance to a Real Multiparty System“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, Nr. 3 (17.08.2018): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-120-136.
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In the political system of post-war Japan there emerged a unique phenomenon of the ‘1955 system’, which contradicted, in its form and in its essence, to the principle of the changeability of power inherent for the democratic systems. The Liberal-Democratic Party retained majority in the lower house of Diet for the 38-year period, which allowed it to form the government without joining coalitions with any other parties. “The 1955 system” was a form of adaptation of the political power to the specific conditions of cold war era. In the sphere of foreign policy, the bipolar model of the Japanese political system reflected the ideological choice between the capitalist system led by the United States and the socialist system led by the USSR. In the economic sphere, the dominant party system was the most appropriate response to the specific needs of the mobilization economic model, in which first fiddle was played by bureaucracy, whilst the political power performed rather decorative functions. The authoritarian features in the LDP power system that can be imagined to be the result of its monopolistic rule, in reality did not have a distinct manifestation because of the de facto absence of unity in its top management and the preservation of a viable faction system well adapted to the electoral model of the multimember districts. The end of ‘the 1955 system’, associated with the end of the cold war, manifested itself in the loss of the LDP’s dominant position in the party system and in the beginning of the era of coalition governments. The issues of ideology in the post-bipolar period lost their significance as a form of axis in the inter-party division. Currently, the LDP holds the leading positions in the political arena as the main political force in the Diet. The ruling party faces serious problems, among which one can mention the decline of the LDP authority in the Japanese society against the background of resonant political scandals, the absence of intra-party democracy and the authoritarian style of Abe’s rule which raises the risks of political mistakes, as well as the lack of reliable mechanisms of succession of senior positions in the party hierarchy. However, the specificity of the electoral system, as well as the chronic state of split and the absence of strong political leaders in the opposition camp, give the LDP substantial advantages against other parties, feeding the conclusion that the LDP will remain the dominant political force of Japan in the foreseeable future.
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Šepták, Miroslav. „Proměny právního postavení ženy v Rakousku ve 20. století“. PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 52, Nr. 2 (15.09.2022): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2022.23.
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For a long time, legislation codified the unequal status of women in Austrian society in relation to men. Nevertheless, in the early 1970s, some blatantly discriminatory provisions based on the General Civil Code (1811) and the Criminal Code (1852) were still in force. Although Austria was one of the first European states to grant women universal suffrage, their position did not improve significantly in fact or in law during the First Republic. After World War II, the ruling coalition of the Austrian People’s Party and the Socialist Party of Austria became aware of the archaic nature of family and criminal law. Substantial changes in this area were hindered / prevented by the need for government compromise. During the one-color social democratic governments led by Bruno Kreisky, several important legal norms were adopted. For example, the reform of the criminal law brought about the legalization of adult homosexuality, zoophilia, the introduction of fines instead of imprisonment, and above all, the legalization of abortion. The reform of family law meant, for example, the equalization of illegitimate children with children born in marriage, the introduction of the principle of equal rights in marriage for men and women, and changes in the area of community property and divorce. From the mid-1980s to the end of the millennium, women’s issues policy was based on the renewed cooperation between the SPÖ and the ÖVP at the federal level. The grand coalition continued to separate the policies in support of women and family policy. There was the introduction of marital and partner rape into the criminal code, as well as the possibility of equal maternity leave for men and women. Despite significant progress, the lower woman’s financial remuneration for identical work persisted, as did their rather negligible representation in politics at federal, state, and municipal levels, not to mention their attainment of leading positions in state-owned enterprises and private companies.
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Farmer, Stephanie, und Sean Noonan. „Chicago Unions Building a Left-Labor-Community Coalition, United Working Families, to Restore Working-Class Democracy“. Labor Studies Journal 44, Nr. 4 (13.11.2019): 388–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887244.
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Neoliberal political institutions are beholden to the interests of capital and professional classes, leaving working people and communities of color without a voice to shape priorities that benefit their interests. To counteract this elite-dominated political system, the Service Employees International Union Health Care Indiana and Illinois (SEIU-HCII) and the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU), worked with community organizations to form the United Working Families (UWF) Party of Illinois in 2014. UWF is a model of labor-led working class organizing in the electoral system. UWF brings together a left-labor-community alliance under an independent political party formation to champion a left-wing social democratic platform to empower working class people in their workplaces and communities, and to fight against Black and Brown oppression. UWF has provided leadership trainings for a cadre of working class, people of color and women and has been successful electing their leaders to municipal, county and state level government offices.
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Tovsultanova, Malika Sharipovna, Rustam Alhazurovich Tovsultanov und Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. „Army and Islamic parties in the political life of Turkey in the second half of the 20th century“. Samara Journal of Science 10, Nr. 2 (01.06.2021): 200–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021102211.
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The paper examines the confrontation between the army, which supported the inviolability of the principles of a secular state, and the supporters of the Islamic way of development. The authors provide a short course on the history of the military coups of 1960, 1971 and 1980. Based on the analysis of actions and public statements of the event participants themselves, researchers come to a conclusion that the fight against clerical tendencies played a role in the preparation of military coups no less than the fight against left radicals. The 1970s in the history of Turkey is an extremely unstable political period when weak coalition governments were in power. Aggravated by the end of the 1970s party contradictions gave the military a pretext for another coup, which led to the fall of the Second and the formation of the Third Republic in the political history of Turkey. By the end of the 20th century Islamic proponents, having accumulated vast experience of confrontation with the army elite, had developed a new political strategy, becoming the locomotive of the struggle for democratic changes, which allowed them to win elections in 1996 and then in 2002. Having finally taken power in the country, the Islamic Justice and Development Party began largescale reforms of the army, which are still ongoing.
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Jefferys, Kevin. „British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War“. Historical Journal 30, Nr. 1 (März 1987): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.
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This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.
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Zhang, Yi, Xinyuan Wei und Adam Grydehøj. „Electoral politics, party performance, and governance in Greenland: Parties, personalities, and cleavages in an autonomous subnational island jurisdiction“. Island Studies Journal 16, Nr. 1 (Mai 2021): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.146.
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Greenland is a strongly autonomous subnational island jurisdiction (SNIJ) within the Kingdom of Denmark. This paper takes its point of departure in studies of politics in small island territories to ask to what extent Greenland matches findings from other small island states and SNIJs in terms of personalisation of politics, party performance, and political cleavages that do not follow left-right divides. Even though Greenland possesses a strongly multiparty system, supported by elections involving party-list proportional representation within a single multimember constituency, a single political party, Siumut, has led the government for all but a brief period since the advent of Greenlandic autonomy in 1979. By considering Greenland’s political ecosystem, spatially and personally conditioned aspects of voter behaviour, and coalition-building processes, paying particular attention to the 24 April 2018 parliamentary elections, we argue that it is inappropriate to study Greenland as a monolithic political unit or to draw oversimplified analogies with party politics from large state Western liberal democracies. Instead, Greenlandic politics must be understood in relation to the island territory’s particular historical, geographical, and societal characteristics as well as its electoral system.
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McLaughlin, Stuart. „REFLECTIONS ON THE CHALLENGES OF HEADSHIP“. Buckingham Journal of Education 3, Nr. 2 (13.02.2023): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/tbje.v3i2.2096.
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I retired in April 2020 after 17 years as a Headteacher, serving four different schools across two local authorities. One thing that remained constant throughout this period was the privilege I felt being a school leader. I deliberately chose to work in challenging schools serving more deprived communities. I was driven by the belief that a high-quality education has the power to transform the life chances of young people, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds.In this paper I reflect on my personal experience of government policy during this period and the impact it had on school leaders. In doing so, we will revisit two underpinning themes that featured throughout my headship career. The first was that education became part of the election battleground with each party developing their own ideas and thinking about the direction of education that, in turn, became policy for the successfully elected party. Successive Secretaries of State had their own view of what state education should look like. I have not always been convinced that all policy was based on educational theory and sometimes wonder if it derived from the minister’s own personal experience of education! Sir Kevan Collins describes this as the ‘Complacency of Certainty’ (2021) where ministers speak with authority on education without any substance or research to back it up. The impact this had on school leaders was to experience a see-saw effect as policies swung one way and then the other as governments and ministers changed. The second underpinning theme was the breakdown in trust between the government and the education profession. It is evident that this lack of trust in the system led to the growth of a command-and-control model whereby schools were compelled to follow government policy.To explore these themes, I will focus on three key areas of government policy that were intended to improve standards and reduce education inequality. First the rise of academisation under Tony Blair’s New Labour that accelerated with the Coalition government under David Cameron. Second the government policies designed to give parents far greater choice whilst also creating competition between schools. To this end, we will explore the two system changes that successive governments utilised to drive this culture of choice and competition starting with the high stakes accountability associated with examination results and then finally, reviewing my experience of the Ofsted process.
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Kontsevoy, I. A. „PRACTICES OF THE REVOLUTIONARY DUAL-PARTY SYSTEM: COALITION OF BOLSHEVIKS AND LEFT SRS IN THE AUTHORITIES OF MOSCOW AND MOSCOW REGION“. Вестник Пермского университета. История, Nr. 3 (62) (2023): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-3-85-96.
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The article examines the problem of interaction between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the institutions of Soviet power in Moscow and the Moscow region in the first half of 1918. The author introduces new archival documents into scientific circulation, which serve as an important source for studying the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in Moscow government institutions. Using specific examples of ideological and administrative clashes, the author studies the practices of interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs within the framework of a dual-party coalition. The author proves that the interaction of representatives of the two parties in the Moscow authorities included both conflicts between the Bolshevik and the Left socialist revolutionary commissars, and joint state work, which consisted of organizing the management of the territory of Moscow and the Moscow region. Archival documents show that among the Bolsheviks there was no single point of view on the need for the existence of separate Moscow authorities. Representatives of the left communists, as well as the Left socialist revolutionaries, advocated the preservation of independent state institutions in the Moscow region, which created the possibility of an alliance between them and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the active actions of Vladimir Lenin prevented a split among the Moscow Bolsheviks. The emergence of a dual-party system in Soviet state institutions was a unique phenomenon in modern history of Russia, since representatives of the neo-populist socialist party could influence managerial decision-making. This situation led to the “power sharing” between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs, which became a characteristic feature of the “long” revolution of 1917.
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Thompson, Peter A. „The return of public media policy in New Zealand: New hope or lost cause?“ Journal of Digital Media & Policy 10, Nr. 1 (01.03.2019): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp.10.1.89_1.
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The formation of a new coalition government in New Zealand in the wake of the 2017 election ended three terms of National-led governments and raised the prospect of a significant shift in media policy. National had insisted that in the digital media ecology, the funding of public broadcasting institutions was no longer a priority and that platform-neutral contestable funding of local content would ensure the quality and diversity of content. This saw the demise of the TVNZ Charter and its two commercial-free channels (TVNZ 6 and 7), while both Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the local content funding agency, NZ On Air, had their funding frozen. The 2017 election of the Labour-NZ First-Green government came with the promise of an additional investment of NZ$38m in public media, the expansion of RNZ’s remit to include a commercial-free television channel, and the establishment of an independent commission to assess funding needs for public media. However, the media ecology Labour now faces entails new policy complexities. Deregulation, financialization and convergence have not only intensified commercial pressures on the media, they have led to important shifts in the ways audiences discover and engage with media content. In turn, this complicates the traditional models of state intervention intended to deliver public service outcomes. Adopting a critical institutionalist framework this article will highlight key shifts in media policy trajectory since 1999 and highlight some key differences between the public broadcasting initiatives of 1999–2008 and the approach thus far of the incoming government. The article analyses how competing intra-party and inter-ministerial priorities have circumscribed the media policy options available and thereby highlight the way political–economic interests in the media ecology manifest in public policy.
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Kaviraj, Sudipta. „The General Elections in India“. Government and Opposition 32, Nr. 1 (Januar 1997): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01206.x.
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AT THE TIME OF INDEPENDENCE FIFTY YEARS AGO MAHATAMA Gandhi suggested that the Indian National Congress, which he successfully led to independence, should be disbanded. As its function was to produce a coalition which could achieve independence from British rule, its historical role was over. This was an entirely logical, yet an entirely unpractical suggestion. Politicians active inside the Congress wished, not unnaturally, to turn their sacrifices into potential investments in an independent state. Independence was accompanied by partition of the country which degenerated into riots and massacre of civilians. There was no other political organization except the Congress to establish effective government. In any case, Congress was too successful a political organization to be dissolved purely by the power of argument. The Congress, therefore, turned from an independence movement into a governing party, a difficult transformation under all circumstances, and flourished. The historical significance of the recent general elections in India, the eleventh after independence, seems to be the actual realization of Gandhi's suggestion. India must now find a political structure which can function without the overwhelming presence of the Congress, a party universally reviled but, ironically, treated as indispensable.
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Diyakova, L. V. „New phenomena and trends in Chilean politics“. Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, Nr. 3 (28.09.2019): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-12-15.
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The article analyzes new phenomena and trends in Chilean politics, the results of the first period of activity of the center-right government ofS. Pinera, who came to power in 2018. The main attention is paid to the analysis of contradictory initiatives of the government aimed at increasing economic efficiency at the expense of social expectations. It is noted that the greatest risks are associated with the deepening crisis in relations between the government and society, the activation of the radical protest movement caused by the unsuccessful attempt to raise prices for the subway. This measure led to mass youth protests in October 2019, clashes with police and the imposition of a state of emergency, which was accompanied by an appeal of the government to help of the army. The result of the severe political crisis was the resignation of the Cabinet and the announcement of a new package of social reforms. Among the new political phenomena, the author also highlights the decline of traditional center-left, the collapse of the coalition New majority, the beginning of the institutionalization of leftist party alternative to the official center-left, and strengthening the ultra-conservative wing on the right flank.
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Osiński, Joachim. „Przemiany polityczne na Islandii w warunkach kryzysu bankowego i gospodarczego“. Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, Nr. 1 (29.11.2011): 14–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.1.
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The author begins with a brief description of the essential political institutions of Iceland, as a republic with a parliamentary cabinet form of government and the special role of the president, arguing with the point of views that Iceland should be seen as a state with a semi-presidential form of government. Describing the political situation before the banking crisis, the author underlines the strong position of the Independence Party, which according to the results of the parliamentary elections (elections in 2007), plays a leading role in the "political life" of the state. The author pays attention to the process of oligarchisation in that party and the informal systems of social-network-based links and pathological links between the worlds of politics and business. Growing since the 90s, the dominance of a few family clans, together with the deregulation and privatization of the economy, led to nepotism and lack of accountability on the part of politicians and business representatives. An expansion of the three largest Icelandic banks Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir, without any significant criticism and state control, has led to a situation where at the end of 2008 their assets were 10-fold greater than the GDP of Iceland. Loss of confidence in the interbank markets after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the U.S., caused inhibition of liquidity and consequently the collapse of these banks, eventually acquired by the state. The most spectacular was the collapse of Icesave - the Internet branch of Landsbanki operating in the UK and the Netherlands. The disintegration of the banking system led to a disintegration of the coalition government. Early elections in April 2009, won by the Social Democratic Alliance and the Left-Green Movement, led to the formation of a center-left government of Prime Minister, Ms J. Sigur?ardóttir. The first major action was the government's reorientation of foreign policy and submitting an application for EU membership, and the subsequent arrangement of the debts after the collapse of these banks, reform of the central bank and banking supervisors, the establishment of a parliamentary committee to investigate the banking crisis and identify those responsible, the appointment of a special Prosecutor investigating violations of law during privatization of the banking sector and the actions taken on the eve of the crisis. The article contains the constitutional and legal analysis of the first and second so-called referendum. on Icesave, conducted after the President vetoed a further act concerning Iceland's agreements with its creditors - the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. As a result, residents of Iceland have not agreed to repay debts incurred without any fault on their part and through arrogance, incompetence and greed of the financial elite and the political managers controlling the banking system. This puts into question the country's future membership in the EU. The government, despite the opposition to the proposal made by a vote of no confidence, which fell, still take the difficult decisions associated with the revitalization of the banking system and economy of Iceland and improve its international image.
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Ruhullah, Mohammad Eisa, und Thameem Ushama. „Islamic Epistemology in the Bangladesh Government System (1996–2022): An Analysis of Political Ideologies“. Jurnal Bina Praja 15, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2023): 479–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.15.2023.479-493.
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This study aims to explore the extent of Islamization in Bangladesh during the tenure of democratically elected leaders Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. The objective is to analyze the state of democratic governance in Bangladesh from a religious perspective, focusing specifically on Islamic political epistemology. It begins by defining Islamic Political Epistemology and its significance in acknowledging Islam’s role in democratic power. This qualitative descriptive analysis examines recent research papers from highly ranked resources such as Scopus. It is important to note that specific methods can strengthen strategies for enforcing electoral decrees, improve credentials for arbitration through sovereignty within the dominion branch, and increase national participation in political acts and society through Islamic Political Epistemology. Sheikh Hasina’s new regime has achieved significant progress in implementing Islamic development in bureaucracy and regulations. Qawmi Madrasah has contributed significantly to Islamic Education in Bangladesh, and the current government recognizes their educational certificates. The salaries of teachers and Imams at Government Madrasah-e-Alia have been increased, which is a significant policy change. The study revealed that Khaleda Zia’s government could have succeeded despite its alliance with Islamic political parties. Having a coalition with Islamic political parties does not necessarily mean that the country’s political ideology is institutionalized in an Islamic way. Opposite, Bangladesh’s government, with partial financing from Saudi Arabia, is constructing 560 mosques that will also serve as artistic centres to promote Islamic epistemology and combat extremism. However, this government operates under a one-party system with the Awami League party, led by Sheikh Hasina, idolizing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
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Sotnikova, Irina. „Pages from the History of the Democratic League of China in the Late Republican Period“. Problemy dalnego vostoka, Nr. 5 (2023): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120028147-2.
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This article concerns the origins, development and activities of one of the oldest Chinese democratic parties — the Democratic League of China from its inception to the formation of the People's Republic of China in 1949. New documents and materials discovered in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, in particular, the Bulletins of the Information Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on foreign policy issues, shed light on little-studied questions about the role and place of this democratic organization in the Chinese revolution. Under patriotic slogans, the Democratic League united in its ranks both non-partisan public figures and political parties and groups with various views, from nationalist to pro-communist. Despite the diverse political composition of small parties and groups, the league turned into a coalition trying to find a “third way” between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the ruling Kuomintang party. The growing authoritarianism of the Kuomintang leader Chiang Kai-shek and the implementation of pro-Japanese policies by the Kuomintang members undermined the foundations of the national anti-Japanese united front and undermined the war of resistance. These circumstances repelled the country's patriotic forces from the Kuomintang. The Kuomintang's suppression of the democratic movement led to a reorientation of the Democratic League's policies. The League publicly announced cooperation with the CCP until the complete collapse of the reactionary Kuomintang government, for democracy, peace and independence of the country. The work of the Democratic League helped to unite the broad groups of the population into the patriotic movement for a new China. After the formation of the People's Republic of China, at the suggestion of Mao Zedong, the league was preserved, its leaders received posts in the government. Currently, members of the Democratic League are mainly engaged in cultural and educational work.
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Sancak, Merve. „Partisan politics of skills in middle-income countries: Insiders, outsiders and the vocational education system of Turkey“. Competition & Change 24, Nr. 3-4 (25.11.2019): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024529419888430.
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The literature on the political economy of development argues that many middle-income countries could not develop strong vocational education and training systems because of the lack of political coalitions that would support such systems. However, these researchers have overlooked the role of partisan politics, domain of political competition and the links of insiders and outsiders with political parties. This article addresses this gap by studying the case of Turkey in the 2000s, when the country was governed by the Justice and Development Party and experienced important changes in its vocational education and training system. It investigates the political shifts in these years and the impact of these shifts on vocational education and training policies. The article argues that the governing Justice and Development Party played a key role in the changes in the Turkish vocational education and training system. Small and medium enterprises and labour market outsiders, which were the outsiders of the political and economic system, formed Justice and Development Party’s main constituents. Different from the previous parties, Justice and Development Party focused on the economic interests of outsiders and vocational education and training became an important tool to address such interests of both groups. The Justice and Development Party governments integrated the interests of both small and medium enterprises and workers into the vocational education and training policies in the 2000s, which has led to a vocational education and training system with high state commitment, higher firm involvement and higher permeability between vocational and general education. This research is based on process-tracing of the political dynamics and vocational education and training system developments in Turkey in 2002–2011. The data comprise primary and secondary documents, as well as interviews with several stakeholders.
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Kant, Neelam. „The changing nature of coalition governments“. RESEARCH HUB International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, Nr. 1 (31.01.2023): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53573/rhimrj.2023.v10n01.004.
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The way the public opinion is today, it has brought the direction of the coalition government. Earlier there was some kind of government in the states. Earlier Congress was the only important party. In the first election, alliance starts only in Kerala. Till 1970, the Congress alone was able to form governments in the states. The coalition government at the center comes in the form of Janata Party in 1977. Origin of coalition government: When a party wants to form a government, it participates. But when the rest of the political parties think that the party is not capable of forming the government, they form an alliance. They join when a political party does not get votes. The basic goal of a coalition is to come to power. Sometimes a party has to be thrown out of power. The beginning of coalition government starts in France, Italy, West Germany, Switzerland. The government there runs on this model, but the history of the joint government in the state and the center has not been very good. The history of the states in India has been different.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
जिस तरह से आज जनमत है वह गठबन्धन सरकार की दिशा लाया है। पहले राज्यों में कुछ इस तरह की ही सरकार थी। पहले कांग्रेस ही एक महत्वपूर्ण दल था। प्रथम चुनाव में सिर्फ केरल में ही गठबन्धन की शुरूआत होती है। 1970 तक राज्यों में कांग्रेस अकेले ही सरकार बनाने में सक्षम थी। केन्द्र में गठबन्धन सरकार 1977 में जनता पार्टी के रूप में आती है। सम्मिलित सरकार की उत्पत्ति एक पार्टी सरकार बनाना चाहती है तो वह सम्मिलित होती है। लेकिन जब बाकी राजनीतिक दल सोचते हैं कि पार्टी सरकार बनाने मंे सक्षम नहीं है तो वह गठबन्धन करते है। जब एक राजनीतिक दल को मत नहीं मिला तो वे सम्मिलित होते हैं। गठबन्धन का मूल लक्ष्य सत्ता में आना होता है। कभी-कभी किसी दल को सत्ता से बाहर करना भी होता है। गठबन्धन सरकार की शुरूआत फ्रांस, इटली, पश्चिमी जर्मनी, स्विट्जरलैण्ड में शुरू होती है। इसी माॅडल पर वहाँ सरकार चलती है लेकिन राज्य एवं केन्द्र में सम्मिलित सरकार का इतिहास ज्यादा अच्छा नहीं रहा है। भारत में राज्यों का इतिहास अलग रहा है।
Keywords: ए0पी0ए0, स्विटरजलैण्ड, मुख्यमंत्री, चै0 चरण सिंह, भाज़पा आदि।
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Oppermann, Kai, und Klaus Brummer. „Who Gets What in Foreign Affairs? Explaining the Allocation of Foreign Ministries in Coalition Governments“. Government and Opposition 55, Nr. 2 (31.07.2018): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.19.
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AbstractIn coalition governments, political parties are concerned not only with how many but also with which departments they control. The foreign ministry is among the most highly considered prizes in coalition negotiations. This article develops hypotheses to explain under which conditions the foreign ministry is likely to be allocated to a ‘junior coalition partner’. The factors that are hypothesized to affect the allocation are: the relative size of coalition parties; the proximity of their foreign policy positions; the party family of the junior coalition party; the salience of foreign policy to the coalition parties; and past allocations of the foreign ministry to junior coalition partners. Employing a crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis, the article demonstrates that although the conjunction of the junior partner being relatively large and it having led the foreign ministry in the past is not sufficient by itself, those two factors are very influential in the junior partner being allocated the foreign ministry.
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Filippova, E. „Factors of Coalitional Governments Formation Between Regionalist and Nationwide Political Parties in Regions of Spain“. World Economy and International Relations 65, Nr. 4 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-71-79.
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Received 09.09.2020. The paper focuses on one of the most significant arenas of multi-level politics – the interaction between regionalist and state-wide parties in the creation and functioning of government coalitions at the regional level. The research is aimed at determining the factors influencing the creation of such coalitions in which regionalist parties act as coalition partners with a specific agenda. Spain provides significant empirical material for research on this issue, where regionalist parties function in most regions, and state-wide parties often enter government coalitions with them at the level of autonomous communities. A comparative analysis of the practices of concluding coalition agreements between statewide and regionalist political parties in the regions of Spain during the democratic period is a key research method. The theoretical part of the article provides an overview of the theories of party coalitions accumulated by Political Science since the 1950s and updated by researchers due to actualization of new circumstances in the context of multilevel politics. The empirical part of the article examines the influence of three categories of factors on the construction of coalition deals between regionalist and state-wide political parties in the Spanish autonomous communities, including: the size of the coalition, the ideological inter-party distance (comprising the regionalist-ideological dimension) and correspondence of the alignments of party forces at the regional and national levels. The research demonstrates that the factor of coalition size is fundamental for transactions between regionalist and state-wide political parties, while the other two categories of factors manifest themselves situationally. Acknowledgements. The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No. 19-18-00053 " Subnational regionalism and dynamics of multilevel politics (Russian and European practices)") at the Perm Federal Research Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
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GEMECHU, Milkessa. „ETHIOPIA: FEDERALISM, PARTY MERGER AND CONFLICTS“. Conflict Studies Quarterly, Nr. 42 (05.01.2023): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.42.2.
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This article has a twin mission: examining the impact of party merger on the federal arrangement and its association with the current conflicts in Ethiopia. The 1995 federal constitution of Ethiopia devolves powers to regional states. Since then, each regional state was fused with its distinct ruling party that created a coalition at the federal level. This state-party fused federal arrangement faced serious challenges with the rise of intra coalition disagreements since 2016 following the protest movements in the country, which further plunged Ethiopia into a devastating civil war since November 2020. This article asks what caused the conflicts. While recognizing the multidimensional roots of the conflicts, this article uses a political party-driven theory of federalism in order to identify the political processes that led to the conflicts. It argues that in a multiethnic federation such as Ethiopia where there is state-party fusion, a ruling party’s metamorphosis from a coalition to a union may not only centralize power but could also result in both de facto merger of that fragile federation and conflicts. Delinking the state from the party through inclusive national negotiations and democratic elections within a federal arrangement might help transition Ethiopia to a stable country. Keywords: Civil war, conflicts, political parties, Ethiopian federalism, Prosperity Party, power centralization, Abiy Ahmed.
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Filipović, Aleksa. „The impact of right-wing populist parties upon national policy with regards to the Russian Federation: the case of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People's Party“. Международные отношения, Nr. 3 (März 2020): 18–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.32336.
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The goal of this research consists in determination of impact of the Progress Party (Norway) and the Danish People's Party upon the policy of their national governments with regards to Russia. The Progress Party used to be member of the Norwegian government coalition from 2013 to 2020, while the Danish People's Party supported the Danish coalition governments from 2015 to 2019. The analysis of the origin, ideologies, political agenda, and policy of the parties give a more accurate explanation on their position towards Russia, as well as defines the level of their political willpower in influencing the government policy thereof. Research methodology is comprised of content analysis used in examination of the official documents of the Progress Party and the Danish People's Party, comparative analysis used in considering political programs of both parties, as well as various election results and other corresponding data. The conclusion is made that both parties have considerable impact upon the state policy of their countries with regards to the Russian Federation. Moreover, both of them demonstrated no political interest in making Russia the key vector in their foreign policy programs. Being neither of Russophile nor Russophobic nature, their presence in the government did not become the reason for deterioration or improvement of relations with Russia.
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O'Brien, Diana Z., Matthew Mendez, Jordan Carr Peterson und Jihyun Shin. „Letting Down the Ladder or Shutting the Door: Female Prime Ministers, Party Leaders, and Cabinet Ministers“. Politics & Gender 11, Nr. 04 (Dezember 2015): 689–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000410.
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In October 2012 the Danish Socialist People's Party chose Annette Vilhelmsen as its leader. With her ascension to power, women simultaneously headed all three of Denmark's governing parties for the first time. Though an exclusively female-led coalition government remains exceptional, in developed democracies the number of female prime ministers and party leaders has grown in recent years. Since 2000, women have governed in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Iceland, New Zealand, and Australia and have commanded coalition partner parties in Austria, Ireland, and Sweden. Just as there are now more female leaders, governments are also nominating more women to cabinets than ever before. Women recently held half of all ministerial posts in Finland, Iceland, Sweden, and Spain. Female ministers are also serving in high-prestige portfolios from which they were traditionally excluded, including finance and foreign affairs.
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HAMANN, KERSTIN. „Linking Policies and Economic Voting“. Comparative Political Studies 33, Nr. 8 (Oktober 2000): 1018–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033008002.
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Economic voting literature has shown that voters hold governments responsible for the state of the economy. Election studies have also found that voters punish governing parties that divert from their campaign promises and move their policy positions. These bodies of literature cannot convincingly explain the repeated reelection of the Socialist Party, which passed supply-side economic measures at odds with campaign promises and its traditional ideology. Furthermore, the party succeeded in gaining reelection regardless of the state of the economy and despite consistently high unemployment. In this article, it is argued that to better understand the repeated electoral success of the Socialist Party, three additional factors have to be taken into account: the party system, compensatory policies, and internal party politics. These factors allowed the Spanish Socialist Party to build an electoral support coalition based on lower classes, rural voters, and voters dependent on state-subsidized income.
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Cooper, Alice. „Difficult Decisions: The GAL and “Schwarz-Grün” in Hamburg“. German Politics and Society 32, Nr. 4 (01.12.2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320401.
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In 2008 the first state-level CDU-Green coalition was formed in Hamburg. Drawing on the literature on party goals (vote-, office-, policy, internal cohesion- and democracy-seeking), this article examines the GAL's decisions to join and to end the coalition. It examines the trade-offs between party goals as they evolved in different phases of “schwarz-grün,” with particular reference to the Greens' education reform agenda. While policy- and vote-seeking complemented each other during the election campaign, vote-, office- and party unity-seeking conflicted with each other in the Greens' decision to enter a coalition with the CDU. Later, policy- and democracy-seeking conflicted with each other when a referendum organized by a citizens' initiative defeated the Greens' education reform, a defeat that contributed significantly to the premature end of the CDU-Green coalition. New elections led to defeats for vote-, office-, and policy-seeking when the SPD achieved an absolute majority.
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Knelangen, Wilhelm. „Die schleswig-holsteinische Landtagswahl vom 8. Mai 2022: Aus „Jamaika“ wird eine schwarz-grüne Koalition unter Wahlgewinner Daniel Günther“. Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, Nr. 3 (2022): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-3-545.
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Following the 2017 state election, Schleswig-Holstein had been governed by a stable coalition of the CDU, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, and the FDP, known as “Jamaica” coalition. However, what the state parliament would look like after the elections to be held in early 2022 was completely open. Tue closer the election, the more it seemed that the CDU would remain the strongest party in the state. While the campaign was not marked by controversial issues, the general assessment of the parties and their top candidates was most important. Prime Minister Daniel Günther, as the guarantor of “Jamaica”, enjoyed an out- standing popular approval, and the CDU managed to achieve an exceptionally good result with 43.4 percent of the vote. Bündnis 90/Die Grünen became the second strongest party with 18.3 percent, and the FDP received only 6.4 percent. With significant losses, the SPD fell to 16 percent, with 5.7 percent the SSW overcame the five percent clause, and the AfD clearly failed to re-enter parliament with 4.4 percent. After the election the CDU’s initial attempt to continue the “Jamaica” coalition with a supermajority quickly failed. Instead it was followed by a two-party-coalition of the CDU and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, led by Prime Minister Günther again.
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Keogh, Dermot. „Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948“. Historical Journal 34, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1991): 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.
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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden. Only one thing united this variegated political grouping – the unanimous wish to keep Eamon de Valera and his party in opposition.
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Saylor, Ryan, und Nicholas C. Wheeler. „Paying for War and Building States“. World Politics 69, Nr. 2 (06.03.2017): 366–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000319.
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Many scholars believe that intense warfare propelled state formation in early modern Europe because rulers built tax institutions to pay for wars. Scholars likewise cite milder geopolitical pressures to explain the lackluster state building in the developing world. The authors analyze episodes of ferocious warfare in and beyond Europe and find that despite similar fiscal strains, not all governments built strong tax institutions to service wartime debt. When net creditors in a country's credit market were part of the ruling political coalition, they pressed governments to diversify taxes and strengthen fiscal institutions to ensure debt service. But when net debtors held political sway, governments were indifferent to debt servicing and fiscal invigoration. Coalitional politics can help to explain why mounting debt-service obligations led to fiscal institution building in some cases, but not others. The analysis highlights how the private economic interests of ruling coalition members can affect state building.
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BROLLO, FERNANDA, und TOMMASO NANNICINI. „Tying Your Enemy's Hands in Close Races: The Politics of Federal Transfers in Brazil“. American Political Science Review 106, Nr. 4 (31.10.2012): 742–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000433.
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This article uses a regression discontinuity design in close electoral races to disclose purely political reasons in the allocation of intergovernmental transfers in a federal state. We identify the effect of political alignment on federal transfers to municipal governments in Brazil, and find that—in preelection years—municipalities in which the mayor is affiliated with the coalition (and especially with the political party) of the Brazilian president receive approximately one-third larger discretionary transfers for infrastructures. This effect is primarily driven by the fact that the federal government penalizes municipalities run by mayors from the opposition coalition who won by a narrow margin, thereby tying their hands for the next election.
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García-García, Aurelio. „The limits to growth of buen vivir socialism: Ecuador's alternative development model from 2007 to 2017“. HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, Nr. 1 (Juli 2022): 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2022-001003.
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In 2006, the political coalition Alianza PAÍS promoted a "Citizen's Revolution" in Ecuador that would put an end to neoliberal policies and lead the country to "buen vivir". However, the coalition's arrival to the government and the negotiations of the 2008 Constitution generated fractures and splits within the party. The buen vivir was divided into three trends: Indianist, environmentalist and socialist. The socialist trend became the state representative, although it had huge controversies with the other two trends because it opted for a new post-neoliberal development model, while the indianists and ecologists rejected the continuity of the developmentalist models. This article presents the main characteristics of the three trends of buen vivir. In addition, based on the work The Limits to Growth and through the analysis of socio-economic and environmental indicators, it is shown how the socialist model of buen vivir (2007-2017) was an unsustainable model in the medium and long term.
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Durac, Vincent, und Tamirace Fakhoury. „Adversarial Power-Sharing and “Forced Marriages”: Governing Coalitions in Lebanon and Yemen“. Middle East Law and Governance 15, Nr. 3 (01.09.2023): 287–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231424.
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Abstract How do power-sharing governing coalitions work in the context of politicized identities and external pressures? And how do they emerge, develop, and disintegrate when governing parties share power in the context of colliding agendas? Working on the premise that coalition governments may be messy constellations of power, rather than rational avenues for deliberation, this article explores the politics of coalitions in the Middle East as a case of adversarial power-sharing, or what we frame as ‘forced marriages.’ We focus on Yemen and Lebanon, two polities that have developed power-sharing arrangements in conflict-laden environments, albeit under different circumstances and logics of state-building. We argue that while both countries are different on a wide range of variables, they have broader lessons to convey on the ways coalition governments perform and the policy consequences they yield. Throughout both countries’ political history, coalition governance patterns have led to political fragmentation and policy gridlock. However, the puzzle is that notwithstanding antagonistic policy agendas and despite popular disaffection with ruling arrangements, coalition governments have kept re-emerging. This requires an incisive look into the relational and complex dynamics that sustain their logic.
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Bardhan, Pranab, und Dilip Mookherjee. „Determinants of Redistributive Politics: An Empirical Analysis of Land Reforms in West Bengal, India“. American Economic Review 100, Nr. 4 (01.09.2010): 1572–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.100.4.1572.
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We investigate political determinants of land reform implementation in the Indian state of West Bengal. Using a village panel spanning 1974–1998, we do not find evidence supporting the hypothesis that land reforms were positively and monotonically related to control of local governments by a Left Front coalition vis-à-vis the right-centrist Congress party, combined with lack of commitment to policy platforms. Instead, the evidence is consistent with a quasi-Downsian theory stressing the role of opportunism (reelection concerns) and electoral competition.(JEL D72, O13, O17, Q15)
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Djordjevic, Srdjan, Milan Palevic und Milan Rapajic. „Coalition Government and Possible Course of UK Political and Electoral System Reform after 2010 Parliamentary Elections“. Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 11, Nr. 2 (11.04.2013): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/327.
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In this paper the authors analyse the current state of affairs of a political system in theory and constitutional practice popularly termed the Westminster system, which also played the role of a prototype to ex-British dominions and some other countries. Exceptional for its longevity, it is also an example of stability and social consensuality about fundamental values. However, although this state creation has a monopoly in expressive symbolism, some weaknesses have been identified when it comes to the symbols and main elements of this system. One of its weak points is a two - party system of government, devoid of liveliness in a political process with latent agreement of different generations, and, in essence, the same or cosmetically changed political establishment. Consistence of government of one or another party is caused by nature of the electoral system, whose main characteristics are the surplus of inequity and deficit of modernity. Discussing the recent elections in Great Britain, authors give them the label of elections with precedent, especially because of the new type of government – the coalition cabinet, and they also consider the new people in official politics and their voice in the system of political relations – members of the third party, Liberal – Democrats. The issue of electoral system and directions of its reform remains open, which will inevitably lead to introducing changes into the political system.
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STEINMO, SVEN, und CAROLINE J. TOLBERT. „Do Institutions Really Matter?“ Comparative Political Studies 31, Nr. 2 (April 1998): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031002002.
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New institutionalism has emerged as one of the most prominent research agendas in the field of comparative politics, political economy, and public policy. This article examines the role of institutional variation in political/economic regimes in shaping tax burdens in industrialized democracies. An institutionalist model for tax policy variation is tested across the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) democracies. Countries are conceptualized and statistically modeled in terms of majoritarian, shifting coalition, and dominant coalition governments. Regression analysis and cluster analysis are used to statistically model cross-national tax burdens relative to the strength of labor organization and party dominance in parliament. This study finds that political and economic institutions are important in explaining tax policy variation. Specifying the structure of political and economic institutions helps to explain the size of the state in modern capitalist democracies. This article specifies and demonstrates which institutions matter and how much they matter.
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Nasir, Muhammad Touqeer Akhter, und Khan Faqir. „A Critical Analysis of Coalition Politics in Pakistan A Case Study of PPP-led Coalition 2008-2013“. Global Political Review VI, Nr. IV (30.12.2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-iv).01.
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Coalition politics have played a unique role in the modernsystem of governance. It played a vital role in politics forbringing the smaller political parties closer by reducing the chances ofserious conflicts. Coalitions can be governmental, which are formed afterelections, and coalitions also can be formed before elections. Like most ofthe Third World countries, Pakistan is an emerging democratic state witha multi-party setup. Present research work tried to analyze differentaspects of coalition politics since the creation of Pakistan; however, thescope of this research was restricted to the era from 2008 to 2013. Thestudy has included the concept of coalitions, the formation of coalitions,their governance, terminations, and their implications on the politics ofPakistan. In order to get pinpoint the performance of the coalition during2008-2013, primary sources, including official documents, statements,and interviews, and secondary sources like books, journals, newspapers,and websites have been consulted. Basically, it is qualitative research, butsometimes quantitative material is also utilized. To complete the research,historical, descriptive, and experimental methods were used. The studyrevealed that how coalition politics has become a backbone of democracyin Pakistan, where many parties were getting representation in thelegislative assembly. Here, the successful tenure of the PPP-led coalitiongave new hope to the political stakeholders to work together for sustainabledemocracy in Pakistan.