Dissertationen zum Thema „Spheres of political activity“
Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Spheres of political activity.
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Dissertationen für die Forschung zum Thema "Spheres of political activity" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Dissertationen für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Abu, Elmeaza Mohammed Salim. „Edward Said : the political intellectual & public spheres“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14581/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
It has been a while now since his untimely passing on the 25th September,2003. Edward Said was one of the most prolific public intellectuals of the 20th century and his model of the intellectual is still a source of inspiration and respect. The present thesis engages in the debate around the intellectual and his/her relationship to the public sphere. It argues that Said’s thoughts in ‘Traveling Theory’ provide not only a theory of critical consciousness but also a politically empowering tool by use of which intellectuals are able penetrate spheres. Political public spheres have always been the defining spheres of intellectual figures throughout history. This triggers the starting point of connection; it suggests that Said’s model of the public intellectual represents a residual figure of the man of letters. It argues that both the man of letters and public intellectuals, in different epochs, were made to suffer the consequences of the transformations of the public spheres. Yet, Said’s model strikes a balance between the professional and the amateur. The political tool in the traveling theory acts here as a defining element of the intellectuals’ practice in achieving some form of balance between those spheres. Said’s theatre of thought has shown an indefatigable commitment to a connection between spheres; academic, public and political. It is through his politics of humanism that he beautifully conflates ideas and ideals. His politics in the struggle for Palestine is in fact a politics of truth, coexistence and reconciliation. This also manifested itself in his political writings, beginning from Question of Palestine and continuing until Freud and the non-European. Finally, it is his intellectual legacy and his legacy as a public intellectual that makes him so relevant to the recent Arab Spring. Having looked back at two years of his life (1967-1993) and recalled his spirit when looking at Arab intellectuals’ interventions in the Arab Spring, one can clearly glimpse Said’s underlying alternatives, which reverberated in some of the Arab intellectuals as a model of the intellectual who can act beyond ideology.
2
Onyshchenko. „APPLICATION OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN DIFFERENT SPHERES OF HUMAN ACTIVITY“. Thesis, Київ 2018, 2018. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/33825.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
3
Greear, Jake P. „The Abstract Ecology of Modern Life: Re-imagining Environments as Public Spheres“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32496.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Many discourses within environmental political theory center on reconfiguring political structures to empower geographically situated populations to become public stewards of their local environments. However, in the developed world the hope for ecological self-government is doubly challenged by the atrophy of the civic spirit and the general apathy of most citizens in the face of environmental destruction. In a search for an explanation of these cultural circumstances this essay gathers the sociological critiques of the techno-scientific epistemology and the public management of risk offered by Ulrich Beck with some social studies of the production and use of space. These critiques reveal aspects of everyday life that comprise a distinctly disengaged mode of person-world interaction. This mode of subjective worldly interaction frustrates any decentralist environmental politics because it distills in consciousness a depressed conception of personal agency, and constructs local environments as realms of imperceptible significances and hopelessly complex â scientificâ processes, which must be ascertained by external knowledge and judgment producers. Communal, political stewardship of local environments requires trusting humanly scaled faculties of perception and engaging in the work of producing local knowledge and judgments. It therefore entails refocusing attentive faculties on the local landscapes that bind publics together and re-appropriating these environments as realms of participatory civic agency. This politicization of the immediate environment may be the best hope for instilling ecologically sustainable values and for reintegrating, and therefore reviving, currently dysfunctional public spheres.Master of Arts
4
Oberth, Gemma. „Who governs public health? : the spheres of influence in southern AFrican HIV/AIDS policy making“. Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3707.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
5
Massengill, William. „The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity“. The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
6
Rhodes, Christopher. „Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations
in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This dissertation fits within a body of literature known as the political economy of religion. I expand upon this literature by examining religious groups in terms of internal organization, focusing on Christian churches in Africa, with Kenya as my primary case country.
The central argument of this dissertation is that churches (national-level denominations) with certain organizational features – centralized leadership, authoritarian decision-making procedures, and lack of internal accountability mechanisms – are more likely to have friendlier interactions with governments and therefore tend to adopt more pro-government political stances compared to churches that lack these features. This relationship operates through two mechanisms. First, centralized churches possess negotiation advantages over decentralized churches. Second, centralized, authoritarian churches can more easily be co-opted by incumbent governments. The dissertation also expand upon existing literature by offering a fuller and more nuanced understanding of the preferences of governments and churches vis-à-vis one another, proposing that churches seek to maximize number of church members, member faithfulness, and resources, while governments seek ideological support, citizen mobilization, and social service provision from churches.
These arguments are examined by historical comparative case studies of five of the largest Christian denominations in Kenya over the course of the country’s first three post-independence presidents. Through qualitative historical analysis, combined with information gathered through fieldwork in Kenya, the dissertation demonstrates how the preferences of these churches and governments, mediated through the internal organizations of the churches, influenced church-state relations and ultimately determined the churches’ political stances. The impact of internal organization is greater than factors such as ethnicity or theological conservatism/liberalism.
The dissertation tests these arguments through a quantitative analysis of church political orientation using national-level data on Christian churches and countries across Africa from independence through 2010. The results of the statistical analyses show significant effects of organizational features such as centralization, consistent with the arguments made concerning Kenya. The dissertation then gives brief qualitative analysis of church-state relations for several of the African churches included in the quantitative dataset.
7
Leukes, Pierrinne. „A content analysis on Facebook group, New Political Forum : South African mobile participation in online public spheres“. Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14226.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Includes bibliographical references.This mini-dissertation aims to characterize mobile participation in the South African citizen-led Facebook Group, New Political Forum. It also investigates whether the participation on New Political Forum meets Poor's (20 05) criteria for an Online Public Sphere, as adapted from Habermasian concepts of the Public Sphere (Habermas, 1976). The study employed content analysis as its methodology to investigate a random sample drawn from all the posts and comments posted to New Political Forum on every other week day during the period 3 April to 3 May 2012. Three levels of coding were performed on the sampled data. The first level of coding used the Facebook API to determine whether the post and comments were posted via mobile applications or other platforms such as laptops and desktop computers. The second level coded the kind of social interaction which the post represented, according to six categories intended to characterise the way in which users used the group to initiate in debate and find information. Lastly the word count of each post was captured so as to establish its size. Findings revealed that 60% of all posts, and 54% of all comments in the sample were posted from mobile applications. This indicates that, during the period of study, although computers and laptops were playing a disproportionately important role (given limited access to these platforms in South Africa), participation via mobile applications nonetheless accounted for the bulk of participation. Regarding the social interactions on the site, during the month in question, 90% of posts either initiated debate or shared information with the group. Patterns of interaction via mobile applications were similar to the kinds of interaction which took place from other platforms. Posts from mobile applications nonetheless included fewer hyperlinks and pictures than other sources did. The major difference between mobile and other forms of participation related to the relative brevity of mobile posts. The mean word count of mobile posts was almost half the mean word count of posts from other platforms. Thus even though mobile posts were more frequently posted; they were very often shorter than the contributions from other sources. Applying Poor's (2005) Online Public Sphere it was found that New Political Forum does qualify to be considered an Online Public Sphere. This is because the group's history, focus and governance by committed volunteer administrators created a space for inclusive political debates and discussions where the identities of the members played a minimal role in influencing the reception of their ideas. It is suggested that information sharing should be added to Poor's criteria because of the role it plays in debate and opinion formation.
8
Hordiienko, Kateryna. „The Problem of Digitalization in Psychological and Education Spheres“. Thesis, NAU, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/50084.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
At psychology, the problem of digitalization is studied by cyberpsychology which is a branch of psychology that observes mental processes, states, properties and manifestations of their activity (function, communication, behavior) in cyberspace. It was the impetus for the study of the problem of cyberbullying among students.
9
Peldán, Carlsson Moa. „The Political Effect of Female Terrorists: Do women become empowered when entering male dominated spheres?“ Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352367.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This quantitative study aims to investigate mechanisms for female empowerment in the context of conflict by examining whether a female entry into armed rebel, insurgent and terrorist movements can lead to an increase of women represented in politics. Three different hypotheses for the relationship are set: that the effect is positive, that the effect is negative and that there is no effect at all. The study argues that one possible mechanism for the relationship is that female rebels become role models for other women when entering the male dominated domain of a rebel movement. These women disrupt and question existing gender hierarchies and ideas of what it means to be a woman. By expanding the idea of what women are capable of doing, these women could inspire other women to enter other male dominated spheres, such as decision-making domains in politics, and hence gain political power. The method for examining this possible mechanism is OLS linear regression between the dependent variable women in parliament and the independent variable women in rebel movements. The result found is that there is a significant positive effect, meaning that the prevalence of women in rebel movements do actually affect the prevalence of women in politics in post- or present- conflict countries around the world. The conclusion is therefore that, at least in militarized societies, women as a group can become empowered when some women enter male dominated spheres as this believably unties the traditional idea of the capabilities of women.
10
Moreira, Alves Amanda. „Corporate Political Activity in the European Union“. Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED060.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
L’environnement politique dans lequel une entreprise exerce ses activités peut imposer plusieurs défis à sa performance, tels que de nouvelles taxes et législations qui encourageront leur engagement aux actions politiques (traduction du terme américain Corporate Political Activity – CPA). Ces actions ciblent les acteurs politiques et ont pour objectifs d’obtenir des avantages concurrentiels ou d’éviter des risques institutionnels liés à leur activité. Ces actions peuvent prendre la forme de lobbying, de contributions aux campagnes électorales et de poursuites judiciaires. Plusieurs résultats positifs des CPA sont documentés dans la littérature, mais la plupart d'entre eux font référence à l'environnement américain. Considérant que l'environnement institutionnel est essentiel pour le déploiement et les résultats des CPA, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'élargir l'analyse en étudiant l'environnement institutionnel européen. Dans ce but, cette thèse s’appuie sur trois axes de recherche liés au lobbying et aux poursuites judiciaires en utilisant une approche empirique dont l’objectif est d’explorer la dynamique de CPA et son impact sur l’environnement institutionnel européen. Le premier examine les facteurs déterminants de l'accès des entreprises aux représentants de la Commission européenne pour faire du lobbying. Le deuxième étudie l'élaboration de la réglementation du marché de gros d’itinérance afin de comprendre le déploiement des stratégies de lobbying et leurs résultats. Le troisième porte sur le processus décisionnel de la Commission européenne et de la Cour de Justice dans l'octroi des aides d'État dans l'Union européenneThe political environment where a firm operates can impose several challenges to its performance such as new taxes or legislation that will incentivize their engagement on Corporate Political Activities (CPA). These activities target political actors and intend to capture advantages or to avoid institutional risks in their own business environments. They can be deployed in the form of lobbying, campaign contributions, and litigation. The positive outcomes have been already documented in the literature, but most of them refer to the US environment. Taking into consideration that the institutional environment is essential for the deployment and outcomes of CPA, the main goal of this dissertation is to investigate CPA in the European Union level further using an empirical approach. Through three research projects related to lobbying and litigation in the EU, this dissertation explores the dynamics of CPA and how the institutional environment impacts on it. The first project examines the determinants of firms' access to the European Commission representatives. The second project studies the making of the wholesale roaming regulation to understand the deployment of lobbying strategies and their outcomes. The third project investigates the decision-making of the European Commission and the Court of the Justice in the processes of granting state aids in the European Union
11
Jeffs, Rebecca Amy. „The dynamics of political activity and organisation“. Thesis, University of South Wales, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702328.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The main objective of this thesis is to produce an explanatory model of the changing membership of political parties, capable of reproducing past behaviour and of testing the same systems under alternative conditions. The thesis considers the appropriateness of the General Epidemic Model to political party growth, and considers other models in order to address the shortcomings of this. A System Dynamics model, the Limited Activist Model, is created using two word of mouth processes to illustrate member recruitment and the conversion of New Party Members into Activists. The model is successful in that it broadly explains party data using the word of mouth metaphor. However, the two nonlinear processes employed are found to be overly sensitive, and the model is not able to fully reproduce known data. This is shown to be due to an artificially low susceptible pool being used in the second word of mouth process. The model is revised in the Limited Activist Model by representing activity levels by two stocks of different types of party activist rather than by having flows for the differing activities. This illustrates members' changing roles but it does not relate membership change to the needs of the party. It is shown that although word of mouth is a good explanation of the growth and decline of political parties, it is insufficient to explain observed changes in known data. A new approach to modelling the growth and decline of political parties is created called the Supply & Demand Model which is based solely on the hypotheses of political science. Mechanisms include the Demand from the party for members, and the natural Supply of members to the party in response to an increase in political legitimacy. A generic 'limits to growth' archetype is created to handle soft variables such as Political Legitimacy and Media Portrayal. It is shown that the growth and decline hypotheses of political science are good explanations of the changes in political party size, but as in the Limited Activist Model the model is insufficient to explain all of the variations in the data. The Supply & Demand Model is able to explain the growth and decline in terms of what is exogenous and endogenous, but not how the party achieves their aims. For a Political Party to be successful they need to obtain a balance between the supply of members and the demand for members, while ensuring a healthy level of political legitimacy. The strengths of the Limited Activist Model are combined with the Supply & Demand Model in order to link what the party does and the context in which it is done, whilst exploring additional growth and decline mechanisms. A new approach to modelling political recruitment is outlined using a combination of the growth and decline hypotheses of political science and the epidemiological based approaches, the Hybrid Model. A disaggregated view of political party membership was used to take into consideration the different activity levels among activists in order to link recruitment to specific membership activity. Aspects such as party competition are also explored. The Hybrid Model was found to closely replicate known data, while linking what the party does and the context in which it is done. However, the large number of parameters made the initial state of the model difficult to estimate. As such, it is recommended that the Limited Activist Model and Supply & Demand model be used in unison instead of the Hybrid Model alone. The number and sensitivity of the factors within the Hybrid Model, and especially of the exogenous effects, suggest that no party can have a decisive corrective effect on its demise. To investigate this further, more research is proposed with regards to the type of members being recruited and how they joined, along with more research into the influence of the media. It is suggested that a more sophisticated model of leaving might also assist the party in determining how much of the change in membership is endogenous and in the party's control, and how much is exogenous and as such, partly out of their control. From the research carried out in this thesis it is suggested that political parties should be concerned about the recent decline in membership levels, and look for ways to enthuse existing supporters into recruiting members of the public in order to boost political legitimacy and ultimately win elections.
12
Ometto, Maria Paola Di Sessa de Luca. „Implicit corporate political activity and elite formation“. reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/12077.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Submitted by Maria Paola Ometto (paolaometto@hotmail.com) on 2014-10-02T03:18:59Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
OMETTO, MP 2014 Implicit Corporate Political Activity and Elite Formation.pdf: 900307 bytes, checksum: 79735858f1d84de1cf2b623c0149cf16 (MD5)Rejected by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Bom dia Maria Paola. Conforme as Normas APA/ABNT, é necessário fazer alguns ajustes para que possamos dar andamento ao seu processo. *A numeração das paginas devem aparecer a partir do sumário. *Terceira folha deve ser a ficha catalográfica; *Quarta folha deve ser a composição da Banca; *Quinta folha - agradecimento (inglês) a palavra deve estar centralizada na folha. *Sexta folha deve ser o Abstract (a palavra deve estar centralizada) *Sétima folha - deve conter o resumo em português (a palavra deve estar centralizada). Em normas é necessário que tenham 2 línguas, neste caso inglês e deve ter o português. Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição. Pâmela Tonsa 3799-7852 on 2014-10-02T10:33:31Z (GMT)
Submitted by Maria Paola Ometto (paolaometto@hotmail.com) on 2014-10-02T15:39:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 OMETTO, MP 2014 Implicit Corporate Political Activity and Elite Formation.pdf: 906209 bytes, checksum: 6c651af23b68230e19ad207b18e95728 (MD5)
Rejected by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Maria Paola, Infelizmente imprimi a folha e realmente esta em azul o testo do RESUMO. Verifique o titulo RESUMO e o texto, existe diferença. Todo deve estar em PRETO. Favor submeter novamente. Att, Pâmela Tonsa 3799-7852 on 2014-10-06T19:53:30Z (GMT)
Submitted by Maria Paola Ometto (paolaometto@hotmail.com) on 2014-10-07T16:28:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 OMETTO, MP 2014 Implicit Corporate Political Activity and Elite Formation.pdf: 905981 bytes, checksum: c85c9334e69eb77503315b325c19bbea (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2014-10-07T17:10:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 OMETTO, MP 2014 Implicit Corporate Political Activity and Elite Formation.pdf: 905981 bytes, checksum: c85c9334e69eb77503315b325c19bbea (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-07T18:51:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 OMETTO, MP 2014 Implicit Corporate Political Activity and Elite Formation.pdf: 905981 bytes, checksum: c85c9334e69eb77503315b325c19bbea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-25
In this thesis, we analyze how a progressive business elite created the civil society organization Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), achieving significant institutional changes, thus enabling the elite’s consolidation in the political sphere. The research yielded three articles. The first article discusses how RNSP became a strong political actor in the City of São Paulo and also in Brazil. To address this issue, we applied historical constructs to show how RNSP used history to become a central actor in the political sphere. In the second paper, we complement corporate political activity (CPA) theory by adding a new construct, implicit corporate political activity (ICPA), which conceptualizes how business elites together with civil society organizations can influence government. Since government, corporations and civil society organizations now have blurred boundaries; we understand that this concept is extremely important in drawing attention and creating new avenues for research in this novel environment. In the final article, we show the micro foundations of ICPA. Specifically, how business elites and corporations influence RNSP and, indirectly, government. Concluding, we contribute to the literature on how business influences government and the public sphere indirectly, through civil society organizations. Theoretically, we illuminate the literature of institutional theory, history, and power.
Nesta tese, analisamos como a elite empresarial progressista criou a organização da sociedade civil Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), alcançando mudanças institucionais significativas, permitindo assim a consolidação da elite na esfera política. A pesquisa resultou em três artigos. O primeiro artigo discute como a RNSP se tornou um forte ator político na cidade de São Paulo e também no Brasil. Para abordar esta questão, mostramos como a RNSP usou a história retórica para se tornar um ator central na esfera política. No segundo artigo, propomos o conceito de atividade política corporativa implícita (ICPA), complementar a atividade política corporativa. Conceituamos ICPA como elites empresariais em conjunto com organizações da sociedade civil agindo para influenciar o governo. Com os limites entre o governo, as empresas e organizações da sociedade civil difusos; entendemos que este conceito é extremamente importante para chamar a atenção e criar novos caminhos para a pesquisa sobre a influência das empresas no governo. No último artigo, mostramos os micro fundamentos da ICPA. Especificamente, como as elites empresariais e corporações influenciam a RNSP e, indiretamente, o governo. Concluindo, contribuímos para a literatura sobre a influência das empresas no governo e na esfera pública indiretamente, por meio de organizações da sociedade civil. Teoricamente, estendemos a literatura de teoria institucional, história e poder.
13
Nkosi, Tumishang. „Aquaculture in South Africa : using the triple helix model to explore innovation activity in institutional spheres“. Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/52277.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The quest for economic growth across the globe and the focus on Africa as an emerging economic giant are resulting in the need for appropriate structures aimed at nurturing the growth of regions in Africa. The decentralisation of globalisation in favor of regionalisation is accompanied by the requirement for regional competitiveness that is underpinned by innovation. The rapid pace of change as a characteristic of the modern day business environment highlights a paradigm shift of the generation and commercialisation of innovative new ideas. Collaboration in innovation introduces brand new ways of realising the benefits of recreating the roles and responsibilities of the three pillars of any given economy : the government, the academia and the industry. The main purpose of this study was to use the triple helix model of innovation to explore the model in practice within the context of an industry that has high growth potential but that was experiencing slugging growth, with the aim of identifying the structure of the triple helix system and the elements thereof that may be inhibiting the sector. Secondary data collection and primary data collection phases were used during the study, the latter of which was in the form of a qualitative data collection methodology. The first phase of secondary data collection was used to gain insights into an underdeveloped industry that was deficient of comprehensive industry information sources as a result of its development status. The output of the first phase of data collection was used as input to design a questionnaire to be to collect primary data. A sample of ten respondents was interviewed during the primary data collection process. The sample consisted of two respondents from the government, two respondents from academia and six respondents from industry.
The outcome of the study revealed that the presence of a well-structured and well-functioning triple helix system did not guarantee collaborative innovation success. The absence legislation in a triple helix system seemed to weaken the benefits sought from a triple helix approach to innovation in a sector. The key finding of the study was that the rules of the game within a triple helix system should precede the efforts of managing the elements of the triple helix system. By setting the rules of the game upfront, the individual institutional spheres would be in a position to willingly adopt the roles of the other institutional spheres from a position of positive collaboration instead of frustration.Mini Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
ms2016
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MBA
Unrestricted
14
Phelan, Anne M. „An examination of teaching as practical political activity“. Diss., This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08082007-120009/.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
15
Ekman, Joakim. „Schools, Democratic Socialization and Political Participation: Political Activity and Passivity among Swedish Youths“. Södertörns högskola, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27399.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
16
Kaczorowski, Florence. „Les américaines et la politisation de la sphère privée dans l'après seconde guerre mondiale“. Thesis, Lille 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL30048/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cette thèse examine différents facteurs ayant permis la reconfiguration de la sphère privée/domestique, considérée comme le domaine non-politique de la famille et de l’intime, en objet crucial de débat politique et en lieu d’action politique légitime dans l’après-seconde guerre mondiale (1945-1973).Au cœur du processus, trois phénomènes majeurs : la militarisation de l’espace civil privé, la résurgence de l’idéal du « foyer chrétien » dans un climat moraliste et familialiste et la valorisation du foyer consumériste, « centre de la liberté », où se jouait la défense du système capitaliste dans le conflit idéologique opposant les États-Unis à l’U.R.S.S. Durant cette période, l’articulation privé-public s’est vue renégociée, à la faveur du phénomène de politisation du privé et du surcroît de légitimité accordé aux enjeux associés à ce domaine et, par extension, aux femmes censées en garantir l’intégrité. Trois études de cas, s’appuyant sur de riches sources archivistiques jusqu’ici largement inexploitées, permettent de prendre la pleine mesure de cette renégociation et de rendre compte de l’adoption de nouvelles formes de pratiques politiques à domicile (‘kitchen-table activism’) par un grand nombre de femmes blanches des classes moyennes-supérieures. Ce mode d’activisme, réconciliant vie domestique, sociabilité féminine et engagement militant, fut mis au service tant des organisations féminines progressistes et conservatrices que des ‘Women’s Divisions’ des partis politiques. Dans quelle mesure son expansion reflétait-t-elle la politisation de ses adeptes et la hausse de leur participation politique durant une période de latence du mouvement féministe ? Leur engagement en marge de la sphère institutionnelle s’est-il accompagné d’un accroissement de leur représentation en politique ? Ou la période a-t-elle vu, au contraire, leur avancée dans ce champ retardée en raison de cette mobilisation fondée sur une vision traditionnelle des femmes et des relations de genre ?This thesis examines various factors that have led to the reconfiguration of the private / domestic sphere, considered as the non-political domain of the family and the intimate, as a crucial subject for political debate and as a legitimate place of political action in the aftermath At the heart of the process were three major phenomena: the militarization of private civil space, the resurgence of the ideal of the "Christian home" in a moralist and familialist climate, and the valorization of the home Consumerism, the "center of freedom", where the defense of the capitalist system was played out in the ideological conflict between the United States and the USSR During this period, the private-public articulation was renegotiated, thanks to the phenomenon of politicization of the private sector and the additional legitimacy granted to the stakes associated with this domain and, by extension, to the women who are supposed to guarantee the integrity . Three case studies, based on rich archival sources that have so far been largely untapped, make it possible to take full account of this renegotiation and to account for the adoption of new forms of policy-making at home ('kitchen-table activism ') By a large number of white women of the middle-upper classes. This mode of activism, reconciling domestic life, feminine sociability and militant commitment, was put to the service of progressive and conservative women's organizations as well as women's divisions of political parties. To what extent did its expansion reflect the politicization of its followers and the rise of their political participation during a latent period of the feminist movement ? Have their involvement in the margins of the institutional sphere been accompanied by an increase in their representation in politics ? Or did the period, on the contrary, see their advance in this delayed field because of this mobilization based on a traditional view of women and gender relations ?
17
劉榮錦 und Wing Kam Raymond Lau. „The socio-political impact of economic reforms and the nature of the 1989 mass movement in Beijing“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237228.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
18
Dunn, Archibald. „The interaction of secular public institutions and provincial communities in the political and economic spheres in late antiquity“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520238.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Studies of Byzantine regional history, including Macedonia's, have not normally engaged with overarching problems of economic history, yet regional case studies are essential to their exploration. Five avenues of enquiry are explored to create a framework for the discussion of the economic history of Late Antique Macedonia: (1) the pre-modern configuration of Aegean Macedonia's landscapes, the range of exploitations practised within them, and the fluctuating levels of their intensity; (2) the organization of the imperial and civic administration, and army, and the appearance and demise of their institutions; (3) stability, instability, and the response to invasion, migration and barbarian settlement; (4) the typology and distribution of four categories of Late Antique successors to the Greco-Roman towns and cities of the region; (5) five case-studies of distributions of categories of "successor settlement" relative to distributions of rural settlements or rural churches, to landscape-types, to landscape-archaeology, and to politico-administrative history. It is argued that only this interdisciplinary approach unlocks the economic, but also social and cultural, history of even a "core" province and region such as Macedonia. Trends and patterns observable under most headings are then corroborated or further elucidated within the framework of developments throughout Illyricum and Thrace. The implications of all these studies for Macedonia's economic history during Late Antiquity are then discussed within the framework of studies of other regions of Late Antique Greece.
19
Liedong, Tahiru Azaaviele. „Corporate political activity and firm performance - a systematic review“. Thesis, Cranfield University, 2013. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/8065.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Corporate political activity (CPA) has been recognized as a source of sustainable competitive advantage. Its proponents, mostly nonmarket strategy researchers, argue that political capital enables firms to influence their regulatory and policy environments, shape their competitive space, and improve their performance. Consequently, there is a widely held view that the performance of firms depends not only on the ability of managers to exploit economic markets but also on their ability to succeed in political markets. To test the value of political activism, recent scholarship has probed the relationship between CPA and firm performance. However, random mixed findings and the fragmented nature of the field raise more questions than provide answers to the nature of this relationship. This systematic review examines scholarly articles for evidence of the impact of CPA on firm value.
Drawing on 56 articles contributing to the topic and applying the CIMO-logic method of synthesis, this study discusses the findings within a framework of four elements. First, it examines the contexts within which CPA has been investigated. Second, it presents findings on the strategies that are studied. Third, it investigates the performance outcomes of CPA. Fourth, it explores the mechanisms that underpin the performance outcomes of CPA. The findings suggest that CPA is positively related to firm performance, an indication that there is value in political activism. However, counter evidence is reported by a few studies. The evidence also reveals that institutional contexts impact the political strategies used by firms or studied by researchers. Even though most of the studies lack theoretical grounding, social capital, cronyism and agency relationships are the popularly cited or implied mechanisms underlying the CPA-firm performance relationship. Following from the discussion, two propositions linking contexts, interventions, and outcomes are developed. The study suggests future research directions based on the gaps/limitations identified in the literature.
20
Mok, Hing-luen, und 莫慶聯. „A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
21
Wright, Fiona Catherine. „Conflicted subjects : an ethnography of Jewish Israeli left-wing activism in Israel/Palestine“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708438.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
22
Aviles, Grisselle. „How U.S. political and socio-economic trends promotes hacktivist activity“. Thesis, Utica College, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1590361.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Hacktivist activity is becoming increasingly prominent within the cyber domain and society. The boundaries between cyber terrorism and hacktivism are becoming more unclear. Hackers are becoming more skilled and involved in socio-political matters, not only in the U.S. but also internationally. Terrorist groups like the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) have found a venue to voice their ideals and recruit via social media. Furthermore, terrorist groups have partnerships with hacktivist groups such as Cyber Caliphates. This practice has pointed particular inclinations that characterize different hacker groups with different events. For this reason, computer security has become a matter of national security in the U.S. and research regarding political and socio-economic trends as stimuli for the increment on hacktivist activity must be conducted. This research explored the issue of profiling hacktivist groups, departing from the analysis of the hacker’s motivation as a product of a political and socio-economic environment. As comparative angles of analysis, the literature exposed empirical and factual information that integrated U.S. and international hacktivist events. The final research analysis proposed that U.S. political and socio-economic trends promoted hacktivist activity. Moreover, the research exposed that the existent relationship between extrinsic and intrinsic stimuli with political and socio-economical stressors (i.e., misrepresentation, restriction of freedoms, frustration and aggression) promotes hackers to act as hacktivists. Keywords: Psychological profiling; Professor Riddell, Hackers; Hacktivist; Hacktivism; Political Hacktivism; Socio-economic Hacktivism; Extrinsic stimuli; Intrinsic stimuli; Cyber Diplomacy; Cyber Constitution; Cybercrime Awareness Normalization Unit.
23
Hogwood, Patricia C. „The creative role of the political party in coalition activity“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306181.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
24
Banerjee, Hasi. „Political activity of the Liberal Party in India, 1919-1937 /“. Calcutta ; New Delhi : K P Bagchi, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40163228j.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
25
Bunis, William Kane. „Social movement activity and institutionalized politics: A study of the relationship between political party strength and social movement activity in the United States“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186323.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The relationship between social movement activity and conventional politics has received little systematic attention from the sociological social movements literature. In this dissertation I bring together diverse literatures (i.e., the social movement literature in Sociology and the interest group and political party literature in Political Science) to broaden our conceptualization of social movement activity and to understand more adequately the changing nature of that activity. The central premise of this dissertation is that variation in the openness or accessibility of the political opportunity structure is shaped, in part, by the strength of the political parties. The central proposition is that an erosion of political party strength is associated with an increase in social movement activity within institutionalized politics. Without the centrist demands of a traditional two-party political system, the system is vulnerable to a more diverse set of demands as well as a more extreme set of demands. A second proposition suggests that the degree to which a given party has been in or out of power at the presidential level shapes party vulnerability to social movement interests. This may reflect a natural tendency for parties to become increasingly vulnerable to more radical interests over their period of dominance. To address these questions, an historical analysis of party conventions and party platform battles is utilized. The analysis is designed to yield an empirical description of the tensions between the centrist interests of a traditional two-party system and more radical interests associated with an erosion of party strength in such a system. The significance of these arguments rests upon their demonstration of a faulty conceptualization of institutional versus noninstitutional strategies of collective action that permeates much of the sociological social movements literature. I argue that the distinction should not follow an either/or mentality. Rather, under varying historical circumstances the embeddedness of movement interests within institutional structures should be and is variable as well.
26
Yee, Shui-yew, und 余瑞堯. „An empirical study of the political participation of Hong Kong sixth form students: the relationship betweencritical thinking and political participation“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31957584.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
27
Constantinidou, Anna-Anastasia. „The separation of the temporal and the divine spheres : the moral and political implications of 'secularisation', c.1580-c.1620“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/29068.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis addresses the problem of the challenges posed to the role and status of the revealed Christian religion and theology in people’s lives and world-views in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and expressed by thinkers of the period in western Europe. Although these challenges have been long regarded by historians within the general notion of ‘secularisation’, this was not the case for the period in question. That religion was inescapable for the period in question is indisputable; therefore, what did, in fact, characterise the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was a growing uneasiness, a questioning of the role of religion, a fluidity of the boundaries between sacred and profane and a continuous redefinition of fundamental concepts. In view of that, in place of terms ‘secularism’ and ‘secularisation’ this thesis prefers to talk about the distancing between the temporal and the divine spheres. The focus of this dissertation is on some aspects of this vast question. This thesis examines four case studies from four different areas of what now constitutes western Europe. It looks at the writings of four very influential thinkers of the period c.1580 - c.1620: Pierre Charron, a French theologian (1541-1603); the work of Justus Lipsius, a Flemish scholar (1547-1606); the work of Paolo Sarpi, a Venetian friar and advisor to the Venetian Republic (1552-1623); and lastly, the work of King James VI of Scotland and I of England (1566-1625). All four authors grappled in their works with the question of the status of religion as a defining factor in the way people conceived of the Church, the state, politics in general, truth and ethics, sacred and profane - ideas about divine and temporal morality and their relation; the distinction between public and private; separation of ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction; the distinction between an internalised notion of religion and an external; theory and practice; and finally the relation and compatibility (or not) of religion with politics; religion and philosophy; and politics and morality. What makes these contemplatives additionally interesting is that they were regarded as ambivalent in their religious convictions. In this respect, this thesis is essentially an exploration in the world of ideas and shared assumptions (mentalities), addressing questions regarding the ‘limits of the thinkable’ and the ways in which people of the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century understood the world around them and its structures. Alongside this main issue, the dissertation is also interested in questions pertaining to the implantation and circulation of ideas, and appropriations of intellectual themes, while also addressing some aspect of the complex relationship between theory and practice.
28
Chui, Wing-tak Ernest, und 徐永德. „Political participation in Hong Kong: the politicization of social workers“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3197532X.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
29
Minto, Amy M. „Nonmarket Autonomy| Combining Private and Collective Approaches to Corporate Political Activity“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10142268.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
By pursuing private and collective political action in the nonmarket environment, businesses attempt to influence public policy that shapes their operating environment. This dissertation considers how a firm’s market-based experience and its accumulation of political resources affect how the firm combines private and collective political tactics. Drawing on the resource-based view of the firm (RBV) I investigate how a firm’s alliance experience, political resources and prior collective political experience influence the autonomy of its Corporate Political Activity (CPA). I use fixed effects GLS regression with clustered standard errors to test my model on a panel of 21,329 firm/year observations of 2,779 U.S. property casualty insurance companies over the ten-year period between 2005 and 2014. I find support for the influence of state-level political resources, equity alliances, and the interaction of prior collective CPA experience with regulatory complexity and learning capacity on autonomy. My findings contribute to the growing literature connecting market and non-market strategies by linking collaboration in the political arena to the related market activity of alliance experience. Findings also contribute to our understanding of how participation in a collective provides opportunities for learning, and reveals that taking advantage of this opportunity depends on a firm’s learning capacity and the complexity of its regulatory environment. These findings add insight to the literatures on CPA, inter-organizational learning, collective action and trade associations.
30
Minto, Amy. „Nonmarket Autonomy: Combining Private and Collective Approaches to Corporate Political Activity“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20502.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
By pursuing private and collective political action in the nonmarket environment, businesses attempt to influence public policy that shapes their operating environment. This dissertation considers how a firm’s market-based experience and its accumulation of political resources affect how the firm combines private and collective political tactics. Drawing on the resource-based view of the firm (RBV) I investigate how a firm’s alliance experience, political resources and prior collective political experience influence the autonomy of its Corporate Political Activity (CPA). I use fixed effects GLS regression with clustered standard errors to test my model on a panel of 21,329 firm/year observations of 2,779 U.S. property casualty insurance companies over the ten-year period between 2005 and 2014. I find support for the influence of state-level political resources, equity alliances, and the interaction of prior collective CPA experience with regulatory complexity and learning capacity on autonomy. My findings contribute to the growing literature connecting market and non-market strategies by linking collaboration in the political arena to the related market activity of alliance experience. Findings also contribute to our understanding of how participation in a collective provides opportunities for learning, and reveals that taking advantage of this opportunity depends on a firm’s learning capacity and the complexity of its regulatory environment. These findings add insight to the literatures on CPA, inter-organizational learning, collective action and trade associations.
31
Schmid, Sophia. „The Political Potential of Women’s Voluntary Activity in Refugee Support Work“. Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20885.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Die vorliegende Arbeit beruht auf der Beobachtung, dass in der Geflüchtetenarbeit (GA) vor allem Frauen aktiv sind und stellt die Frage, welche Rolle Geschlecht in der GA spielt und wie die weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen ihre Arbeit mit den Geflüchteten erfahren. Besonderes Augenmerk liegt auf der Wahrnehmung von Unterschiedlichkeit und Gemeinsamkeit. Ein dritter Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Strategien, die weibliche Ehrenamtliche einsetzen, um Differenz in der Arbeit mit Geflüchteten zu überwinden.
Das erste Paper analysiert zwei quantitative Studien mit deutschen Ehrenamtlichen in der Geflüchtetenhilfe. Es zeigt, dass GA als eine Form von „Care Work“ verstanden werden kann, die von Care-Ethik beeinflusst ist. An zweiter Stelle ergab die Analyse, dass vor allem weibliche Freiwillige ihr Engagement auch als gesellschaftspolitischen Einsatz gegen Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus sahen. Somit argumentiert das Paper, dass GA entgegen traditionellen Annahmen in der Forschungsliteratur eine Form von politischer Partizipation von Frauen darstellt.
Das zweite Paper konzentriert sich auf die direkte Beziehung mit Geflüchteten und basiert auf 22 qualitativen Interviews mit weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen. Sozialpsychologischen Annahmen folgend, dass eine gemeinsame Identität zur Verringerung von Vorurteilen beiträgt, zeigt es auf, wie die Studienteilnehmerinnen Verbundenheit mit Geflüchteten herstellten. Demgegenüber betonen poststrukturalistische, postkoloniale und feministische Theorieansätze die Bedeutung von Differenz, die Konstruktionen von Gemeinsamkeit immer wieder durchschneidet.
Schließlich führt das dritte Paper den politischen Care-Ansatz und die Herausforderung durch Differenz zusammen und legt dar, wie weibliche Ehrenamtliche in der GA Differenz mithilfe care-ethischer Grundsätze zu Integration aushandeln. Das Paper bezieht sich auf Care-Ethik, die auf Beziehungen und Verantwortung als zentralen ethischen Maximen beruht und entwickelt die Idee einer ‚caring integration‘.In German refugee support work (RSW), women comprise the majority of the volunteers. Therefore, this PhD project focuses on the experiences, motivations and attitudes of female volunteers in RSW from three angles. Apart from investigating the role of gender in RSW, it studies constructions of sameness and difference and how the female volunteers resolve the latter in their daily work. The first paper analyses two quantitative studies on German volunteers in RSW. It first establishes that RSW can be conceptualised as a form of care work influenced by care ethics, which potentially forms one motive for women to be drawn to volunteering. Secondly, female volunteers also interpret their voluntary care work politically and employ it as a tool to speak out against racism and right-wing mobilisation. The paper thus demonstrates that contrary to traditional assumptions in the literature, RSW constitutes a form of political participation for women and argues that care and politics are not mutually exclusive. The second paper takes a closer look at the actual experience of female volunteers in RSW based on 22 qualitative interviews. Following social-psychological ideas of a common identity facilitating prejudice reduction, the paper first illustrates how the volunteers form bonds with refugees. However, in a second step it employs poststructural, feminist and postcolonial theory to demonstrate how difference continually intersects and disrupts these constructions of sameness. Finally, the third paper argues that female volunteers in RSW negotiate difference by following a care-ethical approach to integration. Based on the feminist ethics of care which centres on relationships and responsibility, the paper develops the theme of a ‘caring integration’. In addition, it investigates to what extent this notion can be found in the actual practice of female volunteers in refugee support work relying both on the quantitative and qualitative data.
32
Alvarez, Amanda Milena. „Risk Acceptance and Contentious Politics: An Understanding of Protest Activity“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/581245.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Political SciencePh.D.
What are the individual characteristics which motivate individuals to participate in contentious politics? This dissertation claims that risk acceptance as a psychological concept allows us to understand the individual predispositions that impact participation in protest activity. This dissertation project is significant to the field of political science in that it theorizes about the characteristics that make individuals risk acceptant and utilizes risk acceptance in the study of contentious politics, which has not been done before. I import claims from social psychology to highlight how lack of completion of several life cycle markers-which I name risk weights, such as marriage, parental status, and educational attainment amongst others-make individuals more risk acceptant. Once these risk weights are mapped onto risk, it allows one to determine and explain when protest activity is likely to occur. My dissertation uses a mixed-method approach to examine the relationship between risk acceptance and contentious politics. It is divided into the following components: one measure for risk acceptance, two online experiments, and field interviews in Chile. There are two main claims that this project posts: The first is that high levels of risk acceptance correspond with higher likelihood of participation in different forms of contentious political events, with case study work focusing on protest activity in Latin America. The second claim is that risk acceptance is a function of risk weights. The more risk weights that an individual has, the less likely they are to participate in contentious politics. Conversely, the fewer risk weights that an individual has, the more likely they are to participate in contentious political action. One of the important contributions of my work is that it treats risk acceptance as a purely psychological factor, one that is stable and only changes in accordance with risk weights, but that is not impacted by the context in which individuals are embedded. This means that the decision to participate or not participate in contentious political action is a function of the interaction between risk acceptance and some other contextual factors which are beyond the scope of my present research. This dissertation aims to identify the likelihood of participation for any individual. Social psychology has been underutilized in the study of contentious politics and can provide insights into why individuals self-select into these movements. In the context of worldwide mass mobilization, this allows us to understand the underlying individual psychological predispositions that lead to mass mobilizations and waves of mobilizations. Examining how these psychological mechanisms manifest themselves into various forms of contentious politics has important potential applications for the study of contentious politics.
Temple University--Theses
33
Dahl, Viktor. „Breaking the law : adolescents' involvement in illegal political activitiy“. Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-33225.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Illegal political activity has always been part of a democratic society. Despite this, not much is known about young people’s involvement in these political activities. Research portrays political influence attempts of this kind in different terms; as troublesome for the democratic political system, as expressions of conscious decisions vital for humanity’s future, and yet other times as illustrations of a coming-of-age rebellion. Overall there is a lack of collective knowledge on illegal political activity, and especially in adolescence – the age period when these political activities seem to peak. The aim of this dissertation is therefore to enhance knowledge of involvement in illegal political activity in adolescence. This dissertation addresses this task in four empirical studies. Results show that mostly boys engage politically with illegal political means. Adolescents involved are also interested in politics, believe in their own abilities to take part in political activities, have long-term political goals, and approve of violent political tactics. In addition, these activities also seem to associate with a challenge of authority. This could be seen in how political dissatisfaction was translated into illegal political activity, and in the way these activities seemed to be reactions to a non legitimized parental authority. Besides authority challenges, these activities are likely the result of important peer relations; influences from peers with experiences of illegal political activity seem to be a most probable answer to why adolescents adopt these political means. Taken together, the results of this dissertation show that adolescents involved in illegal political activity are well-equipped for political involvement, challenge authorities in most contexts of their lives, and are likely to adopt these political means from already involved peers.
34
Sarebanha, Mahgol. „Muslim political mobilization in the United States : 2001-2004“. Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101894.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Muslim-American community faced a crucial moment after the events of September 11th to define themselves both at home in the United States and abroad. The years which followed brought about an increasingly mobilized, better organized group of Muslim-Americans who made a decision to become more active members of American society through participating in the political system, something very difficult if not impossible in their native countries. Those who answered the call did so in different ways. One way as shown in this study was through taking a bold step and running for the United States Congress and for the first time in U.S. history, the first Muslim was elected to the House of Representatives. For the first time, the oath of office was taken on the Qur'an. The Muslim-American community, especially the immigrant population, is highly educated and successful and as generations pass, they will become a more visible part of the American landscape.
35
Yeung, Law Koon-chui Agnes, und 楊羅觀翠. „Intergroup relationships and the political orientation of Chinese youth“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235451.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
36
Muluk, Safrul. „The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977“. Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
37
Holz, Christian. „The public spheres of climate change advocacy networks : an ethnography of Climate Action Network International within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3696/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Climate change is the most important issue of our time due to its potential to very seriously disrupt the life sustaining systems of planet Earth as well as its intersec-tions with other important challenges facing humanity. The United Nations Frame-work Convention on Climate Change is the key platform upon which the political process of international climate change politics takes place. The aim of this work is to produce an analysis of the role of transnational climate change advocacy networks in this political process and their internal power dynamics and thus contributing to the understanding of a crucial aspect of this political process. To advance this aim, this thesis engages with two objectives. First, a detailed ethnography is developed which serves to illustrate the political work of the environmental advocacy NGOs involved within this process, especially those that are members of Climate Action Network International (CAN-I). This approach is suitable to uncover the internal dynamics and structures of that NGO network as well as its complex and multi-layered relationships within the larger political configuration of the UNFCCC treaty process. Secondly, the investigation is advanced by analysing this ethnography through the lens of a critical theory of the public sphere. In particular, this analysis features more contemporary conceptualisations of the public sphere which stress the multiplicity of the public sphere concept including notions such as internal and external public spheres, counterpublics, and nested public spheres. Owing to this research design, the thesis has a degree of hybridity: it is expressly both an empirical thesis, with strong empirical flavour imparted by the focus on the detailed ethnographic account, as well a theoretical thesis offering an original contribution that is advanced throughout the thesis. The main theoretical thesis and contribution is that the theory of the public sphere is appropriate to analyse the political practice of civil society engagement on a transnational level if it is further developed to allow for greater degree of multiplicity and a broader conceptualisation of the notions of the “centre of authority” and the translation of the public opinion.
38
Chang, Yan Margaret, und 章茵. „A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977273.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
39
Hadani, Michael. „Governance mechanisms and corporate political activity ownership considerations in a non-market context /“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
40
Tonge, Jonathan. „The politics of the anti-poll tax movement : a study of local activity“. Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283224.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Non-payment of the poll tax amounted to the largest campaign of civil disobedience in postwar Britain. Despite this, there has been scant academic investigation of either the basis or organisation of protest. This thesis attempts an original contribution to . knowledge by exploring the role of anti-poll tax organisations in promoting dissent against the charge. . Specifically, the piece examines the applicability and inadequacy of existing theories of pressure groups and social movements in accounting for the development and organisational tendencies of such groups. Using a case study approach based in three localities, the thesis examines the size, structure . and motivations of the anti-poll tax movement. Beginning with an examination of the poll tax itself, the thesis explores how weaknesses in the recovery legislation provided a valuable resource for a campaign of opposition based upon a fusion of economic circumstance and moralism. In assessing the nature of 'outsider' movement politics, the failure of parliamentary opposition to the charge and the subsequent refusal of opposition political parties to countenance non-payment are explored. The thesis argues that the anti-poll tax movement highlighted the growing redundancy of distinctions between pressure groups and social movements. Modem protest groups are frequently based upon informal networks with loose membership, based around collective action: - Within the anti-poll tax movement, the thesis highlights important differences between a largely class-based, sustained Scottish movement and a more transient, diverse campaign elsewhere. However, commonalities existed throughout the movement, based around a rejection of central control and a favouring of decentralised, localised opposition.
41
Theron, Jean Monique. „Political Consumerism: Possibilities for International Norm Change“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4109.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
MAThesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.
42
Victor, David G. „Effective multilateral regulation of industrial activity : institutions for policing and adjusting binding and nonbinding legal commitments“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10038.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
43
Liggons, Kwali N. „Activity versus Achievement: A Closer Look at Young Adult Participation in the Political Process between 1972-2008“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1357.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The work of the collective research in this thesis is to provide concise insights about the inputs that are responsible for the process by which young adults develop civic competence and how this translates into active participation among young adults in the political process over time. Research for this thesis explores how key concepts of socialization, task generalization, shifts in young adult voting trends between 1972-2008, the role of social research statistics, and political theory informs the role of socialization in the development of civic competence in young adult voters. This thesis also explores critical social contexts, direct and indirect influence of family units, how critical moments in the academic careers of young adults take effect in college and ultimately young adulthood, what shifts in voting trends further indicate, and lastly the role that social media plays in the modern landscape of young adults becoming politically active and in a larger effort to assess core features of the young adult involvement in the political process following the passage of the 26th Amendment based on scholarly research in the aforementioned areas and relevant national studies.
By all cited statistics, with the exception of the 2008 presidential election, voting among young adults since 1972 has fallen precipitously. Contrary to traditional beliefs, which suggest that young adults are disengaged with the political process, key research findings indicate a shift in the means by which young adults engage in the political process. For example, at an increasing rate since 1972 young adults seek demonstrate their participation in the political process through hands on mechanisms such as volunteerism. Secondly, given the advent of Facebook, MySpace, YouTube and other social networks, young adults have largely transitioned the ways that they gather information about the political process from traditional means, such as newspapers, televised news broadcasts to social networks. Personal suggestions for increasing rates of young adult participation in the political process include a critical need for civic education curriculum in schooling systems that present contextual lessons on civic duty and how individual participation fits in the political process. Ultimately, the aim of this research is twofold: (1) to explain what are the key drivers of young adult participation in the political process, and (2) to shed light on the role young adults have in reshaping the political process for current and future generations.
44
Folik, Abdul. „Arab political Islam and the Muslim Brotherhood : analysing an influence on the political activity of British Muslims between 1989-2009“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30340/.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
45
Molnar, Donald. „The Winnipeg general strike : class, ethnicity and class formation in Canada“. Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64052.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
46
Wagener, Debra Lorraine. „Identity, dissatisfaction and political activity : the experience of east German women since unification“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288876.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfilment of expectations arising from socialisation in the GDR has led to a level of dissatisfaction amongst east German women which could act as a stimulus for political mobilisation. Finally, the thesis investigates the links between dissatisfaction and political activity amongst east German women and concludes that they display both political will and ability despite disempowerment in the GDR but also that there are signs of characteristics specific to east German women relating to disillusion and withdrawal. It also notes, however, that east German women have recorded signficant achievements in retaining more typically 'east German biographies' and that their individual resistance to change may prove to be their most powerful political weapon.
47
van, Geffen Robert. „Essays on the career paths and legislative activity of Members of the European Parliament“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3736/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Being a politician has become a profession for many. With the development of the European Parliament (EP) into an influential institution at the European level, building a career in the EP has become an interesting option for politicians. This thesis studies the different career paths of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and explores how these career paths and MEPs’ ambitions have an impact on their participation in the legislative process and thereby the way they represent citizens. This thesis is based on three empirical research papers. The first paper identifies two career paths that MEPs might follow, in addition to the three others which are generally used, and links these to the activities of MEPs in parliament. I find that an MEP’s career path and ambitions are relevant in explaining certain legislative behaviour across member states and party groups. The second paper looks at the career ambitions of MEPs and finds that MEPs’ career paths are also the result of expressed ambitions by politicians themselves, despite their dependence on party leadership and the second-order nature of EP elections. MEPs looking to pursue a career in the EP are more actively involved in the parliament’s activities. This higher level of participation and acquired policy influence is rewarded when MEPs stand for re-election. The third paper looks at the group of MEPs who become lobbyists after their time in parliament. Building on what is known from Washington, this paper finds that being on a powerful committee, from a smaller political group and having a longer tenure make it more likely that an MEP becomes a lobbyist. The findings across the three papers support the idea that the career paths and ambitions of politicians provide an important explanation when trying to understand an MEP’s willingness to invest resources in the EP’s legislative process.
48
Cengiz, Kurtulus. „Civil Society At The Boundaries Of Public And Private Spheres: The Internal Dynamics Of Three Csos In Turkey“. Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606029/index.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study tries to understand the internal dynamics of the civil society organizations in Turkey on the experiences of three CSOs: the Ankara Branches of KADER, MAZLUMDER and IMO by focusing on the intra&ndashorganizational practices (the decision making processes, elections, general meetings, division of labor, basic conflicts and divergences, the disagreements, the way of deliberation and consensus). It tries to shed light on the transformative potential of the CSO&rsquo
s in public sphere as civil organizations themselves in time both in the sense of their political stances and organizational structure. The research was designed in the form of a case study including both the depth interwiews and participant observations. In this framework, ten depth-interviews were made with members having different qualities for each of these CSOs and participant observations were realized in the general meetings, elections and activities of these organizations. Since the aim of this study is to understand the contribution of the CSOs to the public sphere, the research findings were interpreted and considered basically in the light of the two main theoretical positions: the deliberative (Habermas) and agonistic (Laclau and Mouffe) democracy. The study espoused a post-structuralist conception of democracy combined with a weakened model of deliberation and dialogue pointing out the requirement of the existential publicity of man (Arendt) in the world. In this context, this study tries to discuss the following questions within the framework of the public sphere experience of the three CSOs throughout the thesis. Is the concept of civil society a proper concept for understanding the peculiar experience of Turkey (with reference to the historical context of civil associational life in Turkey and the recent civil resurrection)? Do civil organizations have the capacity to serve for deepening and consolidation of democracy in public sphere? Are these civil organizations democratic and participatory with regard to their intra-organizational structures and decision-making processes? And, more importantly, do they have any capacity to influence the process of democratic transformation in Turkey?
49
Toney, Jeffrey A. „Political engagement and social networking sites exploring the relationship between social networking sites and political engagement in young adults“. Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/713.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Social Networking Sites (SNS) have extremely high rates of young adult users. Facebook.com report.s that more than half of its users are of college age. Due to the increasing number of political figures and political information on SNS, this study analyzes the relationship between SNS and political engagement. Specifically, this study seeks to determine if adults' consumption of political information on SNS leads to higher levels of political engagement. Political engagement is broken down into three different variables: political knowledge, political interest, and political participation. This study draws its data from a sample of 355 undergraduate college students. Data was collected through a volunteer self-administered survey questionnaire. Three sections respectively measured political engagement, social networking site dependency for political information, and demographic information. Data were collected from a junior college and a private university in Northern California.
This study found a positive relationship between SNS dependency for political information and political interest and participation. In other words, individuals who depend on SNS for political information have higher levels of political interest and participation. There was no significant relationship found between political knowledge and SNS dependency. These results suggest that SNS may help foster political engagement in young adults.
50
Meyer, Christa. „Can gender come to the rescue of foreign policy? : an exploration into the ways in which the (mis)understanding of gender influences the making of foreign policy“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52725.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to provide a broad theoretical background of the ways in which gender has informed the making of foreign policy. It examines the various types of feminism in the zo" century and how they complement each other, criticize each other and have contributed to critical political debate. Realism as the dominant political paradigm of the zo" century comes under scrutiny and it is shown how it abets and supports male domination by cloaking it in neutral language and institutions that appear neutral. Foreign policy objectives are often linked to the national interest, which in itself is a problematic and contested concept. Foreign policy makers face new challenges today as the political landscape changes, often driven by multinational corporations who dictate the rules of political engagement. Not only has the international political arena changed drastically in the zo" century, but so has the domestic arena. Studies in foreign policy attitudes show marked differences along gender lines. Most studies focus on the pacifist attitudes of women, but this paper goes on to show how gendered theories of security, globalization, the environment and human rights could inform foreign policy makers and others who shape foreign policy agendas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om 'n bree teoretiese agtergrond te skep van die wyses waarin gender (geslag as 'n konstruksie) die skep van buitelandse beleid beinvloed. Dit bestudeer die verskeie tipes feminisme in die 20ste eeu en hoe hulle mekaar komplimenteer, mekaar kritiseer en bygedra het tot kritiese politieke debat. Realisme as die dominante paradigma van die 20ste eeu word noukeurig bestudeer en daar word gewys hoe hierdie paradigma manlike dominasie ondersteun deur dit te vermom in neutrale taal en instellings wat neutraal voorkom. Buitelandse beleid word dikwels gekoppel aan die nasionale belang wat op sigself 'n problematiese konsep is. Weens die veranderende internasionale politieke arena staar makers van buitelandse beleid nuwe uitdagings in die gesig, veral omdat multinasionale maatskappye dikwels die die reels van die spel bepaal. Studies toon dat gevoelens en houdings oor spesifieke buitelandse beleidskwessies dikwels verskillend vir mans en vrouens manifesteer. Meeste studies fokus op die ondersteuning van vrouens van vrede in kontras met geweld en oorlog. Hierdie tesis gaan verder deur te wys hoe 'gendered' teoriee van sekuriteit, globalisering, die omgewing en menseregte moontlik die skeppers van buitelandse beleid kan beinvloed.