Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Soviet Studies.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Soviet Studies“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "Soviet Studies" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
Katz, Mark N. „Beyond Soviet studies“. International Affairs 71, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1995): 898–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625194.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
2
Mir, Andrey. „Media-ecological engineering of the Soviets“. Explorations in Media Ecology 21, Nr. 2 (01.10.2022): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eme_00126_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article explores the hypothesis that the Soviets built a society on the principles of media ecology. The media ecology of the Soviets had three sources: the materialistic (economic) determinism of Marxism, the environmentalism of Russian literature and the Bolsheviks’ goals of socialist upbuilding. Moreover, the determination to build a new society made Soviet ‘media ecology’ not just descriptive or critical but proactive. The Soviet media ecology could be nothing else but applied media ecology. The notion of media-ecological engineering is advanced in this article to describe the applied character of Soviet ‘media environmentalism’. The article is a part of a larger project, ‘The media ecology of socialism’, which aims at a media-ecological analysis of socialism in general and the Soviet mentality particularly.
3
Surovell, Jeffrey. „Soviet Perspectives and Policies toward Reactionary Regimes in the Developing World“. Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, Nr. 2 (2016): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05002008.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.
4
Volodin, A. G. „Indian Studies in Soviet Social Studies“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, Nr. 6 (12.04.2022): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-6-6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is focused on the evolution of Soviet Indian studies in the course of the 1970s and 1980s, i.e. the period of the discipline’s indisputable academic upsurge. The present author maintains that factors instrumental of Indian studies’ ascendant development were many; among the latter foreign policy imperatives as well as high quality intellectual talent available are distinguished to explain the advancement of this area of social science research to the status of socially significant professional activities. Socio-economic, history and political studies are taken to demonstrate the academic accomplishments of Soviet scholars who exploited their own “wisdom” to comprehend India’s complex social reality and, also, utilized critical assessment of the existent social science research paradigms circulating in Indian scholarship. The “crisis” of Indian studies dating back to the late 1980s is discussed in basic aspects. The social and political origins of the “crisis” are being highlighted. The evolution of Soviet Indian studies during the late 1980s is investigated at the backdrop of sociopolitical development in the years preceding the USSR’s dismemberment. Tentative factors instrumental of the eventual “comeback” of Indian studies as an academic discipline of high societal stature are estimated.
5
Baru, Sanjaya. „Soviet Studies on India“. Social Scientist 13, Nr. 3 (März 1985): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517454.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
6
Bokeriya, Svetlana A., Anna S. Davidchuk, Denis A. Degterev, Ivan R. Dubrovskiy, Evgeniya V. Zhuravleva, Artem V. Enokyan, Natalia V. Ivkina, Maxim A. Nikulin, Nigusie W. M. Kassaye und Marina A. Shpakovskaya. „Soviet Studies of Neocolonialism“. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, Nr. 4 (30.12.2022): 671–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-671-687.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article reviews Soviet and East German studies of neocolonialism that have been translated into Russian. A total of more than 60 monographs on Western neocolonialism have been systematically studied and finally compiled into an electronic archive in preparation for this publication. Based on the materials of Soviet studies, the article presents the main features of Western neocolonialism, related both to political manoeuvres and the economic arsenal of the former metropolitan powers. A detailed analysis of the narratives used by Western countries to emphasize their proximity to the “Third World” is given. Particular attention is paid to neocolonial theories, both “variants of well-known bourgeois and reformist concepts addressed to developing countries” and “concepts and theories specially created to support neocolonialism.” Neocolonial approaches were studied both in the context of individual Western countries and groups of states (Great Britain, France, Germany, the European Economic Community (EEC), USA) and by functional areas (technical assistance, food neocolonialism, international organizations). Regarding the UK, the differences in neocolonial policy between Labor Party and Conservatives are examined. The main instruments of France’s neocolonial policy are described and it is concluded that they have hardly changed in recent decades. The role of the FRG in the strategy of “European neocolonialism” is shown, and major characteristics of the neocolonial policy of the EEC are highlighted. With regard to the, authors speak of a new type of imperialist colonialism associated with American leadership in the institutions of the “collective West.” As for the United States, a new type of imperialist colonialism is being put forward, associated with America’s leadership in the institutions of the “collective West.” The origins and “running-in” of the US neocolonial tools are shown in detail, using the actual American colonial experience in the Philippines as an example. The main directions of critical analysis of the participation of Western countries in technical and food aid systems and in the activities of international organizations are presented. In conclusion, some remarks are formulated on the practical component of Soviet studies of neocolonialism. It is also stressed that in the mid-1980s, after the proclamation of the “New Political Thinking” the critical degree of Soviet studies of neocolonialism declined significantly.
7
Bezborodov, Alexander. „Methodological Aspects of Soviet Studies“. ISTORIYA 12, Nr. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017633-5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In contemporary Russia there is an ongoing discussion about the nature of the Soviet era and its historical significance in a framework of a national identity search. Making sense of the Soviet past is challenging. It should be based primarily on objective knowledge obtained as a result of research, as truly scholar activities of Russian and foreign scholars of the social and humanitarian profile. This article examines various methodological aspects of Soviet studies. The central place in Soviet studies is given to the systems theory. Description, analysis, modeling, as well as such general historical methods of scientific research as historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological and historical-systemic methods are also very important for Soviet. The article pays special attention to the methodological problem of the relationship between the past and the present, the problems of socialization of historical memory in post-Soviet Russia.
8
HALL, BARBARA WELLING. „Peace Studies as if Soviet Studies Mattered“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 504, Nr. 1 (Juli 1989): 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716289504001011.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
9
Goshulak, Glenn. „Soviet and Post-Soviet“. Ethnicities 3, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2003): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796803003004003.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
10
Breslauer, George W. „A Career in Soviet Studies“. Problems of Post-Communism 60, Nr. 4 (Juli 2013): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216600407.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
11
Gershenson, Olga, und David Shneer. „Soviet Jewishness and Cultural Studies“. Journal of Jewish Identities 4, Nr. 1 (2011): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jji.2011.0005.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
12
Bekbalaev, A. A., N. B. Dzharkinbaeva und E. B. Zhumakeeva. „FUNCTIONAL AND GRAMMATICAL STUDIES IN SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET LINGUISTICS“. Vestnik Bishkek state university af K Karasaev 3, Nr. 69 (15.12.2024): 31–41. https://doi.org/10.35254/bsu/2024.69.05.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article reviews functional grammar by examining the relationship between the forms and functions of linguistic units. It traces development since the mid-20th century and discusses concepts such as functional semantic categories and fields. Applications in phonology, morphology, syntax, and discourse were addressed, focusing on aspectuality, temporal localization, and modality. Works by A.V. Bondarko, D.N. Shmelev, T. Givón, U. Tribe, and others are analyzed. A comparison of English and Kyrgyz shows that Kyrgyz lacks infinitives, using imperative forms and action names instead. This highlights the need for distinct functional semantic fields per language structure for a precise analysis.
13
Roth-Ey, Kristin. „Finding a Home for Television in the USSR, 1950-1970“. Slavic Review 66, Nr. 2 (2007): 278–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060221.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In this article, Kristin Roth-Ey explores the complex and often convoluted reception of television technology in the USSR of the 1950s and 1960s. Television held out the potential to fulfill the long-standing dream of a universal Soviet culture—propaganda, art, and science delivered directly to every home—and it offered a compelling symbol of a modern Soviet “way of life” in a Cold War context as well. Soviet consumers and technological enthusiasts embraced the new medium with gusto and played an important role in its promotion. As Roth-Ey elucidates, however, the nature of television production and consumption—and, in particular, the Soviets’ decision to promote a home-based broadcasting system—put television in implicit conflict with important Soviet traditions, ideals, and, at times, interest groups. The development of the mature form of centralized Soviet television symbolized by Moscow's Ostankino complex is the story of how political and cultural elites, consumers, and the Soviet system in an abstract sense struggled to make a “home” for television technology in the USSR.
14
Penter, Tanja, und Ivan Sablin. „Soviet federalism from below: The Soviet Republics of Odessa and the Russian Far East, 1917–1918“. Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, Nr. 1 (Januar 2020): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520901922.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In early 1918, the Bolshevik-dominated Third Congress of Soviets declared the formation of a new composite polity—the Soviet Russian Republic. The congress’s resolutions, however, simultaneously proclaimed a federation of national republics and a federation of soviets. The latter seemed to recognize regionalism and localism as organizing principles on par with nationalism and to legitimize the self-proclaimed Soviet republics across the former Russian Empire. The current article compared two such non-national Soviet republics, those in Odessa and the Russian Far East. The two republics had similar roots in the discourses and practices of the Russian Empire, such as economic and de facto administrative autonomy. They also took similar organizational forms, were run by coalitions, and opposed their own inclusion into larger national and regional formations in Ukraine and Siberia. At the same time, both of the Soviet governments functioned as ad hoc committees and adapted their institutional designs and practices to the concrete—and very different—social and international conditions in the two peripheries. The focus of the Odessa and Far Eastern authorities on specific problems and their embeddedness in the peculiar contexts reflected the very idea of federalism as governance based on decentralization and nuance but contradicted the party-based centralization and the exclusivity of the ethno-national federalism in the consolidated Soviet state.
15
Clark, Terry D. „A House Divided: A Roll-call Analysis of the First Session of the Moscow City Soviet“. Slavic Review 51, Nr. 4 (1992): 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500131.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively in a majority of the electoral districts.
16
Nejad, Kayhan A. „Provincial Revolution and Regional Anti-Colonialism: The Soviets in Iran, 1920–1921“. Slavic Review 82, Nr. 2 (2023): 378–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.165.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
By focusing on the northern Iranian province of Gilan, this article rethinks the role of non-socialist revolutionary movements in the Soviets’ early retreat from West and South Asia. Drawing primarily on the records of the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive, it probes programmatic divisions within the Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran (SSRI, 1920–1921), a self-governing provincial exclave where the Soviets attempted to reorient social democratic currents toward socialism. This article asks how, in a moment of revolutionary optimism, internal factionalism and the consequent collapse of the SSRI impeded Soviet designs not only in Iran, but also on the colonized and semi-colonized fronts that lay beyond Iranian borders. In so doing, it reflects on the directions of early Soviet engagement with West and South Asian revolutionaries, and the importance of bridging socialist and non-socialist political projects to realizing the broader aim of regional decolonization.
17
Qualls, Karl D. „From Niños to Soviets? Raising Spanish Refugee Children in House No. 1, 1937–1951“. Canadian-American Slavic Studies 48, Nr. 3 (2014): 288–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04803003.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In 1937 and 1938, as the bombing of Guernica and northern Spain increased in frequency and intensity, thousands of children boarded ships to safer residences in foreign countries. About 3,000 children, with teachers and caregivers, entered the hastily provisioned Houses for Spanish Children that became their schools, homes, and families. Despite the horrors of war and multiple evacuations, oral historians have shown that overwhelmingly, although not exclusively, niños’ memories of time spent in the USSR were quite positive. Although the oral histories provide us with many remembrances from the Spaniards, the existing scholarship does not fully explore the Soviet documents to ascertain the intentions in creating and running the special Spanish schools and how they operated for the fifteen-year experiment. A close reading of archival sources show that Soviet authorities removed “bad” influences from the children’s lives and provided a school curriculum and extracurricular activities that modeled proper Soviet behavior and thought. Without adults around who could provide a counter-narrative, Soviets were able to control the remaking of these children into Spanish-Soviet hybrids once it became clear that the children would not be returning to Spain.
18
Atkin, Muriel. „Token Constitutionalism and Islamic Opposition in Tajikistan“. Journal of Persianate Studies 5, Nr. 2 (2012): 244–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341245.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract Tajikistan is a predominantly Muslim country where the concept of having a constitution is not controversial, but the content of that constitution is. Roughly seventy years of Soviet rule over the territory that became independent Tajikistan at the end of 1991 introduced constitutions as a norm, although the rights the constitutions appeared to accord did not jibe with political reality. The years of Soviet rule also created an environment hostile to Islam, as a result of which some of Tajikistan’s inhabitants ceased to be believers, while many who continued to practice their faith knew little about it other than the rituals of everyday life. In the last years of the Soviet era and the two decades after the breakup of the USSR, Islam was caught up in the political as well as religious controversies that developed in Tajikistan during this upheaval. There was an upsurge of attention to Islam, in a religious sense for some, a cultural and nationalist sense for others, and as a bogeyman for yet others. The Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), the only legal Islamic political party in post-Soviet Central Asia, along with the head of the religious establishment in the republic, the qadi, joined with secular groups advocating reforms that would promote political and economic change. The power struggle between neo-Soviet ruling elites and the opposition led to a civil war (1992-97) in which the neo-Soviets prevailed. Tajikistan’s post-Soviet constitution reflects the emphatic secularism of the neo-Soviets, despite the objections of the IRPT. The post-civil-war government has also enacted legislation reestablishing Soviet-style constraints on Islamic institutions and personnel and has used its power to thwart genuinely pluralistic politics. The IRPT as well as secular opposition parties have felt the effects of the rigged elections and harassment by the regime.
19
Young, Robert J. C. „The Soviet Invention of Postcolonial Studies“. boundary 2 50, Nr. 2 (01.05.2023): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10300637.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract The complex relations between the Soviet Union and the Soviet states of the Caucasus that were formerly parts of the Ottoman and Persian empires offer examples of complex cultural and political relations of antagonism and appropriation that go beyond simple binaries of resistance or nationalist anti-eurocentrism. Though their work is little known except to scholars in Slavic Studies, in the years following the Russian Revolution of 1917 Soviet Orientologists laid the foundations for the critique of Western Orientalism that would be introduced to the West many years later in 1978 by Edward W. Said. The Soviet critique of the imperialist foundations of Eurocentric culture and academic knowledge formed the basis for the huge World Literature publishing project pioneered by Maxim Gorky, an initiative which has been largely disregarded—both historically and theoretically—in the Western rediscovery of World Literature in the era of globalization. Similarly, Western postcolonial scholars have only recently begun to acknowledge the creative, cultural and political affiliations of Global South writers to internationalist organizations such as the Afro-Asian Writers Association which was supported by the Soviet Union in the Cold War period and the importance of publications such as Lotus magazine. The books reviewed here demonstrate the degree to which histories of “postcolonialism” and the late Western critique of Orientalism have now been rewritten to acknowledge their sources in earlier critiques by Soviet scholars in the first half of the twentieth century.
20
Savoniakaitė, Vida. „The Regional Studies Movement in Soviet Lithuania“. Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 13, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2019-0014.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Abstract This article* is dedicated to the regional studies movement in Soviet Lithuania, primarily to ethnography, and argues that Lithuanian ethnographers conducted ethnographic research in different ways. The focus is on the Ramuva movement, founded in 1970 at Vilnius University and continuing until 1994. The activities of the Lithuanian regional studies movement were characterised by diverse education and ethnographic practices. I assert that the key to the success of Ramuva’s activity was a creative circumventing of Soviet ideology and practice. Through a discussion of theoretical issues and the results of fieldwork, I analyse the following questions: How did Marxism–Leninism change ethnography in Soviet Lithuania? What were the activities, methods and theory of regional research? Was Ramuva’s policy of knowledge production in opposition to the Soviet regime?
21
Hoisington, Sona Stephan. „“Ever Higher”: The Evolution of the Project for the Palace of Soviets“. Slavic Review 62, Nr. 1 (2003): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090466.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In this article, Sona Hoisington focuses on the evolution of the project for the Palace of Soviets and its metamorphoses during the four stages of the competition (1931-33) and after. Rather than interpreting the project as the repudiation of modernist architecture, as many scholars have done, Hoisington argues that the design evolved from the modern and functional to the eclectic and monumental. Drawing on archival materials, she demonstrates that this change came about gradually and in a contradictory fashion. Hoisington shows how the Palace of Soviets acquired mythic significance, becoming a symbol of Soviet might and determination to overtake America and a temple to the revolution and its deity, Vladimir Lenin. In conclusion, she argues that the evolution of the Palace of Soviets encapsulates the changing models in the Soviet Union of the 1930s.
22
Black, Lydia T. „Soviet peoples“. Reviews in Anthropology 21, Nr. 1 (Juni 1992): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1992.9978016.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
23
Albera, François. „Studies in Russian & Soviet Cinema“. 1895 66, Nr. 66 (01.03.2012): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/1895.4500.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
24
Ogloblin, A. K. „Malay Traditional Literature in Soviet Studies“. Archipel 40, Nr. 1 (1990): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arch.1990.2669.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
25
Dubovitsky, Gennady. „Current Soviet Studies in American History“. History Teacher 25, Nr. 3 (Mai 1992): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494246.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
26
Tasar, Eren. „The heritage of Soviet Oriental studies“. Central Asian Survey 32, Nr. 2 (Juni 2013): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2013.779442.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
27
Beumers, Birgit. „Studies in Russian and Soviet Cinema“. Studies in Russian and Soviet Cinema 14, Nr. 3 (01.09.2020): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17503132.2020.1814564.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
28
Wakamiya, Lisa Ryoko. „Post-Soviet Contexts and Trauma Studies“. Slavonica 17, Nr. 2 (November 2011): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/136174211x13122749974285.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
29
Gokhman, V. M., und Yu G. Lipets. „SOME TRENDS OF SOVIET REGIONAL STUDIES“. Papers in Regional Science 18, Nr. 1 (14.01.2005): 223–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1435-5597.1967.tb01367.x.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
30
Britov, A., T. Varlamova, A. Kalinina, T. Ostrovskaya, V. Konstantinov, E. Konstantinov, L. Nikulina, N. Elisseeva und I. Sapozhnikov. „Hypertension Studies in the Soviet Union“. Clinical and Experimental Hypertension. Part A: Theory and Practice 11, Nr. 5-6 (Januar 1989): 841–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10641968909035377.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
31
Kotchikian, Asbed. „From Post-Soviet Studies to Armenianology“. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 14, Nr. 2 (01.03.2006): 303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/demo.14.2.303-311.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
32
Reznowski, Gabriella. „Studies in Russian and Soviet Cinema“. Slavic & East European Information Resources 13, Nr. 2-3 (September 2012): 201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15228886.2012.702303.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
33
Meyer, Alfred G. „Politics and methodology in Soviet studies“. Studies in Comparative Communism 24, Nr. 2 (Juni 1991): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(91)90001-m.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
34
Nechemias, Carol. „Sources on the Soviet Union“. Political Science Teacher 1, Nr. 2 (1988): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089608280000012x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Soviets have complained that they know more about us than we know about them. While the veracity of this view is difficult to assess, the level of American ignorance about the USSR clearly is appalling. Many Americans do not know which side the Soviets fought on in World War II and are taken aback to discover that not all Soviet citizens are Russians. Those who engage in serious study of the Soviet Union disagree, sometimes vociferously, regarding the fundamental nature and future prospects of the USSR but an understanding of the terms of the debate should form a part of American education.For those teachers seeking to address this need by developing new courses on the Soviet Union, the first obstacle involves resources: How do I find—and select—readings for my students? And where do I secure materials which will provide me with the background necessary to deliver lectures on topics like collectivization and socialist realism? With the current growth of interest in the USSR more high school and college instructors find themselves in the position of offering courses about the Soviet Union, while, at the same time, they seek to move from being relative novices to reasonably accomplished (and confident) teachers of Soviet politics and society.Although every academic trained in Soviet area studies probably has his or her own recipe concerning “How to teach about the Soviet Union,” there are some fundamental approaches—and texts—which reflect a certain underlying consensus about what kinds of materials should be included in the student diet.
35
Rudenko, Sergii, und Iryna Liashenko. „Chinese Studies in Ukrainian Philosophy of the Soviet Period“. Studia Warmińskie 57 (31.12.2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.6007.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper presents the results of the authors’ study of the perception of Ancient Chinese philosophy in the Ukrainian philosophy of the Soviet period in the second half of the 20th century. The study is based on a unique source: a monograph by two authoritative and influential Soviet philosophers, Volodymyr Dmytrychenko and Volodymyr Shynkaruk, which was published in Ukrainian in 1958. The authors described the way of perception of Ancient Chinese philosophy, its ideological principles, main problems and key personalities in the Ukrainian philosophy of the Soviet period, and systematically presented them. The paper presents the authors’ conclusions about the leading theoretical positions and methodology of the history of philosophy in the Ukrainian philosophical culture of the Soviet period. The authors concluded that the peculiarity of the development of studies in the history of philosophy in Ukraine in the Soviet era is a departure from Hegel’s theory of the history of philosophy, the main theoretical and methodological shortcoming of which is “Eurocentrism”. This circumstance allows us to assert a critical rethinking of Hegel’s theory of the history of philosophy in the Ukrainian philosophical culture of the Soviet period of the second half of the 20th century. Also, in this paper, the authors prove the point of view that a comparative approach and reception studies are effective methods of studying the history of Ukrainian philosophy of the Soviet period.
36
Herspring, Dale R. „The Military Factor in East German Soviet Policy“. Slavic Review 47, Nr. 1 (1988): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498841.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Soviet military appears to be losing its privileged position within the Soviet national security apparatus. As long as Gorbachev continues to have the upper hand in Moscow, the Kremlin's generals will be in for hard times. Assuming this trend continues, it could have the unexpected effect of enhancing the role of the German Democratic Republic's military contribution to the Warsaw Pact. In turn the East German political leadership's long-term goal of using the military factor to influence Soviet behavior has advanced. The more reliable and more modern its armed forces, the greater the likelihood the East Germans will be able to translate this advantage into leverage—even if it is very limited—in dealing with the Soviets in other areas.
37
Nelson, Lynn D., Lilia V. Babaeva und Rufat O. Babaev. „Perspectives on Entrepreneurship and Privatization in Russia: Policy and Public Opinion“. Slavic Review 51, Nr. 2 (1992): 271–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499531.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In 1991, the Supreme Soviets of both the Soviet Union and the RSFSR approved legislation that was a decisive departure from the tentativeness about individual initiative that had characterized the Gorbachev era until then. Between January and July, a series of laws was enacted which pointedly endorsed entrepreneurship and outlined aspects of a program to remove a broad spectrum of enterprises from state control. Scholarly analysis, however, highlighted a potential obstacle to the incipient transition toward a market economy: public opinion. During the period that the 1991 laws were being enacted, most Soviet and foreign scholars studying the subject were maintaining that the Soviet people generally opposed private enterprise and that historical suspicion about capitalism would probably make the transition away from state ownership particularly difficult.
38
Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay. „Soviet — Israeli relations“. Contemporary Jewry 11, Nr. 1 (März 1990): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02965542.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
39
Mitzner, Piotr. „Russian Studies in Żoliborz“. Tekstualia 4, Nr. 59 (20.12.2019): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6440.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This is a lecture by Wiktor Woroszylski on the Russian avant-garde group OBERIU that functioned in the Soviet Union in the years 1926–1930. The lecture was given in 1979 as part of the independent Scientific Courses Society. OBERIU was a group of poets and playwrights whose works represented a variety of surrealism and anticipated the literature/theater of the absurd. Their inspiration, however, was not philosophy, but the Soviet reality itself and the tradition of the grotesque in Russian literature. The works of most of the OBERIU writers did not appear until long after their deaths.
40
Weitz, Eric D. „Racial Politics without the Concept of Race: Reevaluating Soviet Ethnic and National Purges“. Slavic Review 61, Nr. 1 (2002): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696978.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough the manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by the nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by the genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when the only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
41
Hirsch, Francine. „Race without the Practice of Racial Politics“. Slavic Review 61, Nr. 1 (2002): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696979.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
42
Weiner, Amir. „Nothing but Certainty“. Slavic Review 61, Nr. 1 (2002): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696980.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
43
Lemon, Alaina. „Without a “Concept”? Race as Discursive Practice“. Slavic Review 61, Nr. 1 (2002): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696981.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
44
Weitz, Eric D. „On Certainties and Ambivalencies: Reply to My Critics“. Slavic Review 61, Nr. 1 (2002): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696982.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Eric D. Weitz argues that the Soviet Union promoted the development of national institutions and consciousness and explicidy rejected the ideology of race. Yet traces of racial politics crept into Soviet nationalities policies, especially between 1937 and 1953. In the Stalin period particular populations were endowed with immutable traits that every member of the group possessed and that were passed from one generation to the next. Recent scholarship, he suggests, has been resistant to drawing out the racial elements in the Stalinist purges of certain nationalities. Francine Hirsch challenges Weitz’s argument, arguing that the Soviet regime had a developed concept of “race,” but did not practice what contemporaries thought of as “racial politics.” Hirsch argues that while the Nazi regime attempted to enact social change by racial means, the Soviet regime aspired to build socialism dirough die manipulation of mass (national and class) consciousness. She contends that it is imperative to analyze the conceptual categories that both regimes used in order to undertake a true comparative analysis. Weiner proposes that Soviet population politics constandy fluctuated between sociological and biological categorization. Although the Soviets often came close to adapting bioracial principles and practices, at no point did they let human heredity become a defining feature of political schemes. Race in the Soviet world applied mainly to concerns for the health of population groups. Despite the capacity to conduct genocidal campaigns and operate death camps, the Soviets never sought the physical extermination of entire groups nor did they stop celebrating the multiethnicity of tiieir polity. The radicalization of state violence in the postwar era was triggered by die nature and role of the war in the Soviet world, the alleged conduct of those who failed to rise to the occasion, and the endemic unstable and unassimilated borderlands, and not by die genetic makeup of the internal enemies. Alaina Lemon’s contribution suggests that scholars seek racialized concepts by treating discourse as situated practice, rather than by separating discourse from practice. This allows consideration of the ways people use language not only to name categories but also to point to social relationships (such as “race”) with or without explicidy naming them as such. Doing so, however, is admittedly more difficult when die only available evidence of past discursive practices are printed texts or interviews. In conclusion, Weitz responds to these critics.
45
Graziosi, Andrea. „The Impact of Holodomor Studies on the Understanding of the USSR“. East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, Nr. 1 (23.01.2015): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2z595.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This paper investigates what the Holodomor tells us about the development and dynamics of Soviet history. It starts by examining the evolving relations between Stalin and the peasantry during the Soviet Union’s first decades as well as the social, economic, moral, and psychological consequences in the USSR after 1933 following the destruction of traditional rural society. The relationship between the Holodomor and the viability of the Soviet system will then be discussed along with the opportunities that history presented to the Soviet leadership after 1945 to reverse the country’s critical 1928-29 decisions. This leadership’s awareness of the tragedies of the 1930s in the countryside, as well as of their consequences, will then be raised, before shifting the focus to the linkage between the peasant and the national questions in Soviet history. In this context the Holodomor will be discussed as a tool to solve both the peasant and the national “irritants” caused by Ukraine to both the Soviet system and Stalin’s personal power. The legacy of such a “solution” will then be addressed, including a consideration to the background of the collapse of the Soviet system from the perspective of the sustainability of a state whose past is marred by unacknowledged genocidal practices. Finally, the consequences of the growing awareness of the Holodomor’s importance and nature on the USSR’s image will be discussed. In particular, the question of the “modernity” of the Soviet system and of the “modernizing” effects of Stalin’s 1928-29 policies will be raised.
46
Snyder, Jack. „Science and Sovietology: Bridging the Methods Gap in Soviet Foreign Policy Studies“. World Politics 40, Nr. 2 (Januar 1988): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010361.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Specialists in the study of Soviet foreign policy increasingly feel torn between the positivist culture of political science departments and the holistic traditions of the Soviet area-studies programs. In fact, these approaches are largely complementary. Examples taken from literature on Soviet security policy and on the domestic sources of Soviet expansionism show how positivist theories and methods can be used to clarify holist (or traditionalist) arguments, to sharpen debates, to suggest more telling tests, and to invigorate the field's research agenda.
47
Crawford, Christina E. „From Tractors to Territory: Socialist Urbanization through Standardization“. Journal of Urban History 44, Nr. 1 (17.05.2017): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217710233.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article proposes that the Fordist model of industrial standardization enabled and empowered the Soviets to enact distinctly socialist, decentralized, urban patterns. It follows the design of the Kharkiv Tractor Factory (KhTZ) and the socialist city ( sotsgorod) to house its workers, built outside of the first capital of Soviet Ukraine between 1930 and 1931. The near-impossible schedule of Stalin’s hyperindustrialization drive, known as the first Five-Year Plan (1928-1932), limited the options both tractor factory and sotsgorod designers could pursue, which made easily replicable architectural types and models particularly attractive. Once tested on an experimental site like KhTZ, a type deemed successful joined the ranks of those ready for slight adjustment—a process known as priviazka in Soviet architectural discourse—and export to far-flung sites in the Soviet sphere.
48
Doucette, Courtney. „Late Soviet Memoirs“. Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 21, Nr. 1 (2020): 218–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2020.0011.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
49
Lindner, Rainer. „Forum: New Directions in Belarusian Studies Besieged Past: National and Court Historians in Lukashenka's Belarus“. Nationalities Papers 27, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1999): 631–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999108867.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
At the beginning of the 1990s, when the former Soviet republics declared sovereignty, the questions of their national histories, long neglected in the Soviet period, once again became important. In taking up the national and cultural traditions of the pre-Soviet era, as well as a literary language that had been reduced to folklore, the post-Soviet national intelligentsias began to develop their own versions of the Belarusian past. As the old Soviet empire declined, new “historical” nations developed against a background of diverse ethnicity and political struggles for power. Western scholars have discussed in detail the changes in historical writing since the emergence of glasnost'. The post-Soviet intelligentsia not only faced a crisis in historical writing and history generally within the late Soviet Union, but were confronted with what Aaron Gurevich has called a “vacuum of historical vision.”
50
Khalid, Adeeb. „Backwardness and the Quest for Civilization: Early Soviet Central Asia in Comparative Perspective“. Slavic Review 65, Nr. 2 (2006): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148591.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Much recent scholarship has seen Soviet Central Asia as directly comparable to the overseas colonies of modern European states. In this article, Adeeb Khalid takes issue with this trend. European colonial rule, he argues, was predicated on the perpetuation of difference, while the Soviets sought to conquer it. Central Asia was indeed subject to colonial rule in the tsarist period, but its transformation in the early Soviet period was the work, instead, of a different kind of polity—an activist, interventionist, mobilizational state that sought to transform its citizenry. Khalid compares the transformations of the early Soviet period in Central Asia with the reforms of the early republic in Turkey, which were strikingly similar in intent and scope. This comparative perspective brings out the substantial differences between colonial empires and modern mobilizational states; confusing the two can only lead to a fundamental misunderstanding of modern history.