Dissertationen zum Thema „Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government“
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Quinn, Leon Roman. „The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990“. Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleChen, Xi. „Mass Media as Instruments for Political and Social Control in China: Media Role in Chinese Politics“. Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35389.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMaster of Arts
Papatheodorou, Fotini. „Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLinzer, Drew Alan. „The structure of mass ideology and its consequences for democratic governance“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835441&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleGazali, Effendi. „Communication of politics and politics of communication in Indonesia : a study on media performance, responsibility and accountability /“. [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40078108w.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Politieke communicatie en communicatiepolitiek in Indonesië : een studie over media, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Textes en anglais, résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 128-140.
Kälveus, David. „Regeringskrisen 1978 utifrån två perspektiv : Massmedierna och partiernas ståndpunkt i kärnkraftsfrågan“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-81616.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleHoward, Samuel Hering. „Still keeping watch:Measuring sourcing from statehouse news covering Springfield and Harrisburg in 1986 and 2014“. Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461333225.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNyambuga, Charles Ongadi. „The role of the press in political conflicts in Kenya : a case study of the performance of the nation and the East African Standard Newspapers“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1449.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleGreenberg, Joshua L. „Promotional communication and reflexivity : case studies in the media politics and problematization of neo-liberalism /“. *McMaster only, 2003.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenDurso, Rachel M. „“Shackles and Chains:” Three Essays on the Determinants and Consequences of U.S. Mass Imprisonment in the Twenty-First Century“. The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405703457.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDjokotoe-Gliguie, Edem K. „Media and parliament in the Third Republic: a study of newspaper coverage of parliament by the Times of Zambia and the Post from January to November 2001“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007796.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOstrowski, Marius Sebastian Jacek. „Twilight of the pollsters : a social theory of mass opinion in late modernity“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e7a203a-1ca6-4b26-a882-2e490e2d52b0.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSimons, Peter. „Isolationism on the Road to Damascus: Mass Media and Political Conversion in Rural Western Michigan“. Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/SimonsP2004.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLahiri, Indrani. „Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)“. Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMaršić, Tomislav. „Controlling the party or controlling the media? : how intra-party dynamics moderated, and reinforced, particularism in Croatia, 2000-2014“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834082e1-abef-420f-9842-e8185626e9f5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleTomic, Aleksandra. „The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina : a case study of international intervention in media democratization“. Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33937.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe case of restructuring the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina is compared to Poland, which was successful in success in creating more democratic media system, more adequate for a new political environment.
Baird, Julia Woodlands. „Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNdawana, Duduzile. „The role of the judiciary in protecting the right to freedom of expression in difficult political environments: a case study of Zimbabwe“. Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/99.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMatsilele, Trust. „The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
Gould, Davina Yetter. „A Qualitative Analysis of Trust Issues in the Journalist/Government Communicator Relationship: An Exploratory Study“. [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000102.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDlamini, Tula. „Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKMBT_363
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Mwale, Edna. „An investigation into the impact of the gender policy on journalistic practices at the Times of Zambia newspaper“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008303.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKMBT_363
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Yang, Karen J. „Media coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates in Argentina's 2003 presidential election“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1142292637.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMushohwe, Knowledge. „An analysis of selected cartoons published during Zimbabwe's 2008 elections“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1609.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKatembo, Tina Kabunda. „The representation of South African women politicians in the Sunday Times during the 2004 presidential and general elections“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002899.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleEgglestone, Tia Ashleigh. „A critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the contesting discourses articulated by the ANC and the news media in the City Press coverage of The Spear“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012975.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBaard, Marissa. „Die standpunt van Die Burger teenoor die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, 1990-2003“. Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/333.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBradfield, Sarah-Jane. „A critical discourse analysis of the Daily Nation and the Standard’s news coverage of the 2007/2008 Kenyan elections“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63437.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSantos, Phillip. „Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSteenveld, Lynette Noreen. „Race against democracy: a case study of the Mail & Guardian during the early years of the Mbeki presidency, 1999-2002“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWakabi, Wairagala. „A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAult, Michael E. „Presidential Support and the Political Use of Presidential Capital“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277874/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNodoba, Todani. „The political role of black women journalists in post-apartheid South Africa : Sowetan (1994-1999)“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18112.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994, political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards their performance. This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting. Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.
Mudzamiri, Wonder Tariro. „Framing economic news : an examination of coverage of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy in Business Day /“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1707/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBargagliotti, Vicki Marie. „Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections“. Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRhidenour, Kayla. „Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of “. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNtamack, Serge. „Rebellion as a lifestyle : representations of youth revolts in Cameroon“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5456.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research has used a critical discourse analysis approach encompassing postcolonial theory and theory of media effects in order to investigate the influence of political discourse in the media upon youth’s violence in Cameroon. As a result it has been found that the use of private violence by young people in urban cities has become ordinary. Such an attitude reflects among other some aspects of youth’s lifestyle designed to cope with the hardship of their social status and to resist the elite’s dominance. While no counter-narrative has been found in the independent publications about the portrayal of youth’s violence as criminal by the state-owned press, the young people nevertheless have produced through a street culture a narrative deconstructing the political discourse in the media and highlighting their grievances in a more or less violent tone. Thus the use of private violence during the riot in February 2008, is far from an isolated (re)action of angry young people , it obeys the very practicality of their existence and the political turmoil it might cause is incidental to the way of life in which it is embedded.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsing het ‘n kritiese diskoers analise-benadering gebruik wat ‘n postkoloniale teorie en ‘n teorie van media-effekte insluit om sodoende die invloed van politieke diskoers in die media op jeuggeweld in Kameroen, te ondersoek. Daar is gevolglik gevind dat die gebruik van private geweld deur jongmense in stedelike gebiede normaal geword het. So ‘n houding reflekteer onder andere sommige aspekte van die jeug se leefstyl wat ontwerp is om die ontbering van hul sosiale status te hanteer en ook die elite se dominasie te weerstaan. Ofskoon geen teen-narratief sover gevind is in die onafhanklike publikasies oor die uitbeelding van jeuggeweld as krimineel en die publikasies van die staatsbeheerde pers wat die jeug uitbeeld met min agentskap nie, het jongmense wel ‘n teen-narratief geskep deur ‘n straat-kultuur. Hierdie teen-narratief dekonstruktueer die politieke diskoers in die media en onderstreep hul griewe in ‘n geweldadige toon. Dus die gebruik van private geweld gedurende die onluste in Februarie 2008, wat nie as ‘n geïsoleerde (re)aksie van woedende jongmense gesien kan word nie, is getrou aan die wese van hulle bestaan en die politieke onrus wat dit moontlik mag veroorsaak, is bykomstig tot die leefstyl waarin dit vasgelê is.”
Ponono, Mvuzo. „Centralising a counter public: an ethnographic study of the interpretation of mainstream news media by young adults in Joza“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65033.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBarratt, Elizabeth. „Choosing to be part of the story : the participation of the South African National Editors' Forum in the democratising process /“. Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/29.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleOANCEA, Constantin Claudiu. „Mass culture forged on the party's assembly line : political festivals in socialist Romania, 1948–1989“. Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37640.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleExamining Board : Professor Philipp Ther (University of Vienna/EUI) – Supervisor; Professor Maria Todorova (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) – Co- Supervisor; Professor Pavel Kolár (EUI); Professor Bogdan Murgescu (University of Bucharest).
The thesis examines the structure and functions of political festivals in socialist Romania, between 1948 and 1989, focusing especially on their roles in mirroring the official communist ideology and its shifts between the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and nationalism, as well as in shaping a new type of culture for members of the working-class and peasantry. This analysis illustrates political festivals as instruments of institutional and mass control, and as means of self-representation for the communist regime, with the purpose of providing political legitimization. The research has focused on a comparative perspective, developed at two levels: a chronological one – between youth and workers festivals in Romania, during the 1950s and 1960s, and the so-called National Festival of Socialist Education "Song of Romania", during the 1970s and 1980s – and a structural comparison – between the official image of festivals in propaganda, at a general level, and that of festivals as perceived by ordinary people, at a case-study level. Political festivals constituted an important means of institutional and mass control, as well as of creating a new type of culture, in socialist Romania. Youth and workers festivals characterized the official cultural atmosphere of the 1950s and 1960s. Later on, in the aftermath of Nicolae Ceausescu's policy of integrating nationalism in the Marxist-Leninist ideology, in order to legitimize his personality cult, political festivals became the main instrument of forging the new man of the communist regime. Benefiting from a wide and diverse array of primary sources and material, the thesis addressed the following questions, among others: What was the development and evolution of political festivals in socialist Romania? What material and discursive contexts determined the selection or replacement of political symbols in the framework of political festivals? What were the effects of political festivals on everyday life for ordinary people? How did political festivals deal with the issue of leisure, free time and continuous education?
„From masses to audience: changing media ideologies and practices in reform China“. 2000. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5890370.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 121-130).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Abstract --- p.i
Acknowledgements --- p.iii
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Problem of Ideational Change --- p.1
The Articulation of Ideas and Practices --- p.2
Thesis Organization --- p.9
Methodology --- p.10
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Audience and Masses: Articulating with Different Media Institutions and Practices --- p.13
Social Construction of Audience --- p.14
The Reification of Masses and the Birth of Media Ideology --- p.22
The Institutionalization of Masses --- p.30
Legitimacy Crisis --- p.40
Chapter Chapter 3 --- "The Introduction of ""Audience"": Localization and Transformation.……" --- p.42
Localization --- p.43
Transformation --- p.57
Hybridization: Mixing of Masses and Audience --- p.65
Chapter Chapter 4 --- Audience Survey: The Legitimation of Audience --- p.69
Capitalist Democracy: Three Types of Surveys in the US --- p.71
Rescuing the Political Authority: Three Types of Surveys in China --- p.76
Appropriation --- p.80
Incorporation --- p.88
Institutionalization --- p.98
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.109
Appendix --- p.117
References --- p.121
Mun, Sang-sŏk. „Mechanism of mass mobilization and creating state citizens during the economic development period“. 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17885.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelletext
„The United Democratic Front as exponent of mass-based resistance and protest, 1983-1990“. Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/5608.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNon-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.
Mkhize, Sibongiseni Mthokozisi. „Contexts, resistance crowds and mass mobilisation : a comparative analysis of anti-apartheid politics in Pietermaritzburg during the 1950s and the 1980s“. Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5739.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.
„How is nationalism framed in mainland China media with different levels of government control: case study of Sino-Japanese relationship“. 2006. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5892939.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- Overview --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Significance --- p.7
Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature review --- p.8
Chapter 2.1 --- Definition of nation --- p.8
Chapter 2.2 --- History of Chinese nationalism --- p.8
Chapter 2.3 --- From state nationalism to popular nationalism --- p.16
Chapter 2.4 --- Three levels of Chinese nationalism --- p.17
Chapter 2.5 --- Media and nationalism --- p.17
Chapter 2.5.1 --- Media in China- newspapers --- p.20
Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Framing --- p.22
Chapter 3.1 --- Overview --- p.22
Chapter 3.2 --- Four different frames --- p.24
Chapter 3.2.1 --- National self respect --- p.27
Chapter 3.2.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.28
Chapter 3.2.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.30
Chapter 3.2.4 --- National humiliation --- p.31
Chapter 3.3 --- Framing Sino-Japanese relationship --- p.33
Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Methodology --- p.35
Chapter 4.1 --- Theoretical concern --- p.35
Chapter 4.2 --- Case study --- p.35
Chapter 4.2.1 --- First case study: the Mukden incident --- p.36
Chapter 4.2.2 --- Second case study: Junichiro Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni Shrine --- p.37
Chapter 4.3 --- Media text --- p.39
Chapter 4.3.1 --- People's Daily --- p.40
Chapter 4.3.2 --- Global Times --- p.42
Chapter 4.3.4 --- Southern Metropolis News --- p.45
Chapter 4.4 --- Data and sampling --- p.47
Chapter 4.5 --- Content analysis --- p.49
Chapter 4.6 --- Hypothesis --- p.50
Chapter 4.7 --- Coding categories and schemes --- p.54
Chapter 4.8 --- Coding training --- p.55
Chapter Chapter 5 - --- Results --- p.57
Chapter 5.1 --- Overview --- p.57
Chapter 5.2 --- Quantitative results --- p.59
Chapter Chapter 6 - --- Discussion --- p.67
Chapter 6.1 --- Analysis --- p.67
Chapter 6.1.1 --- National self respect --- p.68
Chapter 6.1.2 --- National self strengthening --- p.70
Chapter 6.1.3 --- Co-operation with Japan --- p.72
Chapter 6.1.4 --- National humiliation --- p.74
Chapter 6.2 --- Implications --- p.76
Chapter 6.3 --- Limitations and further study --- p.78
Chapter 6.4 --- Conclusion --- p.80
Bibliography --- p.82
„State, market and media: the changing Chinese nationalistic discourse since the 1980s“. Thesis, 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075166.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBy examining Chinese nationalistic discourse from discursive relations and the structural perspective, this study tries to combine "structure-agency", stressing both the deeper structural reasons in shaping nationalistic discourse and power relations amongst the four agents, as well as the active role of agents in promoting the transformation of social structures through such hegemonic struggles. Besides, considering China's social structure as a dynamic transitional process, and examining in which respect the four agents' hegemonic struggles contribute to the transformation of social structure, this study also goes beyond the dominant paradigm that regards the "state-society" as a static structure, especially in the field of communication study. Moreover, putting mass media into a broader social context, this thesis hopes to make a contribution to the study of the "publicness" of China's mass media and the role of the mass media and the Internet society in promoting democratic discourse and the formation of a civil society. This study finds that in the past thirty years, Chinese nationalistic discourse experienced significant change from intellectual-led to the CCP-led, and then, to netizen-led. Such change reflected the fierce hegemonic. struggles among the four agents and the transitional power relations amongst them. Yet, fundamentally, it is the changing economic-political-cultural (media) structure in China's thirty years that shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the features of hegemonic nationalistic discourse. Especially, it finds that market economy, combined with the authoritarian political structure, tends to promote radical nationalistic discourse, rather than a democratic and rational discourse as the consensus among the society. Then, China's media commercialization, operating under the dual logic of the state and market, further radicalized such radical anti-western discourse. The Internet society that emerged in the 2000s sharply decentralized China's authoritarian political structure. Yet, under the marketized authoritarian structure, the rational-critical discourse still cannot acquire the hegemonic status.
Considering nationalism as an important political issue, China's Party-state has always paid considerable attention towards acquiring the leading status for its official patriotic discourse. Yet, the mass media, intellectuals and the ordinary citizens all strived to influence the nationalistic discourse, and as a result, the fierce power struggles unfolded amongst the four agents. Such power struggles were dynamic with the rise of the Chinese nationalistic sentiment during the past thirty years. Accordingly, Chinese nationalism becomes an ideal approach to study contemporary China's power relations and its transitions.
The main aim of this thesis is to examine power relations among the Party-state, intellectuals, mass media and the ordinary citizens, the four agents that are involved in the hegemonic struggle for the leading position of nationalistic discourse in the thirty years' "reform and opening" era, and explain the features and transitions of China's nationalistic discourse and the power relations behind it from the political-economic-cultural (media) structure perspectives.
Three nationalistic cases - TV-documentary Heshang ( River Elegy) in 1988, the anti-NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the anti-Tibet Independence movement in 2008 - will be analyzed in detail in this thesis. They were selected because these are unique cases that could clearly illustrate the relationships of the four agents and the political context during that historical period. Then, the critical realism-based hegemony approach will be suggested as a new theoretical framework in this study. From this approach, on the one hand, Chinese nationalism will be considered as a hegemonic field in which all four agents struggled in for the hegemonic status of nationalistic discourse. Accordingly, we can examine the nationalistic discourses/projects promoted by the four agents, their discursive struggles and the dynamic process of how one's nationalistic discourse acquires hegemonic status in each case. In this process, the power relations among the four agents can also be explored clearly. On the other hand, since the critical realism perspective pays attention to the dialectical relations between structure and agency, this approach can help us explore how China's transitional structures in the past thirty years - from totalitarian state to authoritarian state, from planned commodity economy to socialist market economy, and from a media market to the Internet society - shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the hegemonic nationalistic discourse, as well as how their hegemonic power struggles contribute to the transformation of China's social structure. Moreover, the critical discourse analysis can help us clarify such issues from three levels: text/discourse, power relationships/ discursive struggles, and social structure.
Zhao, Jing.
Adviser: Anthony Yin Him Fung.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: .
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-270).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstract also in Chinese.
Kang, Wha In. „The media-government relations comparative analysis of the United States, South Korea and North Korea's media coverage of foreign policy“. 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.17108.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleYu, Haiqing. „Chinese media spectacles in the new millennium: counternarratives of modernity in China“. 2006. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/3306.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis thesis is an interdisciplinary study of Chinese media culture, which combines theories from media studies and critical theory with those from China studies, particularly cultural studies in and about China. Chapter One examines trajectories of studies on Chinese media and culture within the context of China's structural transformations in the post-Mao era. It also offers conceptual discussions of counter narratives of modernity as a tripartite concept and Chinese media spectacles in relation to the thematic structure of the thesis. Chapter Two examines the interplay of the state and the non-state through a case study of the new millennium celebrations. It argues that the interplay produces a rejuvenation millennialism that harbingers China's second coming in the third millennium. This rejuvenation millennialism is a hybrid discourse of nostalgia, nationalism, and utopianism, all of which require a post as their signifier. Chapter Three uses SARS reportage as a case study to examine the intellectual politics of Chinese journalists in their interplay with the state and the society. It shows how journalists use strategies of double-time narration to mediate the different logics that are imposed upon them. It argues that mediation journalism defines and confines contemporary Chinese journalism.
Chapter Four studies media stories about AIDS (the case of Li Jiaming) and SARS (the cases of Sun Zhigang and SMS rhymes about SARS) that are produced, circulated and consumed by Internet and mobile phone users in urban China. It shows how new media users are able to re-configure their subjectivities through the interplay with the state and intellectual/journalist communities. It argues that by allowing the reformation of political subjectivities, talking, linking and clicking has become an important means of exercising citizenship for the subjects of postsocialist China. Chapter Five examines Falun Gong's media campaign war with the state, with the focus on their representations of the body, in order to argue that the contestation between the state and the non-state constitutes a crisis not only for body politics but also for ethics. Falun Gong represents an historical force to split the ethics of the self and the nation from the politics of the state. Representing four aspects of counter narratives of modernity in China, these four media spectacles will inform Chinese politics, culture, society and everyday life in the 21st century.
Louw, Paul Eric. „Communication and counter hegemony in contemporary South Africa : considerations on a leftist media theory and practice“. Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/6175.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.
Emmanuel, Mark. „Print as pulpit : an epistemic community and the formation of a new Malay economic discourse in Malay newspapers and magazines in Malaya during the Great Depession, 1930-1935“. Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151062.
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