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1
Pocius, Mindaugas. „Partizanų nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės vizija“. Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/1 (01.12.2020): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202001006.
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The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.
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Alexey V., Makarkin. „Orthodoxy and Socialism at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century: Struggle, Enthusiasm, Adaptation, Understanding“. Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (30.10.2022): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-13-32.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, industrialization led to a sharp increase in the number of industrial workers, which created problems for the Russian Church. The workers fundamentally differed in their mentality from the patriarchal flock familiar to the church and were influenced by socialist agitation, which was antigovernment and partly anti-church in nature. The main opponents for the church were the Social Democrats as an atheistic party based on European ideologues. Under these conditions, the struggle against social democracy became the mainstream course for the church, but this course proved ineffective due to the lack of attractive alternatives and the close connection of the church with the state. All other options — attempts to adapt to socialist agitation, sincere Christian socialism and the desire to differentiate socialism and socialists into unacceptable and relatively acceptable (without identification with them) — were peripheral to the church at that time. However, it is the latter option, which provided for the possibility of «coexistence» with socialists who have abandoned active atheism, that has now become the main one and is fixed in the «Fundamentals of the Social Concept» of the Russian Orthodox Church.
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Protasova, O. L., und I. G. Pirozhkova. „Zemstvo Service as the Start of a Public and Political Career (The Example of Representatives of Neo-Populist Parties)“. Pravo: istoriya i sovremennost', Nr. 4(13) (2020): 017–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/pravo.2020.04.pp.017-032.
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Using the examples of biographies of some well-known representatives of the populist parties (socialist-revolutionaries and popular socialists), for the first time, it is shown how the work at zemstvo helped future politicians to determine their ideological orientation, gave practical knowledge of the needs of common people, provided insights into their lifestyle and improved communication skills with the peasant population. The significance of zemstvos as early prototypes of modern civil society institutions and a kind of “school of activism” of public policy actors during the Russian revolutions (1905-1917) is discussed. It is concluded that, owing to the understanding of the specifics of life and the mentality of the “lower classes”, the experience gained by the populists during their work in the zemstvos contributed to the successful development of their further socio-political career.
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Leonov, M. M. „Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International“. Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, Nr. 1 (13.04.2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.
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The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.
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Unludag, Tania. „Bourgeois Mentality and Socialist Ideology as Exemplified by Clara Zetkin's Constructs of Femininity“. International Review of Social History 47, Nr. 1 (April 2002): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000475.
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Clara Zetkin (1857–1933) remains one of the most famous figures in the history of the German and international Left. She rose to prominence as a social democrat beginning in 1890 and became a Marxist and, as of 1919, a member of the high-ranking cadre of the KPD; she was an activist of the Second International, starting in 1889, and belonged to the Executive Committee of the Communist International (EKKI) in the 1920s. She is known in history primarily as the leader and chief ideologue of the socialist, and later the international communist, women's movement, but is also a popular figure in the leftist women's movement of the twentieth century. Zetkin, the founder of International Women's Day, is still widely depicted as a heroine. However, in light of recent research conducted in Berlin and Moscow and from the perspective of the history of mentalities, the tendency to mythologize her needs to be questioned. This essay on Clara Zetkin's constructs of femininity is part of a biography oriented toward a history of mentalities, in which the socialist and communist Zetkin is presented in the entire societal context of her times, perceived as a contemporary of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From this perspective, it is precisely Zetkin's comments on the women's issue that mirror the influences of Social Darwinism and biological discussion at the turn of the century in Germany. The ideas held by the leader and theoretician of the international socialist women's movement on the “liberation of women” from “gender slavery” and “class bondage” were not aimed at pursuing an autonomous process of emancipating women for their own sake, but at pursuing a well-structured and directed process of educating them that would end up turning them into a new physically and mentally improved “consummate woman” who would efficiently serve the socialist society.
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Dyrin, S. P. „CONTENT OF RUSSIAN POLIMENTALITY“. KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN 11, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2020): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24153/2079-5912-2020-11-6-20-30.
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In the article, the author attempts to reveal the content of the concept of "mentality". He notes the differences between the content of the concepts "mentality" and "social consciousness". At the same time, mentality is considered as a historically formed long-term mindset, unity (fusion) of conscious and unconscious values, norms, and attitudes in their cognitive, emotional, and behavioral embodiment, inherent in a particular social group (community) and its representatives. The author believes that in modern conditions, the question of the peculiarities of the Russian mentality is relevant. At the same time, it is necessary to answer several questions: a) is the Russian mentality something special or is it a kind of existing mentalities; b) is the Russian mentality unified, or is it necessary to talk about Russian polymentality? There are traditionally four points of view when discussing these issues: Western point of view. According to this view Russia is part of Europe Therefore, Westerners say, the Russian mentality is based on traditional European values: human rights, freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, equality of all before the law, the rule of law, the independence of the judicial system, etc. The Eastern point of view, which assumes that the dominant values of Russia are traditional Eastern values: traditional way of life, respect for elders, reverence, etc. There is a mixed view that the Russian mentality is a very complex and even bizarre combination of traditionally Western and traditionally Eastern values. A unique point of view, where the main thesis is the idea that Russia does not belong to either European, Western, or Asian, Discusses the content of the mentality of a social community, where the most important basic values are "the value of nature", "the value of a single person", "the value of power", "the value of labor", "the value of time". In the article, the author expounds a thesis about the polymental nature of modern Russian society. The author believes that in modern conditions it is necessary to distinguish three types of Russian mentality: 1) traditional pre-capitalist; 2) socialist; 3) market.
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Tverdohleb, Evelina. „The institutional change in action: Transitioning to Economic Man“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, Nr. 3-4 (12.08.2012): 363–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.07.007.
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This article sketches the roots and social underpinnings of both Economic Man (EM) and Soviet Man (SM) and looks at the interaction between the two archetypes during the transformation of former socialist nations since 1990. It depicts the creation of SM as the bearer of socialist “planned economy” ideology while also showing how EM was able to survive, albeit often underground, in the Soviet Union and its satellites. It also looks at the unique nature of the Soviet EM and to what extent SM has been dismantled. This paper concludes by examining how well the Western, market-oriented economic ideology was implemented and why the process occurred differently in various former socialist countries. It illustrates the varying malleability of the human mentality and provides some insights into the possible outcomes of future efforts at sociopolitical transformation.
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Wrobel, Janusz. „Capitalist Aspirations and the Communist Legacy in Poland“. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, Nr. 1 (1992): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/28.
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The social mentality of the Poles in the early 1990s reflects a fusion of Solidarity's heritage, understood in a broader, historical perspective, and the communist legacy of the last forty-five years which consists of five principal elements: the new work ethos; acceptance of a protective character of the state; changes in morality; lack of full acceptance of a free market economy; and adaptation of certain communist doctrines of social equality. The contradictions between these new features and historically-grounded, traditional Polish values manifest themselves in a basic conflict between the communist legacy still present in social mentality that expects the benefits offered by the former socialist system, and capitalist aspirations of Poles toward a new, higher, Western standard of living. From the perspective of the Polish historical, cultural, and religious heritage, a Christian political economy appears most suitable for overcoming the country's negative legacy.
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Wrobel, Janusz. „Capitalist Aspirations and the Communist Legacy in Poland“. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, Nr. 1 (1992): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/28.
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The social mentality of the Poles in the early 1990s reflects a fusion of Solidarity's heritage, understood in a broader, historical perspective, and the communist legacy of the last forty-five years which consists of five principal elements: the new work ethos; acceptance of a protective character of the state; changes in morality; lack of full acceptance of a free market economy; and adaptation of certain communist doctrines of social equality. The contradictions between these new features and historically-grounded, traditional Polish values manifest themselves in a basic conflict between the communist legacy still present in social mentality that expects the benefits offered by the former socialist system, and capitalist aspirations of Poles toward a new, higher, Western standard of living. From the perspective of the Polish historical, cultural, and religious heritage, a Christian political economy appears most suitable for overcoming the country's negative legacy.
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Bartha, Eszter. „Combattenti solitari. Lavoratori tedeschi e ungheresi in epoca postcomunista“. PASSATO E PRESENTE, Nr. 88 (Februar 2013): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2013-088003.
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Introduces the results of a life-history interview project conducted with workers and former workers of two large ex-socialist model factories, Carl Zeiss in Jena (East Germany) and Rábe in Gyo´´r (Hungary) between 2002 and 2004. The essay analyzes the post-socialist experience of the East German and Hungarian workers in three main dimensions: the experience of post-Fordist development in the factory; the subjective evaluation of the standard of living; interpersonal relations. Lastly, it examines examines the social and political attitudes of the workers in the mirror of their post-socialist experience. Hungarians had a more direct experience of peripheral development than the East Germans. While East Germany's greater success of integration into the capitalist world economy was accompanied by a change of mentality and the appearance of post-materialistic values, in Hungary nationalism seemed to be the only alternative to a capitalism, that disappointed and effectively impoverished many people. This explains the ambiguous evaluation of the socialist Kádár regime, in which the vision of greater social and material equality is confused with a longing for a strong state, order and an autocratic government.
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Hunter, Richard J., und Leo V. Ryan. „Reflections in Twenty Years of Political and Economic Change in Poland“. Global Economy Journal 11, Nr. 1 (März 2011): 1850221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1727.
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This article deals with a discussion of the policy perspectives on the past 20 years of economic change in Poland. The article looks at the range of areas (political and economic systems) subject to transition; the evolutionary nature of the change; and the sequence of change. The article calls upon more than 20 years of research into these areas and questions and discusses the nature of change in the stabilization, liberalization and privatization programs. It concludes by providing insights on lessons that may be learned from reform efforts. The authors conclude that the Polish experience proved conclusively that reducing the budget deficit through the elimination of state subsidies, controlling the money supply, and creating a stabilized rate of exchange and a fully convertible currency can be successful even in a state-controlled, state sector-dominated socialist economy as existed in Poland in 1989-1990. The article further asserts that it is also now apparent that only a radical stabilization-liberalization program is capable of abolishing the massive shortages which became the main characteristics of the failed socialist system. Further, the authors argue that the changes initiated in Poland as a result of the implementation of the Balcerowicz Plan fundamentally changed the mentality of economic activity from state-centered to private-centered. It is this change in the dynamic mentality that may be most important in Poland achieving success over the past 20 years.
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Božić, Gordana, Piotr Dutkiewicz und Ewa Hebda-Dutkiewicz. „Conversations with Bosnian Youth: From the Youth Relay Race to the Successor Generation Initiative*“. Nationalities Papers 35, Nr. 4 (September 2007): 743–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701475145.
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Youth and their experiences, opinions and attitudes in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter BiH) have typically been left unexamined by both academics and policy makers. Nor is there much attention paid to historical analysis of youth who lived in the socialist period, which could shed some light on the mentality of young generations in present-day BiH. This article provides a historical view of socialist youth in Tito's era, with a special focus on BiH in the late 1980s. The second section provides a survey of how young people live in one of the Yugoslav successor states, BiH, examining the continuity and discontinuity of socio-political and ideological conditions in which youth lived in socialist Yugoslavia. The third section looks at the relationship between youth and the international community, the dynamics of which shed light on common features of both pre- and post-war BiH. Specifically, it will examine the internationally funded and organized “Successor Generation Initiative” (SGI) youth program, which aimed to educate youth in democratic values and develop their leadership skills.
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Družić, Marko, und Martina Majstorović. „Material Well-being and Happiness in Transition Countries“. Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 20, Nr. 2 (27.11.2017): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zireb-2017-0015.
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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to further the research of the connection between material well-being and happiness in transition economies. We analyzed panel data obtained from the World Database of Happiness and Eurostat. Our results indicate that out of all the major macroeconomic variables (GDP, employment, inflation, taxes etc.), the most significant (and the only stable) predictor of changes in happiness in transition countries is the level of employment. The results are consistent with a hypothesis of a still prevalent “socialist mentality” in the analyzed sample of countries which are all formerly socialist economies that typically place high (or full) employment as the highest economic priority (as opposed to GDP growth, low inflation etc.). Our results differ from the conclusions of the few studies done on this sample of countries, which suggests additional research on the subject is likely required.
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Goga, Aida, Ardita Prendi und Brunilda Zenelaga. „Shaping “New Man”, Reconstructing “New Woman”: A Return to Albanian Totalitarian Socialist Past“. Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, Nr. 1 (03.01.2022): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0012.
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The totalitarian socialist regime, which was installed in Albania in 1945, lasting until 1990, was expressed and articulated as a consistent effort led to modernism or civilization, as a kind of “social engineering” incarnated to the inner individual and society dimensions. Fighting old and traditional mentality, the totalitarian socialist countries created the infrastructure for spreading the model of the “new man” according to new principles, aiming to make everyday life productive and disciplined. Under the implementation of the “new man” approach, especially the image of woman was reconstructed. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the ideal of the “new man” and “new woman” were socially constructed and how they have influenced the everyday life of people, under the totalitarian socialist regime, referring to the case of the Albania. 18 in depth semi structured interviews with woman and men from 55 until 85 years old have been conducted and the poetry and text songs of that time have been explored. The research showed that through the trinomen “education-work-tempering”, the “new man” and “new woman” was socially constructed. People’s social status, during the socialist regime in Albania influences their perceptions and their attachment to the “new man” and “new woman” portraits
Received: 4 September 2021 / Accepted: 15 November 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022
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Zhienbaev, E. B., und Z. B. Abişova. „Analysis Novels of Orkhan Kemal in the Context of Socialist Realism“. Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 4, Nr. 118 (15.12.2020): 246–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-0686.051.
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The genre of the short story appeared in modern Turkish literature at the end of the XIX century. Orhan Kemal is one of the realist writers of Turkish literature, known for his short stories during the Republican period. You can see that the socialist-realistic approach prevails in his stories. In his stories, along with his past, he realistically described the lives of people from the lower and middle classes who lived around him and managed to convey to his readers real situations in society. His position was not to create art or make a profit, but to convey facts. The stories discussed in this article were analyzed from the point of view of mentality, structure, theme, language and method of narration, studied in the context of text and tradition, intertextual relations, meaning and interpretation. The purpose of the research is to reveal the significance of the author–work–society connection with reference to the scientific works of Professor-literary critic Sherif Aktash concerning text analysis (theory and practice).
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Zhienbaev, E. B., und Z. B. Abişova. „Analysis Novels of Orkhan Kemal in the Context of Socialist Realism“. Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 4, Nr. 118 (15.12.2020): 246–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-0686.051.
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The genre of the short story appeared in modern Turkish literature at the end of the XIX century. Orhan Kemal is one of the realist writers of Turkish literature, known for his short stories during the Republican period. You can see that the socialist-realistic approach prevails in his stories. In his stories, along with his past, he realistically described the lives of people from the lower and middle classes who lived around him and managed to convey to his readers real situations in society. His position was not to create art or make a profit, but to convey facts. The stories discussed in this article were analyzed from the point of view of mentality, structure, theme, language and method of narration, studied in the context of text and tradition, intertextual relations, meaning and interpretation. The purpose of the research is to reveal the significance of the author–work–society connection with reference to the scientific works of Professor-literary critic Sherif Aktash concerning text analysis (theory and practice).
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Lebedeva, Natalia B., Tatyana G. Rabenko und Irina A. Krym. „Axiological dominants of the Soviet mentality in an autobiographical text“. Sibirskiy filologicheskiy zhurnal, Nr. 3 (2021): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18137083/76/22.
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This paper considers the texts of natural written speech as a source of describing the author’s personality axiological dominants determined by the social norms and reflecting them. The authors substantiate the statement about the significant manifestation of the personal principle in certain genres of natural written speech, with texts not subjected to editing and censorship, which is one of the most specific features of this type of speech activity. The research materials are the draft versions of autobiographical texts that embody the personal element quite explicitly despite the cliché nature of the speech genre of autobiography due to its institutional nature. The axiological analysis of autobiographies is based on the concept of “autographeme,” considered as a life event transformed by a person into a text event. The axiological study of autographemes has revealed through the method of keywords the author’s axiological orientations, reflecting, ultimately, the value dominants of the Soviet mentality: “the Soviet person is a screw, a part of the socialist system,” “work as a socially useful creative activity,” “accessibility of education,” “social elevators,” etc. The dominants mentioned are centered by the superdominant “social justice of socialism,” integrating all the axiological meanings of the autobiographical text. In some autographemes (“parents and their social status”, “work path”), the transformation of the author’s social orientations (and to a certain extent the society) can be traced through the correlation of what was written with the sociocultural stage of Russian society when the autobiography was written.
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Davydenko, Vladimir Aleksandrovich, Jerzy Kaźmierczyk, Gulnara Fatykhovna Romashkina und Elena Vladimirovna Andrianova. „A Comparative Analysis of the Levels of Collective Trust among the Banking Staff in Poland and Russia“. Comparative Sociology 17, Nr. 3-4 (14.06.2018): 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341462.
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AbstractThis article aims to analyze the levels of collective trust in banks in Poland and Russia. These are post-socialist countries and emerging markets and yet there are large discrepancies in the mentality of the respective labour markets. The hypothesis is that collective trust in banks in Russia is lower than in Poland. This has to do with the high level of declarative trust proclaimed by the Russian employees. Moreover, trust is inversely proportional to the level of education. 1,920 bank employees were surveyed in Poland and 359 in Russia. Then the overall indexes of trust in banks and sub-indexes (loyalty; care; openness; dyadic trust; honesty/fairness; common values; appreciation; job security) were calculated.
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Mir, Andrey. „Media-ecological engineering of the Soviets“. Explorations in Media Ecology 21, Nr. 2 (01.10.2022): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eme_00126_1.
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This article explores the hypothesis that the Soviets built a society on the principles of media ecology. The media ecology of the Soviets had three sources: the materialistic (economic) determinism of Marxism, the environmentalism of Russian literature and the Bolsheviks’ goals of socialist upbuilding. Moreover, the determination to build a new society made Soviet ‘media ecology’ not just descriptive or critical but proactive. The Soviet media ecology could be nothing else but applied media ecology. The notion of media-ecological engineering is advanced in this article to describe the applied character of Soviet ‘media environmentalism’. The article is a part of a larger project, ‘The media ecology of socialism’, which aims at a media-ecological analysis of socialism in general and the Soviet mentality particularly.
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MACHAVA, BENEDITO. „REEDUCATION CAMPS, AUSTERITY, AND THE CARCERAL REGIME IN SOCIALIST MOZAMBIQUE (1974–79)“. Journal of African History 60, Nr. 3 (November 2019): 429–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719001014.
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AbstractThroughout the socialist experiment between 1974 and 1992, the Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo) ran a network of internment camps officially known as reeducation centers. Established in remote rural sites to mentally decolonize wayward members of urban society and putative enemies of the socialist revolution, the camps became a dumping ground for unwanted citizens accused of all kinds of wrongdoing. Although the Frelimo leaders envisioned a pedagogical institution that would undo the damage of colonialism by transforming reeducatees into new social beings, the gap between the idea of rehabilitation and the reality of detention was abysmally wide. Austerity – the order of the day throughout the fifteen years of socialist experiment in Mozambique – conditioned and defined the organic functioning of reeducation camps. Unlike internment camps elsewhere, Mozambique's camps were not strictly regimented. The carceral regime that emerged not only set Mozambique's reeducation centers apart from camps elsewhere, they were also far from the technocratic moralism and panoptic ambitions of the ruling party.
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UĞUR, Engin, Samed Ayhan ÖZSOY und Burçin TUNCAY. „ANALYSIS OF THE SYMBOLS ON THE SOCIALIST PARTY EMBLEM IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD IN TERMS OF VISUAL COMMUNICATION CONCEPTS“. IEDSR Association 6, Nr. 15 (20.09.2021): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.327.
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In many countries with a multi-party system, there are parties that have adopted socialist ideologies. These parties, which are in the category of left parties, generally advocate a strong state structure and the equal distribution of the opportunities of the country to all layers of the society. Although they have a large party structure to be an alternative to right-wing parties in some countries, they do not have a significant value in the eyes of the voters as a marginal party that appeals to a very small segment of the society in some countries. However, changing conditions and especially the failures of those in the administration cause socialist and similar parties to gain value in society as a hope. It is the general characteristic of socialist parties that they often take a serious stance against the populist party understanding. In addition, their weak point is that they prefer more traditional and economic methods instead of election campaigns where large expenditures are made because they do not receive support from large capital centers. A party that wants to struggle in today's multi-party structure has to do what is necessary in order not to fall behind the others. In particular, corporate identity structures that are not made by the professional team create an image that is well behind the day. Emblems and logos, which visually create a meaning and message for people and are perceived instead of the name of the party, are of great importance. Socialist parties' preference for classic logos with symbols that reveal their characteristic mentality constitutes a structure far behind today's modern graphic design product level. In the article, randomly selected socialist party logos from different countries of the world were analyzed within the framework of visual communication concepts. Analyzes are universal concepts that visual communication has produced under its own conditions from hundreds of years of experience. However, when these concepts are used with a critical structure, it is inevitable that there will be differences in evaluations according to personal perception differences.
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Wu, Harry Yi-Jui. „The Moral Career of ‘Outmates’: Towards a History of Manufactured Mental Disorders in Post-Socialist China“. Medical History 60, Nr. 1 (10.12.2015): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2015.70.
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This study focuses on ‘manufactured mentally ill’ (bei jingshenbing, 被精神病) individuals in post-socialist China. In Chinese society,bei jingshenbingis a neologistic catchphrase that refers to someone who has been misidentified as exhibiting symptoms of mental illness and has been admitted to a mental hospital. Specifically, it refers to those individuals who were subjected to unnecessary psychiatric treatment during the first decade of the twenty-first century. Based on archival analysis and ethnographic fieldwork, this study addresses the ways in which the voices ofbei jingshenbingvictims and those who support them reveal China’s experiences with psychiatric modernity. It also discusses the active role of these individuals in knowledge production, medical policymaking, and the implications for reforming the psychiatric and mental health systems in post-socialist China.
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Vaczi, Mariann. „The American Dream in Postsocialist Hungary: Melodrama, Reflexivity, and Transference in Elite Swimming“. Communication & Sport 7, Nr. 6 (10.10.2018): 771–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479518802296.
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Hungarian-born, 3-time Olympic champion Katinka Hosszú and her American coach-husband Shane Tusup revolutionized elite swimming through a training methodology that produced one of the most spectacular comebacks in sport history and turned Hosszú into the financially most successful swimmer. In Hungary, they were considered the “American Dream” due to their Hollywoodish love story, can-do attitude, and professional success. The Hosszú–Tusup collaboration became a site of intercultural encounter that brought into relief the discrepancies between the so-called American mentality of democratic, capitalist professionalism, and the socialist-style paternalism of Hungarian sport. Through their May 2018 split, the public and the media deployed melodramatic conventions of meaning making to narrativize, and thus understand, a diverse set of issues such as marriage, adultery, feminism, gender relations, masculinity, coach–athlete relationships, postsocialist transformations, corruption, state paternalism, capitalism, and professionalism.
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Kh., Kramarchuk. „FACTORS OF IMAGINATIVE AND SEMANTIC INVERSION OF ARCHETYPAL STRUCTURES OF CONSCIOUSNESS HUMAN AND OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN THE METHOD AND STYLE OF SOCREALISM“. Vìsnik Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Lʹvìvsʹka polìtehnìka". Serìâ Arhìtektura 2, Nr. 2 (November 2020): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sa2020.02.115.
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Thіs article is an attempt to highlight the factors of formation in art of the method and style of total socialrealism as a method of substitution. The basic factors are the contradictions of the consciousness of the Russian ethnos, which are due to the inability of semantic essential distinction of the main oppositional categories of existence. The historical organicity of the Russian mentality in the socialist and communist forms of existence has revealed, as well as the historical organicity of the method of substitutions in the construction of antagonistic models of worldview. This method of substitution will become basic in the style of socialist realism. Certain figurative and semantic inversions of archetypal structures of human consciousness and the environment of the period of Soviet totalitarianism are revealed and characterized: eschatological dimension of Eternity / time category of bright future; the truth / the untruth; sacred (theological) / profane; relative / absolute; spiritual / material; the hero / the anti-hero; destruction of the past / future; existence in spirit / existence in political ideology. These substitutions led to the development of certain unified iconographic schemes in art and, in particular, in architecture: residential complexes (communities), giant pedestal buildings (sculpture building), a step-increasing volume of public buildings like to the temple. Forcible change of the picture of the world generates hyper-reality, where is desired seems real. The violent change of consciousness of nations in the Soviet Union, built on the principles of antagonistic dual models of worldview with their moral and semantic indistinguishability, could not give rise to projects of utopias as projects of evolution. The inversion of archetypal structures in socialist utopia is essentially anti-utopian.
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Meyer, Joachim-Ernst. „The fate of the mentally ill in Germany during the Third Reich“. Psychological Medicine 18, Nr. 3 (August 1988): 575–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291700008254.
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SynopsisThis paper surveys the measures taken against mental patients in Germany during the National Socialist regime. It covers the eugenic sterilization programme, the killing of handicapped children, the so called Action T4 (the killing of adult psychiatric patients) and the second phase of Action T4 after its official termination, i.e. between 1941 and 1945. The possible social and political causes of these measures, and the attitude of German psychiatrists to them are discussed. In particular, attention is drawn to a prevalent fear of national degeneration, to social Darwinism, and the ideas of Binding & Hoche on ‘permission for the extermination of worthless life’.
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Szabó-Székely, Ármin. „A színházcsinálói felelősségvállalásról : Déry Tibor: A tanúk“. Theatron 14, Nr. 3 (2020): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55502/the.2020.3.35.
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This paper examines Tibor Déry’s 1945 play, The Witnesses, the 1986 premiere of the same, and the topics that were made taboo in the theatrical world of State Socialist Hungary. At the end of the Second World War, Déry responded to the events of current history (the deportation of Budapest Jews, the activities of the illegal Communist movement, the Soviet troops marching in) with a speed and accuracy that’s exceptional in Hungarian theatre history to the present day. The Witnesses shows (urban Budapest) society in its plurality, it is fragmented not only ethnically, but also alongside lines of class and mentality, and yet a whole that only functions through coexistence. Déry doesn’t divide them alongside the antagonism of perpetrators and victims but depicts them in the positions of passive observation or active action. Censorship did not allow the work to be performed in public for four decades, therefore this paper also reconstructs the memory history context of the 1986 premiere.
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Röttgers, Hanns Rüdiger, und Peter Lepping. „Treatment of the mentally ill in the Federal Republic of Germany“. Psychiatric Bulletin 23, Nr. 10 (Oktober 1999): 601–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.23.10.601.
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Aims and methodThe legal provisions concerning the admission to hospital, holding powers and compulsory treatment of the mentally ill in Germany are illustrated. The essential legal concepts are compared to the situation in Great Britain.ResultsWhereas British law gives key powers to multi-professional decision-making and relatives, German law requests formal court decisions even in routine cases. This reflects a different understanding of individual rights and their protection. German mental health law is motivated by the experiences of the totalitarian national socialist regime. It tries to protect patients' rights by restricting physicians', hospitals' and family members' Influence. British law, on the other hand, assumes that experts as well as family members act benevolently in the patient's Interest, prefers less formal mechanisms and expresses more trust in professional ethics.ConclusionFurther research is desirable to analyse the situations in other countries and to determine which of these approaches is the most adequate from the point of view of the mentally ill. This is even more important in view of further European integration which will undoubtedly touch these questions and accelerate a convergence in medico-legal issues.
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Miller, Martin A. „Freudian Theory Under Bolshevik Rule: The Theoretical Controversy During the 1920s“. Slavic Review 44, Nr. 4 (1985): 625–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498538.
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“The Bolshevik party is not yet clear whether it should accept or reject the psychoanalytic theory of Freud.”René Fülöp-Miller, 1925“Psychoanalysis has a future only under socialism because it undermines bourgeois ideology.”Wilhelm Reich, 1929“You as Marxists should know that in its development the mentality of man lags behind his actual condition.”Stalin, 1933For a little more than a decade following the Revolution of 1917, Russia experienced an unparalleled social transformation. Hardly any area of daily existence was left untouched by this juggernaut of change, from social mobility in the villages to the nature of the fine arts in the cities. If the term had not been appropriated by Stalin to describe the process of proletarianization in a somewhat later period, it would perhaps be more accurate to describe the decade of the 1920s in the Soviet Union as a genuine “cultural revolution.” Parallel and independent efforts were made in many areas—politics, economics, philosophy, science, literature, painting, health care—to reconceptualize society in a socialist context.
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ZAFER, Zeynep. „REVIVED FROM THE ASHES (THE POETRY OF MEFKURE MOLLOVA)“. Ezikov Svyat volume 20 issue 3, ezs.swu.v20i3 (20.10.2022): 427–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v20i3.14.
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Mefkure Mollova, known as a scholar in Turkology, was the first poetess to publish poems in the periodic print in Turkish language in Bulgaria and the only woman who was fortunate to issue a solo poetic collection (1964). She emerges as the most sensitive of the time, whose work boldly touches on the intimate corners of the Turk's mentality and emotionality, to questions and problems close to all women. The sophistication of her work excites young women and crumbles the walls of the traditional taboo. Her contemporaries are delighted with the talent of the beautiful poetess and the "freedom" of her speech, she is perceived as the Turkish Bagryana, almost all young Turkish intelligents were in love with her. Suffocated by the repression of the socialist dictatorship, she was forced to give up poetry. Her work is not known outside the circles of the Turkish readership of the 1950s and 1960s, and like most Turks-poets she remains unknown to the Bulgarian readership. The article also presents the first translations of her poems in Bulgarian.
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Dovhanych, Vasyl. „Istorical and legal conditions of the formation of the legal ideology of Ukrainians in the 19th century“. Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi 2, Nr. 15(27) (16.06.2023): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2023.15.27.2.31-39.
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Purpose. The purpose of the study is to determine the influence of historical and legal factors on the development of the legal ideology of Ukrainians in the 19th century. The main emphasis is placed on the characteristics of the key directions of legal ideology that were developing, and the level of their practical implementation in the socio-legal conditions of the 19th – early 20th centuries is also determined. One of the tasks of the study was to establish the importance of the influence of historicisms on the process of formation and development of legal ideology, which is also important in today's conditions, because of the full-scale invasion of Russia. It is one of the key factors that determine the need to abandon Soviet ideological stereotypes, including legal ones. Methods. The methodological basis of the research was a complex of general scientific, special scientific and philosophical methods, as well as the principles of historicism Results. Five approaches are followed in the works of Ukrainian scientists. The first, philosophical-legal, is characterized by a complete juxtaposition of legal ideology and national ideology. The second direction is exclusively historical and legal. Within the limits of the third direction, it is proposed to consider legal ideology as an element of the legal policy of the state, in particular, the sphere of ensuring human rights. There is also a popular opinion that the ideas of legal ideology are value orientations that actively influence the lawful behavior of a person and the process of law-making. As a result, legal ideology can be considered an element of legal culture or even legal mentality. At the same time, within the latter, legal ideology is the most dynamic category, because it depends on public opinion, group and individual legal awareness. It was established that historical conditions have a decisive influence on the process of formation of legal ideology, as they not only impose on it the specifics of the era, social attitudes, the general level of cultural development, spirituality, but also turn a specific legal ideology into an element of culture that takes root in the legal consciousness of the population, becomes a component of his legal mentality. It was in the 19th century. three main types of legal ideology of Ukrainians were formed: liberal, Christian-conservative and socialist (social-democratic). Originality. The internal and external historicisms that in the 19th century are characterized. contributed to the development of three types of legal ideology - liberal, conservative and socialist. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal research, preparation of special courses.
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Marash, A. „ITALIAN MINORITY IN ISTRIA: DEVELOPMENT IN CJNDITIONS OF MULTICULTURAL AND MULTI-ETNIC SOCIETY“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 4(31) (28.08.2013): 234–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-234-241.
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The article identifies and discloses the problems of national minorities living on the territory of the Istrian peninsula with access to the Adriatic Sea and the region Venezia Giulia. It must be stressed that the population of Istria just over the past century four times "changed citizenship", having been in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Kingdom of Italy, Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia- FPRY (later - the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - SFRY), and, finally, the People`s and the Socialist Republic of Croatia. It is shown that all of these political changes in different periods strongly influenced mentality of the population, especially in matters relating to the treatment of national minorities. Consequently, the composite structure of the population of Istria and Venezia Giulia with time has undergone profound changes: Latinized ethnolinguistic group assimilated by Slavic population, but subsequently was different from the Slovenes and Croats. Before the First World War, these territories were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and there lived the Italians, Croats and Slovenes. After the war and the collapse of the empire the region became part of the Kingdom of Italy. New problems arose at the end of the Second World War, when most of the Istria and Venezia Giulia was under the control of the newly established Democratic Federal Yugoslavia. As a result, after the break-up of the federation of Yugoslavia and the formation of autonomous and independent states - former republics including Croatia, the status of national minorities have separate national and cultural groups, where Italians as an autochthonous national minorities enjoyed the status of the privileged minority.
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Svorak, Stepan. „OUN in the national patriotic education of youth in 1944-53: legal experience and lessons“. Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi 2, Nr. 15(27) (16.06.2023): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2023.15.27.2.72-80.
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Purpose. The purpose of the study is to determine the influence of historical and legal factors on the development of the legal ideology of Ukrainians in the 19th century. The main emphasis is placed on the characteristics of the key directions of legal ideology that were developing, and the level of their practical implementation in the socio-legal conditions of the 19th - early 20th centuries is also determined. One of the tasks of the study was to establish the importance of the influence of historicisms on the process of formation and development of legal ideology, which is also important in today's conditions, because of the full-scale invasion of Russia. It is one of the key factors that determine the need to abandon Soviet ideological stereotypes, including legal ones. Methods. The methodological basis of the research was a complex of general scientific, special scientific and philosophical methods, as well as the principles of historicism. Results. Five approaches are followed in the works of Ukrainian scientists. The first, philosophical-legal, is characterized by a complete juxtaposition of legal ideology and national ideology. The second direction is exclusively historical and legal. Within the limits of the third direction, it is proposed to consider legal ideology as an element of the legal policy of the state, in particular, the sphere of ensuring human rights. There is also a popular opinion that the ideas of legal ideology are value orientations that actively influence the lawful behavior of a person and the process of law-making. As a result, legal ideology can be considered an element of legal culture or even legal mentality. At the same time, within the latter, legal ideology is the most dynamic category, because it depends on public opinion, group and individual legal awareness. It was established that historical conditions have a decisive influence on the process of formation of legal ideology, as they not only impose on it the specifics of the era, social attitudes, the general level of cultural development, spirituality, but also turn a specific legal ideology into an element of culture that takes root in the legal consciousness of the population, becomes a component of his legal mentality. It was in the 19th century. three main types of legal ideology of Ukrainians were formed: liberal, Christian-conservative and socialist (social-democratic). Originality. The internal and external historicisms that in the 19th century are characterized. contributed to the development of three types of legal ideology – liberal, conservative and socialist. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of scientific projects, special courses, in the process of implementation of the state and regional policy of patriotic education of youth.
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Hruboň, Anton. „Creating the Paradigm of ‘New Nation’“. Fascism 10, Nr. 2 (26.11.2021): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10032.
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Abstract Despite its official Catholic nature, Jozef Tiso’s Slovak State apparatus adopted not only the teachings of the eugenic movement but also the racial-hygiene ideology of National Socialist Germany, which it gradually implemented into its political culture. This study presents how eugenic and racial-hygiene thinking was introduced into the structures of Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana (HSĽS; Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party), the self-governing party of independent Slovakia during the Second World War, against the backdrop of developmental trends in Europe. What is emphasized here is the gradual formation of the racial paradigm in the spirit of a eugenic and racial-hygiene framework, as well as the formation of a ‘pure Aryan Slovak nation’ cult, physically and mentally contrasting with racially-hygienically ‘unclean and degenerate’ Jews and Roma.
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Sheremeta, Oksana. „DE-COMMUNIZATION OF RESEARCHES IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY IN UKRAINE: Father. M. KONRAD AND HIS CRITIQUE OF THE SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST MENTALITY“. Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, Nr. 27 (2020): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.27.22.
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The article is devoted to highlighting the importance of the process of decommunization in the study of the forbidden by Soviet ideology themes and personalities in the history of philosophy of Ukraine, namely: the history of neo-Thomism and the work of its representative, the historian of philosophy Fr. M. Conrad (1876–1941). The author establishes how the ideological pressure of the Soviet system influenced the course of historical and philosophical research in Ukraine and what were its consequences; whether Ukrainian historians of philosophy of the Soviet period could study the philosophical views of M. Conrad; if so, in what way and for what reasons was it not done? The study showed that the ideological pressure in the historical and philosophical sphere was not the same during the Soviet period. With the beginning of the "thaw" there was a turn in research on the history of philosophy of Ukraine from the study of philosophical thought of "revolutionary democrats" and naturalists to "idealistic" philosophical teachings, which allowed the study of the history of neo-Thomism with its obligatory criticism. Criticism then was often a way to study the views of thinkers that were considered dangerous to the Soviet system. For these reasons, Conrad could be criticized as an objective idealist. Or, for nationalist ideas, as a bourgeois nationalist. However, such opportunities had their limits. The analysis of philosopher's critical views on the socialist-communist mentality allowed to characterize them as well-argued and objective, which could be another reason for banning the study of his works. As a result of the 1972 repressions of Ukrainian philosophers and the strengthening of ideological control over the course of historical and philosophical research, the study of not only neo-Thomism but also the work of pro-Soviet thinkers ceased. The beginning of the decommunization process allowed the freedom of choice of themes and personalities and created the conditions for an objective study of the creative work of Father M. Conrad.
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Varga, Zsuzsanna. „Practices of Creative Disobedience: A Key to Economic Success in Socialism? : A Case Study of a Hungarian Agricultural Cooperative“. Hungarian Historical Review 10, Nr. 3 (2021): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2021.3.444.
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In this article, I examine the fate during the decades of socialism in Hungary of the agricultural company Árpád-Agrár Ltd. of Szentes, which which has flourished up to the present day. Its predecessor, the Árpád Mezőgazdasági Termelőszövetkezet (Agricultural Producer Cooperative), was established in 1960, during the last wave of collectivization. Most members were gardeners who specialized in a Bulgarian type of horticulture. One of the central questions in my inquiry is how individual gardeners’ best practices were preserved and further developed within the structure of a socialist cooperative. I also consider how the Árpád Cooperative used the economic reforms of 1968 to expand its market-share. In my analysis of the successful transfer of knowledge and processes of adaptation, I devote particular attention to the human factor, taking into consideration both the changing relationship between the leadership and the membership of the cooperative and the formation of a class of managers who had had experiences in the West and had a more open-minded mentality. These factors offer a possible explanation as to why this agricultural community chose the organizational form of a cooperative at the time of the change of the political regime and was transformed into a public limited liability company only a decade later.
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Lulle, Aija. „Meanings of Independence and Manifestations of Neoliberal Nationalism during the ‘Refugee Crisis’ in Central and Eastern Europe“. Human Geography 9, Nr. 2 (Juli 2016): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861600900209.
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The Eastern European political and para-political responses to the ‘refugee crisis’ demonstrate a schism between the ‘old’ and the ‘new Europe’. Hostile attitudes reveal how unresolved post-imperial pasts currently manifest themselves in a seeming inability to show solidarity and empathy for the human suffering of others. To address this question critically, I utilize the notion of ‘independence’ to disentangle the specific neoliberal political mentality that has developed in the Central and Eastern European region, along with a variety of ethno-nationalisms which relive their own past wounds. In countries which have wiped away almost all reminders of their socialist past, solidarity and collectivity are not widely subscribed-to values. Apart from the immediate need to act alongside other European countries and help to accommodate current refugee flows, the Eastern Bloc has a long and necessary journey ahead. This is to negotiate and address their own social and cultural pluralities, which have been deliberately ignored in the rush to join the club of the worlds’ wealthiest democracies in the EU. During this formally accelerated political process, insufficient attention has been paid to social transformations in these new EU countries, including their reluctance to take in and accommodate new migrants and refugees.
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Gugnin, A. M., und Y. A. Lisnevska. „Fidel Castro - manager and marketologist of the revolution“. Public administration aspects 6, Nr. 8 (05.09.2018): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151841.
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The article is devoted to the problems of political leadership. Currently, the leaders of many countries in Europe, Asia and America claim to be the true leaders of their countries. As everyone knows, not everyone succeeds. The authors of this publication have attempted to determine the determinants and parameters of a successful manager of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, choosing an unusual example - the Cuban, by no means the democrat, the partriot of his country, Comandante en Jefe by Fidel Castro. The article shows how, as a result of bold management decisions and the use of marketing technologies, this politician achieved complete independence of his small and weak country. The influence of the personality of Fidel Castro on the historical and political processes in Latin America and the system of relations between the socialist countries is examined. A description is given of the stages of the emergence of socialism in Cuba and the successful actions of the leader of the country to protect the achievements of the world socialist system after it disintegrated. It is pointed out that unlike European countries, socialism was not brought to Cuba on bayonets - it was an informed and free choice. An estimation is given to the creative methods used by Castro to overcome the crisis in the early 90s - the rectification and philosophy of the special period, and also the results of their application in some branches of the national economy-pharmacology, medicine, and tourism. It is established that the politician successfully proved the viability of fidelism, transferring power to Raul Castro. It is shown that Castro also allowed serious miscalculations in managerial activity, such as the policy of exporting the revolution and participation in drug trafficking, which led to numerous victims and loss of prestige of the country. The authors argue that Castro did not understand the laws of social development and the inevitability of the development of democracy, in the marketing plane he was interested only in the market, on the basis that the material and human resources of Cuba are very limited, and before the revolution, economic activity in the country was limited to the production and export of sugar. After adopting Soviet methods of governing the country - long-term plans, socialist competition, the celebration of numerous anniversaries, Castro did not take into account that this was alien to the mentality of the Cubans.
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Haytoğlu, E., und A. Zh Arkhymatayeva. „Justification of politics during the Soviet Stalinist era in Kazakhstan from a historical point of view“. BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 132, Nr. 3 (2020): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-132-3-68-83.
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The main aspects in historical development of the Republic of Kazakhstan were Stalin’s s policy in the 20 – 30s of the twentieth century which was famous as “the Great Repression”. The article was written on the basis of different researches and the historical record. It provides information on eliminating the traditional structure in Kazakhstan by the Soviet government in Stalin’s time, measures to weaken the social and economic forms of the traditional agriculture of the Kazakh people, the country’s industrialization policy, mass collectivization and creation of collective and State farms, the policy on confiscation of the wealthy peasants’ property and challenges related to the population decline. To establish the socialist structure based on the ideology of economy, the political structure and the culture in the Soviet time was carried out with unprecedented extent in the mentality of Kazakh society and consequences of ambiguity which have not occurred in the past .It is significant to realize general trends in the social transformations of the Eurasian multicultural space, the modernization and the culture in order to study this unique experience. The current situation analysis of the scientific knowledge requires understanding Kazakh history from a conceptual viewpoint and clarifying a number of events of selected period. Kazakhstan passed the difficult path in restructuring of a new policy, the economy and the social culture as part of the Soviet Union.
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KUZMINYKH, ALEXANDER L. „History of the Bogorodsky camp of the NKVD-Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR No. 437 for prisoners of war and internees (1945–1949)“. Vedomosti (Knowledge) of the Penal System 235, Nr. 12 (2021): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.51522/2307-0382-2021-235-12-24-33.
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The article examines the history of the formation and functioning of the Bogorodsky camp of the NKVD-Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR No. 437 for prisoners of war officers of the German army and its allies. The subject of the research is the institutional and legal foundations and practice of keeping officers-prisoners of war in the USSR using as an example a specific security institution. The methodological basis of the research was formed by the principles of historicism, consistency and interdisciplinarity of scientific analysis. On the basis of archival documents, the features of the camp infrastructure, the organization of the regime and security, food supply and medical services, labor use and political work with prisoners of war are revealed. The author comes to the conclusion that the Soviet state, despite the difficulties of the post-war period, managed to organize the life support and use of the labor of disarmed enemy servicemen. It was established that in the Soviet captivity, successful work was carried out to de-Nazify and demilitarize the mentality of former German soldiers and officers, as well as to train anti-fascists, who were seen as supporters of socialist transformations after their returning to homeland. Key words: The Great Patriotic War, German prisoners of war, the camps of the NKVD-Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
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Kaznina, Eka. „Influence of Cultural and Historical Context on the Moral Competence in Modern Society (in Terms of Georgia and Russia)“. ETHICS IN PROGRESS 7, Nr. 1 (01.09.2016): 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2016.1.9.
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The break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 sharply cast the relationships between the Republics of post-Soviet space and Russia back, mutual trust was lost, economic and cultural interaction was practically stopped. The global changes of the 1990s in the field of political order, social and economic lifestyle in the countries of the former socialist camp brought up to severe demographic situation (depopulation), impoverishment of its significant part, criminalization of society and, what is quite important, to negative changes in consciousness and behavior of its population, including deformation of ethical code of personality, for long time fixing the acute social-cultural situation. A. Zhuravlev & A. Yurevich call that the moral collapse. It is worth mentioning that the economic crisis of the 90s in Georgia was considerably more serious than in Russia. Attempt to teach norms of “new” morale were done by M. Saakashvili (2009–2013), who declared that during 20 years he would be able to change the mentality of Georgians – rejection of the Russian culture and language up to prohibition and adherence to anti-Russian policy at a level of the State. The author reports on that project and she intends to find the difference of how moral competence is understood by the generation which was formed in 1990s and the generation formed under the Soviet Union.
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Smaldone, William. „Marxist Intellectuals and the Working-Class Mentality in Germany, 1887-1912.Stanley PiersonThe German Idea of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics, 1866-1914.Nicholas Stargardt“. Journal of Modern History 69, Nr. 3 (September 1997): 627–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245575.
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Freis, David. „Diagnosing the Kaiser: Psychiatry, Wilhelm II and the Question of German War GuiltThe William Bynum Prize Essay 2016“. Medical History 62, Nr. 3 (11.06.2018): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2018.22.
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After his abdication in November 1918, the German emperor Wilhelm II continued to haunt the minds of his people. With the abolition of the lese-majesty laws in the new republic, many topics that were only discussed privately or obliquely before could now be broached openly. One of these topics was the mental state of the exiled Kaiser. Numerous psychiatrists, physicians and laypeople published their diagnoses of Wilhelm in high-circulation newspaper articles, pamphlets, and books shortly after the end of the war. Whether these diagnoses were accurate and whether the Kaiser really was mentally ill became the issue of a heated debate.This article situates these diagnoses of Wilhelm II in their political context. The authors of these diagnoses – none of whom had met or examined Wilhelm II in person – came from all political camps and they wrote with very different motives in mind. Diagnosing the exiled Kaiser as mentally ill was a kind of exorcism of the Hohenzollern rule, opening the way for either a socialist republic or the hoped-for rule of a new leader. But more importantly, it was a way to discuss and allocate political responsibility and culpability. Psychiatric diagnoses were used to exonerate both the Emperor (for whom the treaty of Versailles provided a tribunal as war criminal) and the German nation. They were also used to blame the Kaiser’s entourage and groups that had allegedly manipulated the weak-willed monarch. Medical concepts became a vehicle for a debate on the key political questions in interwar Germany.
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Dubrovskaya, E. Yu. „Political Self-Identification of Russian Military Personnel in Finland in Spring 1917“. Nauchnyi dialog, Nr. 12 (28.12.2021): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-289-308.
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The socio-psychological characteristics of the behavior of the Russian military in Finland in the initial period of the 1917 revolution were revealed, including the formation of behavioral stereotypes, new “images of the enemy”, a change in their ideas about “friends” and “foes”, and the transformation of social and moral norms. The relevance of the study is due to the need to apply a relatively new historical and anthropological approach to the study of the role of the military factor in the history of Russia and Finland. Based on the materials of the revolutionary Helsingfors and non-capital garrisons, the process of ideological and organizational self-determination of the supporters of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Bolshevik parties is considered, information about the number and the beginning of the activities of these party organizations is systematized and analyzed. The novelty of the research is seen in the fact that addressing the problem of “Revolution and man” and studying the images of “Friends”, “Foes”, “Other” in the perception of participants and eyewitnesses of events in connection with their participation in social transformations of a revolutionary time allows for the first time to get an idea of the mentality of privates and officers — the most active part of the Russian population of Finland. The author comes to the conclusion that the role of the Russian military in the events of the spring of 1917 is much more significant than was previously assumed.
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Stoletova, A. S. „Personnel Policy of Mid-1970s and Ruling Nomenclature in Representations of Soviet Public“. Nauchnyi dialog, Nr. 6 (29.06.2020): 453–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-453-473.
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Using the example of epistolary sources extracted from the fund No. 5 “Apparatus of the Central Committee of the CPSU (1949-1991)” of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the problem of the history of the personnel policy development in the USSR, that is insufficiently covered in historical science, is examined in the article. The circumstances that had developed by the mid-1970s in the light of the decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU of February 12, 1975 “On the state of criticism and self-criticism in the Tambov Regional Party Organization” are described. The question is raised about the transformation of the Party-Soviet nomenclature, its social orientations and moral guidelines. The results of a comparative analysis of letters from various regions of the USSR are presented. On their basis the conclusions about the socialist ideals of Soviet citizens and the psychology of individualism contrary to them, the mentality of accumulation, which are affirmed among the political elite, are drawn. The circumstances of the embourgeoisement of regional leaders, personal corruption, especially abuse in the exercise of property rights, are commented. It is stated that gradually illegal actions, in the absence of strict measures to dismiss executives from their posts, became systemic, taking the form of custom. The author comes to the conclusion that the political space, socio-economic structure and the spiritual and moral sphere of society have evolved towards consumer, private ownership, property interests and needs.
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Pozhidaeva, Galina A. „The Originality of the Musical Work of the Composer Vladimir Pozhidaev (1946–2009)“. Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 69 (2023): 366–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2023-69-366-378.
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The paper shows the composer's work appeal to serious and significant topics related to the historical and spiritual life of the people of Russia, both in the past and today. Typical artistic images of folk culture and the national nature of the musical language make it possible to qualify the composer’s work as the mainstream of “new folklore wave” of the 50 – 70s of the 20th century through to the 90s and enriching it with folk-instrumental genre. The leading instrumental form in the composer's work becomes a symphony, a concerto - which applies to the principles of genre and epic symphonism. Particular emphasis should be placed on the importance of the spiritual mentality of the Russian people and their musical and liturgical culture The organic fusion of the music of folk life and the high spiritual culture of Holy Rus' allows us to take a fresh look at the composer's work. It brings a new quality to the “new folklore wave”, revealing, along with a genuine folklore stream, a deep Orthodox faith concealed from the official direction of socialist realism, preserved among the people despite all prohibitions and persecution. In the work of V. Pozhidaev, the ancient layers of folk and Christian musical culture are connected in an original way. The depth of the content, the organicity of the folk and professional, expressed by modern means — all this gives rise to a surprisingly original musical world, full of kindness and illuminated by the inner light.
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Petrenko, Victor F., Olga V. Mitina und Kirill A. Bertnikov. „Russian Citizens' Representations of the Country's Position in the Geopolitical Space of the Commonwealth of Independent States, Europe, and the World“. European Psychologist 8, Nr. 4 (Januar 2003): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1016-9040.8.4.238.
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The aim of this research was the reconstruction of the system of categories through which Russians perceive the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Europe, and the world as a whole; to study the implicit model of the geopolitical space; to analyze the stereotypes in the perception of different countries and the superposition of mental geopolitical representations onto the geographic map. The techniques of psychosemantics by Petrenko, originating in the semantic differential of Osgood and Kelly's “repertory grids,” were used as working tools. Multidimensional semantic spaces act as operational models of the structures of consciousness, and the positions of countries in multidimensional space reflect the geopolitical stereotypes of respondents about these countries. Because of the transformation of geopolitical reality representations in mass consciousness, the commonly used classification of countries as socialist, capitalist, and developing is being replaced by other structures. Four invariant factors of the countries' descriptions were identified. They are connected with Economic and Political Well-being, Military Might, Friendliness toward Russia, and Spirituality and the Level of Culture. It seems that the structure has not been explained in adequate detail and is not clearly realized by the individuals. There is an interrelationship between the democratic political structure of a country and its prosperity in the political mentality of Russian respondents. Russian public consciousness painfully strives for a new geopolitical identity and place in the commonwealth of states. It also signifies the country's interest and orientation toward the East in the search for geopolitical partners. The construct system of geopolitical perception also depends on the region of perception.
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Naudžiūnienė, Akvilė. „“The New Man” On-Demand: A Student in Lithuanian Schools of the Late Soviet Years (1964–1988)“. Lietuvos istorijos studijos 47 (14.07.2021): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.47.5.
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This article presents a socio-historical study that combines an analysis of the theoretical model of the “new man” in the late Soviet period (1964–1988) with an empirical study of personal experiences of people who were students at schools in the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic (LSSR) during this period. The aim is to analyze how the teaching and learning process were organized during the late Soviet period in LSSR schools, how it was understood by the participants of this study, and what were the possible differences in the experiences of schoolchildren. Also, it is equally important to determine which of the schoolchildren’s experiences in this period could be qualified as “unifying experiences” that formed the mentality of the late Soviet period generation. These experiences are compared with the common Soviet vision of the “new man” education, which was also changing during the late Soviet period. While searching for the answer to how much of the theoretical “new man” model was adopted by this last Soviet generation in LSSR, we use a post-revisionist approach and focus on the narrative of everyday history – what it meant to be schoolchildren in Soviet schools. The research revealed that the formal institutionalization of collective life for schoolchildren through Pioneer or Komsomol organizations was ineffective in creating a collective community feeling between the young generation. During the late Soviet period in LSSR schools there were four main disciplinary practices: formal notices by writing or by word, unsanctioned physical punishments, preventive disciplinary practices, and informal shaming. The last informal disciplinary practice was considered by schoolchildren in todays perspective as the most effective means of discipline at schools. These practices reflected the model of monitoring each other in the adult Soviet society and formed the horizontal control system involving students, their parents, and teachers. The research revealed a preliminary informal social stratification of children in LSSR schools during the late Soviet period. It was not related to the vision of “the new man” education but encouraged an already existing division within the LSSR society. This was a complete departure from the ethical-moral visions of educating “the new man” in schools, which were based on the demolition of the established class division, enabling this “new man” to create a welfare of socialist society by their own hard work and heroic achievements.
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Bryant, Michael. „“Only the National Socialist”: Postwar US and West German Approaches to Nazi “Euthanasia” Crimes, 1946–1953“. Nationalities Papers 37, Nr. 6 (November 2009): 861–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230793.
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In Western historical consciousness, National Socialist mass murder has become permanently identified with the Jewish Holocaust, Adolf Hitler's maniacal project to annihilate European Jewry. From its earliest days, the Nazi Party sought to exclude Jews from German public life, and when the Nazis came to power in January 1933, their anti-Jewish animus became official policy. What followed was legal disemancipation of German Jews, physical attacks on their persons, ghettoization, deportation, and physical extermination in the East. The story of the Holocaust is well known and generally accepted. Yet two years before German Jewish policy swerved from persecution and harassment to genocide, the Nazis were already involved in state-organized killing of another disfavored minority. Unlike the destruction of European Jews, the murder of this group—the mentally disabled—occurred within the Reich's own borders. Launched with the signing of a “Hitler decree” in October 1939 (backdated to 1 September), the centrally organized program targeted so-called “incurable” patients, whose lives were to be ended by a doctor-administered “mercy death” (Gnadentod). The Nazis attached the term “euthanasia” to their program of destruction, bolstering their rationale for it with humanitarian arguments and cost-based justifications, the latter legitimizing euthanasia as a means to free up scarce resources for use by “valuable” Germans. Over time, the restrictive use of euthanasia just for incurable patients ended; thereafter, the Nazis extended the killing program to healthier patients, sick concentration camp inmates, Jewish patients, and a variety of “asocials” (juvenile delinquents, beggars, tramps, prostitutes). The technology of murder developed in the “euthanasia” program—carbon monoxide asphyxiation in gas chambers camouflaged as shower rooms—would become the model for the first death camps in Poland. Many of the “euthanasia” personnel were likewise transferred to the Polish extermination centers, where they applied the techniques of mass death—refined in murdering the disabled—to the murder of the European Jews.
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Lamçja, Dhurata. „Teaching Literature in a Post-Dictatorship Country“. European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 9, Nr. 1 (01.01.2022): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/570jwg36.
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Albanian literature curricula in a high school system has incorporated in a few years a lot of concepts, authors and methodology pretending in absorbed and integration of knowledge worldwide on literature teaching process and environment. Analyzing the academic process of constructing the base and the theoretical axis of the teachers, which actually are teaching literature can be noticed easily that a large number of them in their last ten years of their professional carrier has nothing to do with it. Their studies in university stage was only ideologized and focused on socialist realism. The university’s curriculum was strictly handicapped and based on the communist ideology on “creating the new people- the communist one”, as the literature itself, and every art form was “shaped” as it. Being such a teacher nowadays in Albania you have to face a challenge: You feel prejudged by your “experienced” colleges, who has not accepted and never “known” really the perspective of reading a fiction text as a “open text”. You felt yourself “trapped” in textbooks, their sources and their perspective is limited on their authors theoretical backgrounds. Having a parenting and student tradition, mentality as their academic success is based only on “the book” (even if in Albania we have more than 10 years practicing “altertext”-as a possibility of performing the subject program through the book chosen by teachers between three or four possibilities) makes it difficult to provide an “open” experience on learning through a based bibliography. The academic coordinators in pre-university system, aren’t always ready for the teacher who want to realize the teaching process leaded by the ideas of globalization, open minded individual, constructive perspective of the personality of the student, on national history and tradition versus “the other”.
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Bińczycki, Bernard, Wiesław Łukasiński und Sławomir Dorocki. „Determinants of Motivation to Work in Terms of Industry 4.0—The Gen Z Perspective“. Sustainability 15, Nr. 15 (07.08.2023): 12069. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su151512069.
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The mentality of Generation Z differs markedly from the approach to social and economic issues presented by earlier generations. These young people have had access to the internet and other innovative technologies since birth. A tape recorder or a floppy disk is a museum exhibit for them. They are unfamiliar with the everyday problems that citizens of Central and Eastern Europe faced during the socialist era, such as the lack of necessities on the shelves. The aim of this article is to present the results of the authors’ survey on the identification of work motivation factors relevant to Generation Z. The survey involved 649 respondents, young Poles who are currently entering the labor market. It was also an interesting research task for the authors to compare the results of surveys among young Poles with the results of international surveys. The research provided insight into young people’s expectations, values, and preferences regarding work. The results of the survey can provide valuable guidance for employers in shaping sustainable human resource management strategies. In addition, studying the competences of Generation Z can identify the gap between the requirements of the labor market and the skills possessed by young workers. The study conducted by the authors is among the first of its kind in Poland after the pandemic, emphasizing the growing trend in remote work. Earlier research was undertaken in a different economic climate. The current investigation took place following the COVID-19 outbreak and amidst heightened military operations in Ukraine. It also takes into account the effects of recent technological progress related to the rapid development of Industry 4.0. Notably, the questionnaire used in this study is unique as the authors categorized motivational factors into three essential groups, highly relevant in today’s markedly altered labor market.