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1
Martell, Anthony Luke. „Socialism and associational democracy : new forms of democratic socialist thinking“. Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388266.
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2
Johnston, G. K. „Socialist thought and the transition to socialism in advanced societies“. Thesis, University of Leeds, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382044.
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3
Kayaligil, Munir Cem. „Socialism And Feminism: An Analysis Of Turkish Radical Socialist Articles (1987-1994)“. Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606812/index.pdf.
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In this study, radical socialist articles written on feminism, the feminist movement and the woman question published between 1987 and 1994 in Turkey are examined. The study attempts at describing, classifying and analyzing the Turkish socialist discourse manifested in response to the emergence of feminism in Turkey. It is argued that the Turkish socialists&rsquoapproaches to feminism and the feminists do not differ much, nor a change in their approaches with time can be observed. It is also argued that the theoretical content of the radical socialist articles is usually futile and far from being comprehensive.
4
Massino, Jill M. „Engendering socialism a history of women and everyday life in socialist Romania /“. [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3283960.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-10, Section: A, page: 4435. Adviser: Maria Bucur. Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 20, 2008).
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Pettersson, Måns. „The Structure of Socialist Equality of Opportunity : G.A. Cohen's Socialism: A Defense“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-105640.
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6
Rooksby, Edward. „State, power and socialism : towards a new stategy for the socialist left“. Thesis, University of York, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444763.
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7
Ide, Derek Alan. „Socialism without Socialists: Egyptian Marxists and the Nasserist State, 1952-65“. University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430392180.
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8
Tolley, Rebecca. „Georgia O'Keeffe, Gastonio Strike of 1929, Socialism & the Socialist Party of America“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://www.amzn.com/0765680785.
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9
Hay, Charlotte Emily Anne. „Socialism and animal ethics“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/40865.
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This thesis looks at the relationship between socialism and animal ethics. It argues that, after forty years of a dominant liberal bias in animal ethics, not much has changed for nonhuman animals. It therefore asks whether liberalism is missing something in relation to animal ethics, and whether socialism might be the best vehicle to fill this gap. More specifically, given the institutionalised nature of contemporary animal exploitation, I argue that liberal animal ethics is ill equipped to address the political economy of animal exploitation. I also argue that its strategies for change are problematic, and that more attention must be paid to the issues of class and political agency in relation to the animal protection movement. Socialism seems a promising alternative to liberal animal ethics for several reasons, not least the historical links in practice between socialists and animal protection. Yet no studies currently exist that investigate the ideological links these socialists perceived between their political and moral beliefs. This is therefore one of the contributions this thesis offers to the discipline. I argue that these ideological links relate predominantly to ethical socialist values (such as kinship), which provides a useful moral imperative to care about nonhumans, but does not offer us a complete alternative to liberal animal ethics, since it fails to adequately address the gaps left by the latter – namely, the role of capitalism in animal exploitation and the issues of class, political agency and strategy. On the other hand, Marxism has a long history of association with these issues; I thus propose a merged socialist approach to animal ethics, one that combines ethical socialism with a post-colonial, Marxist analysis in order to create a comprehensive and convincing alternative to liberal animal ethics. This constitutes the first sustained, comprehensive account of socialist animal ethics within the discipline.
10
Wilkinson, T. M. „Liberalism, socialism and occupational choice“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334836.
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11
Williams, Rhian Wyn. „Unamuno and socialism, 1890-1924“. Thesis, University of Bristol, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508119.
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12
Sumino, Kazuko. „The relevance of Morris's socialism“. Thesis, Loughborough University, 2007. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34919.
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Since William Morris has earned his reputation as an artist; the seriousness of his socialism is often underestimated. E.P. Thompson re-established the reputation of Morris as a socialist, but he did not totally appreciate Morris's past and the role of art and romanticism in his socialism. Therefore Thompson missed its essential character. This thesis examines Morris's socialism in the round, and argues that Morris's criticism of capitalism is relevant, not only because it provides us with the keys to tackle the crisis the modern global market has brought, but also because it sheds light on the fatal faults of the existing socialist regimes. The essence of Morris's socialism is the emphasis on pleasurable work. Morris claimed work should be enjoyed as art, i.e. the expression of human pleasure in work, and no society would be genuine without abolishing toil and making every work attractive. Through the comparison with Marx and other socialists, this thesis maintains that Morris is practically the only socialist who stressed the importance of the qualitative aspect of work. Most other socialists focused only on the abolition of private property and the reduction of working hours, namely the quantitative aspect of work. The relevance of his socialism also lies in the employment of utopia and imagination. Unlike orthodox Marxists, Morris created the image of future society in ‘News from Nowhere', believing it important to urge workers to have vivid images of their own in order to change society. Morris's utopianism is not an adjunct to Marxism, but the specific area Morris emphasised. His romanticism, 'the capacity to make the past present', enabled him to understand sorrow and joy of ordinary people in the past and the present, and to pursue society where everybody is equal and an artist.
13
Myers, Eric C. D. „Self-Ownership, Equality, and Socialism“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2006.
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In this paper, I have examined the political philosophy of a left-libertarian, Michael Otsuka from his book Libertarianism Without Inequality, and a libertarian socialist, Nicholas Vrousalis from his article Libertarian Socialism: A Better Reconciliation between Equality and Self-Ownership. The goal of this examination is partially to explore and present a variety of positions on distributive justice within libertarian theory as well as defend libertarian socialism as a plausible form of libertarianism. The main question motivating this defense is “Can libertarian socialism be truly libertarian in its conception of self-ownership and autonomy?”. In this examination of both left-libertarianism and libertarian socialism I compared both theories to the works of prominent right-libertarian philosophers, primarily John Locke and Robert Nozick, to determine if the theories meet the standards set by traditional libertarianism in promoting individual autonomy as well as to determine if these standards can be reconciled with substantial material equality, either in terms of opportunity or welfare.
The results of this examination showed that not only are left-libertarianism and libertarian socialism plausible theories of libertarianism, even exceeding potential for individual autonomy found in right-libertarian theory, but that they both successfully reconcile this autonomy with equality. In defending libertarian socialism, it was determined that it is a successful reconciliation of self-ownership and equality, though this comes at the expense of the potential for minor decreases in self-ownership among individuals when compared to Otsuka’s left-libertarianism. This was defended, however, as libertarian socialism seems more promising a theory for those who hold stronger commitments to equality as well as additional commitments, namely a commitment to democracy.
14
Oliveira, Eder Renato de. „Entre a reforma e a revolução : o PCB e a revolução brasileira /“. Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151962.
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Orientadora: Angélica LovattoBanca: Eliel Ribeiro Machado
Banca: Anderson Deo
Resumo: O objeto deste trabalho é a atuação do PCB - Partido Comunista Brasileiro no recorte temporal de 1942-1958, ou seja, da reorganização do partido em meio ao Estado Novo de Getúlio Vargas até o XX Congresso do Partido Comunista da União Soviética (PCUS). Diante do debate historiográfico que a atuação do PCB suscita, a pergunta que norteia nossa pesquisa é a seguinte: teria mesmo o partido buscado aliança tácita com a burguesia nacional? E isto o teria levado a ficar a reboque do trabalhismo? Diante disso, pareceu-nos muito mais a defesa tática da ordem para o fortalecimento da organização partidária do que propriamente uma "aliança". Daí nossa hipótese de trabalho: a Teoria da Revolução Brasileira propugnada pelo PCB oscilou entre posições reformistas e revolucionárias e não obteve êxito, na prática, para levar adiante uma política autônoma, tanto nas fileiras internas como no seio da classe trabalhadora, ficando, indiretamente, a reboque do trabalhismo desenvolvimentista. Nossa conclusão é a de que, verifica-se, no entanto, que a política de alianças do PCB não era propositadamente de "reboquismo". Os comunistas, ao longo do percurso histórico estudado, tiveram importantes êxitos táticos e lograram proeminência no seio da esquerda brasileira nos anos 1950. Defendemos também nesta pesquisa que a política de alianças dos comunistas teve como mote a via para o socialismo, em que pesem as enormes dificuldades de atuação dos seus membros, principalmente no período de clandestinidad... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The goal of this work is the PCB's - Brazilian Communist Party - acting in the temporal hiatus of 1942 to 1958, i.e., from the Party's reorganization during the New State of Getúlio Vargas to the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Faced with the historiographical debate that emerges from the PCB's acting, the question that guides our research is as follows: did the Party really intended to achieve a tacit alliance with the national bourgeoisie? And did this, if true, resulted in Party trailing behind Labourism? In light of this, it seemed to us much more a tactical defense of the order, to the strengthening of the Party's organization, than strictly an "alliance". From this emerges our hypothesis: that the Theory of the Brazilian Revolution put forward by PCB oscillated between reformist and revolutionary positions, failing to succeed, in practice, at realizing an autonomous policy, both in the internal ranks and in the core of the working class, staying, as result, indirectly trailed behind the developmental Laborism. We verify in our conclusion that, however, the alliances' policy of the PCB wasn't one intentionally "traillist". The communists, over the studied historical period, had important tactical victories, achieving prominence inside the Brazilian Left in the 50's. We also defend in this research that the communists' policy of alliances had as motto the path to Socialism, a route side by side with the enormous difficulties in the acting of... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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15
McCarthy, Gregory Michael. „The socialist transition : a comparative analysis of Russia, China and Vietnam /“. Title page, contents and synopsis only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm1231.pdf.
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16
Walsh, Patrick. „Irish Republicanism and socialism 1962-87“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387303.
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17
PEFFER, RODNEY GENE. „MARXISM, METAETHICS, AND MORALITY (ETHICS, SOCIALISM)“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/188008.
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This work first exposits and analyzes Marx's implicit moral theory and then examines various objections to the thesis that Marxism and morality are genuinely compatible. Chapter 2 ("Marx's Moral Perspective") traces the development of Marx's moral views and argues that his implicit moral theory is based on the values of freedom (as self-determination), human community and self-realization. Chapter 3 ("Morality and Marx's Theory of Exploitation") argues that Marx's concept of exploitation is, in part, evaluative and involves the violation of the freedom of the exploited due to undemocratic social institutions. In Chapters 4 ("Utilitarian Interpretations of Marx") and 5 ("Freedom, Equality, and Human Dignity in Marx") I argue that Marx is not a utilitarian nor, strictly speaking, a consequentialist of any sort: he does not demand the maximization of a nonmoral good but, rather, a maximum system of equal freedoms, both positive and negative. Chapter 6 ("Marxism, Morality, and Self-Interest") argues (1) that Marx's form of practical reasoning is not purely prudential nor, for any other reason, non-moral in nature and (2) that, in reality, Marx sees moral concerns as well as self-interest as part of revolutionary motivation. Chapter 7 ("Marxism and Moral Historicism") argues against the view that Marx is a "moral historicist," as well as against the thesis that morality is irrelevant from a Marxist point of view because socialism is (purportedly) inevitable. Chapter 8 ("Morality and Ideology") analyzes the Marxist concept of ideology and argues that once we become clear about both this concept and that of morality, we see that morality is not, as a whole, ideological. Chapter 9 ("Marxism, Moral Relativism, and Moral Objectivity") argues that Marxism is not committed to any pernicious form of ethical relativism and then brings to bear hypothetical choice theories and the ideal of unanimous intersubjective agreement. Finally, Chapter 10 ("Marx's Critique of Justice and Rights") takes up Marx's objections to these concepts and argues (1) that they either apply only to certain 'bourgeois' theories or are based on misconceptions and (2) an adequate Marxist moral and social theory must be grounded on theories of justice and human rights.
18
Passes, Edwin Montague. „The Christian socialism of R.H. Tawney“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1370/.
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The thesis examines a particular application of Christianity to social and political theory in the thought of R.H. Tawney and the distinction between the Christian foundation of his thought, and the pragmatic or humanist expression of his argument. It considers a variety of criticisms of egalitarianism in so far as it casts a light on or challenges Tawney's arguments. It considers, too, the nature of his recommendations for a common culture as the basis for contemporary democratic socialism.
19
Williams, A. A. „Christian Socialism as a political ideology“. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3001797/.
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A study of Christian Socialism is valuable at a time in which Christianity has become, in the minds of many, intrinsically associated with right-wing politics and conservatism. In addition, recent publications on this topic have focused on history and biography rather than the details of what Christian Socialists actually believed. This thesis considers that topic under three main headings: (1) ‘The Basis of Christian Socialism’; (2) ‘The Route to Christian Socialism’; (3) ‘Christian Socialist Society’. Firstly, Christian Socialists based their socialism mainly on the Bible, church teaching and the sacraments, to a far greater extent than any other sources. Secondly, Christian Socialists called for a revolution but were committed to democratic methods, suggesting a synthesis between revolutionary and democratic socialism. In practice this can be sketched out as a three-stage process: first, persuading people of the deficiencies of capitalism and the need for socialism; second, the election of a Labour government / the persuasion of other politicians to adopt socialism; third, the establishment of socialism, brought about by a socialist government and population. Thirdly, Christian Socialists sought to create a society of co-operation and collectivism, equality, democracy and peace. Their vision of this society was for the most part highly utopian, due to the belief that the new society would be the Kingdom of God or Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. There are several criticisms of Christian Socialism which have been made, both from a Christian and from a socialist perspective, over, for example, the viability of the Christian Socialist methodology and the validity of the Christian Socialist use of Scripture and church teaching. It will be concluded that the concept at the core of Christian Socialism is brotherhood, based on the idea of the universal Fatherhood of God, and that other key concepts – co-operation, equality and democracy – are derived from this. In seeking co-operation, equality and democracy Christian Socialism is not necessarily distinct from other forms of socialism, but it is distinct in drawing upon Christian theology as a basis for these concepts as well as the language to describe a future socialist society.
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Bent, George R. „Austrian National Socialism and the Anschluss“. Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1357673930.
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21
Josaph, G. „Democratic socialism in George Orwells Novels“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1187.
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22
Scartezini, Natalia. „Os conselhos proletários como "não-estado" : antítese dialética do sistema sociometabólico do capital e estratégia revolucionária /“. Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154530.
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Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del RoioBanca: Anderson Deo
Banca: Leandro Oliveira Galastri
Banca: Maria Orlanda Pinassi
Banca: Nildo Silva Viana
Resumo: O objeto desta pesquisa são os Conselhos proletários: formas organizativas das quais as classes trabalhadoras lançam mão em situações de ascenso revolucionário e de acirramento das contradições classistas, com vistas a exercerem a autogestão política e produtiva. A tese aqui defendida é que estes Conselhos possuem intrínseco potencial revolucionário, uma vez que superam o trabalho assalariado e a produção de capital - mediante a socialização dos meios de produção - e o Estado enquanto estrutura de dominação própria do sistema sociometabólico do capital e essencial à sua reprodução. Denominando-os como "não-Estado" defende-se, portanto, a tese de que os Conselhos proletários são a antítese dialética do Estado - e não uma forma específica dele -, e por isso, são dotados de efetiva potencialidade disruptiva com o metabolismo social vigente. Sustenta-se ainda como tese secundária que as prerrogativas teóricometodológicas acerca do Estado determinaram e ainda determinam proposições estratégicas específicas aos movimentos revolucionários. Assim, compreende-se que a centralidade depositada na fórmula da "conquista do Estado" e/ou "construção de um Estado proletário" acabou por fazer esmaecer as iniciativas autônomas dos trabalhadores, de maneira a lhes tolher sua potencialidade emancipatória. Desta maneira, este trabalho se estrutura de forma a apresentar as principais características constitutivas dos Conselhos proletários e do Estado, evidenciando as relações que se estabelecem en... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The object of this research is the proletarian councils: organizational forms of which the working classes resort to situations of revolutionary rise and intensification of class contradictions, with a view to exercising political and productive self-management. The thesis defended here is that these councils have intrinsic revolutionary potential, since they outcome wage labor and the production of capital - through the socialization of the means of production - and the state as a structure of domination proper to the sociometabolic system of capital and essential to its reproduction. Denoting them as "non-state", therefore, the thesis defended is that the proletarian councils are the dialectical antithesis of the state - and not a specific form of it - and, therefore, they are endowed with an effective disruptive potentiality with the metabolism in force. It is still held as a secondary thesis that the theoretical and methodological prerogatives about the state have determined and still determine specific strategic propositions to the revolutionary movements. Thus, it is understood that the centrality deposited in the formula of the "conquest of the state" and/or "construction of a proletarian state" ended up mitigating the workers' autonomous initiatives, in order to block their emancipatory potentiality. In this way, this work is structured in such a way as to present the main constitutive characteristics of proletarian and state councils, evidencing the relations that ar... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: El objeto de esta investigación son los Consejos proletarios: formas organizativas de las cuales las clases trabajadoras lanzan mano en situaciones de ascenso revolucionario y de intensificación de las contradicciones clasistas, con miras a ejercer la autogestión política y productiva. La tesis aquí defendida es que estos Consejos poseen intrínseco potencial revolucionario, una vez que superan el trabajo asalariado y la producción de capital- a través de la socialización de los medios de producción- y el Estado como estructura de dominación propia del sistema sociometabólico del capital y esencial a la su reproducción. Denominándolos como "no-Estado" se defiende, por tanto, la tesis de que los Consejos proletarios son la antítesis dialéctica del Estado -y no una forma específica de él-, y por eso, están dotados de efectiva potencialidad disruptiva con el metabolismo social vigente. Se sostiene todavía como tesis secundaria que las prerrogativas teórico-metodológicas acerca del Estado determinaron y aún determinan proposiciones estratégicas específicas a los movimientos revolucionarios. Así, se comprende que la centralidad depositada en la fórmula de la "conquista del Estado" y/o "construcción de un Estado proletário" acabó por hacer palmar las iniciativas autónomas de los trabajadores, de manera que les tolera su potencial emancipatorio. De esta manera, este trabajo se estructura de forma a presentar las principales características constitutivas de los Consejos proletarios y ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Résumé: L'objet de cette recherche est les Conseils ouvriers : formes d'organisation dont les classes prolétaires saisissent sur des situations de montée révolutionnaires et d'intensification des contradictions de classe, afin d'exercer l'autogestion politique et productive. La thèse soutenue dans ce travail est que ces Conseils possèdent un potentiel révolutionnaire intrinsèque, vu que ces structures l'emportent sur le travail salarié et la production de capital - en raison de la socialisation des moyens de production - et l'État en qualité de structure de domination propre au système sociométabolique et essentiel pour sa reproduction. Les dénommer comme "nonÉtat" permettre défendre, donc, l'idée que les Conseils ouvriers sont l'antithèse dialectique de l'État - et non une forme spécifique de celui-ci - et ainsi, sont dotés d'un potentiel perturbateur effectif sur le métabolisme social en vigueur. Il se soutient encore comme une thèse secondaire que les prérogatives théoriques et méthodologiques sur l'État ont déterminée et déterminent encore des propositions stratégiques spécifiques aux mouvements révolutionnaires. De cette façon, il est compris que la centralité déposée sur la formule de "réalisation de l'État" et / ou "la construction d'un État prolétarien" avéré s'éteindre les initiatives autonomes des travailleurs, de manière à obstruer leur potentiel émancipateur. Par conséquent, ce travail est structuré afin de présenter les principales caractéristiques constitutives des Conseils ouvriers et de l'État, mettant en évidence les relations établies entre ces sphères en vertu d'une théorie de la transition et des expériences historiques.
Doutor
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Kaurin, Dragoljub. „Professional education in contemporary Serbia : an examination of the intellectual transition from state-socialism to post socialism“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13196/.
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The thesis, professional education in contemporary Serbia, an examination of the transition from state-socialism to post-socialism tries to answer the question of the changing patterns of professional education in contemporary Serbia in the light of the advent of post-socialism, after a very long period of reign of state-socialism. It does so by employing an in-depth historical analysis. It is argued that the economic problems in post-socialism, blocked transformation, exclusion from the European Community, and other problems impacted on the change in professional education patterns. Post-socialism is distinguished by the growing marketization, globalization and the economic intra-dependence, as well as the stronger influence of the emerging markets. In Serbia, it is distinguished by the fragile economic recovery and the emergence of the new economic order. The thesis uses Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony to explain the inevitability of the knowledge economy and Karl Popper’s theoretical concepts developed in his study Open Society and its Enemies. Methodologically, the project used chiefly qualitative methodology: questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussions. In addition to this, there is also abundant use of the relevant documents, useful for documentary analysis, as well as biographical method. Empirical conclusions of the project are based on 5 months survey in contemporary Serbia, based on qualitative methodology, and participants were university teachers, lawyers and researchers. Survey is understood here as a social science research technique. The project findings are organized around three major subcategories: democratization, governance and civil society, institutional sustainability and graduate employment, and internationalisation and the European Union. The system of professional education is characterized by the growing democratization, the implementation of the Bologna Process, the introduction of course fees, the overall marketization of education and the emergence of private universities. Policy-makers and educationists should be cautious because this system causes enduring inequalities. Unemployment is also a significant problem for the change in professional education patterns. The influence of markets on professional education is stronger and companies and enterprises are looking for university talent to gain the increase in profit and they have a clear stake in shaping the new system of professional education. This brings significant changes to professional education in general and the creation of the curricula in particular. Although the state-socialist system of professional education was distinguished by the increased level of international cooperation, it is growing more intense and it happens more often in the context of post-socialism. Serbian professionals, educationists, and policy-makers are having many more opportunities for international cooperation.
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Balardim, Rafael. „Cuba : a construção do socialismo e sua dimensão internacional (1959-2016)“. reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/150490.
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La construction du socialisme à Cuba est étroitement liée à son insertion internationale. En 1959, la révolution nationaliste et anti-impérialiste a triomphé, cherchant à résoudre les contradictions d’une économie soumise aux relations avec les Etats-Unis. Avant les attaques américaines, en 1961 a été déclarée le caractère socialiste de la révolution, initiant une approche systématique de Cuba avec l'Union soviétique et les pays socialistes. Avec une politique étrangère identifié avec les idéaux marxistes-léninistes, Cuba a connu des perturbations et de l'isolement sur le continent latino-américain. Dans les années 1970, avec la modernisation de son économie, elle a développé une politique étrangère des caractéristiques du Tiers-Monde, en participant activement au processus de décolonisation africaine-asiatique et de gagner la position de leader dans le Mouvement des pays non alignés. Les transformations des années 1980, avec la «nouvelle guerre froide» on conduit à la dissolution de l'URSS en 1991. Le nouveau scénario unipolaires apporté à Cuba le défi de maintenir son modèle politique et social. Avec une série de réformes internes et des changements dans sa politique étrangère, Cuba a résisté avec succès, y compris le maintien d'un degré considérable de coopération internationale dans le XXIe siècle.A construção do socialismo em Cuba está intimamente ligada com sua inserção internacional. Em 1959, triunfou a revolução de caráter nacionalista e anti-imperialista, visando resolver as contradições de uma economia subordinada as relações com os EUA. Ante os ataques norteamericanos, em 1961 foi declarado o caráter socialista da revolução, iniciando uma aproximação sistemática de Cuba com a URSS e os países socialistas. Com uma política externa identificada com os ideais marxistas-leninistas, Cuba sofreu o rompimento e o isolamento no continente latino-americano. Na década de 1970, com a modernização de sua economia, desenvolveu uma política externa de características terceiromundista, participando ativamente do processo de descolinização afro-asiático e ganhando posição de liderança no Movimento dos Países Não-Alinhados. As transformações dos anos 1980, com a “Nova Guerra Fria”, resultaram na dissolução da URSS, em 1991. O novo cenário unipolar trouxe para Cuba o desafio da manutenção de seu modelo político e social. Com uma série de reformas internas e mudanças em sua política externa, Cuba tem resistido com sucesso, inclusive mantendo um grau considerável de cooperação internacional, no século XXI.
The building of socialism in Cuba is closely linked to its international insertion. In 1959, the nationalist and anti-imperialist revolution has succeeded, seeking to solve the contradictions of an economy subject to relations with the US. Before the US attacks, in 1961, was declared the socialist character of the revolution, initiating a systematic approach to Cuba with the Soviet Union and the socialist countries. With a foreign policy identified with the ideals Marxist-Leninists, Cuba suffered disruption and isolation in the Latin American continent. In the 1970s, with the modernization of its economy, it has developed a foreign policy with Third World principles characteristics, actively participating in the african-Asian decolonization process and winning leadership position in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The transformations of the 1980s, with the "New Cold War" resulted in the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. The new unipolar scenario brought to Cuba the challenge of maintaining its political and social model. With a series of internal reforms and changes in its foreign policy, Cuba has successfully resisted, including maintaining a considerable degree of international cooperation in the twenty-first century.
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Magesa, Laurenti. „Ujamaa socialism in Tanzania. A theological assessment“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4651.
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Schendler, Revan. „Remembering state socialism in the Czech Republic“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313067.
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Brivati, Leopoldo. „The campaign for democratic socialism 1960-1964“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1992. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1447.
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In early 1960 it seemed likely that the official Labour Party defence policy would be defeated by a unilateralist resolution at the Scarborough Conference. In response to this possibility the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, or CDS, was established. The CDS projected the image of a grass-roots movement inspired by Gaitskell's "fight and fight again" speech. But it was run by a Campaign Committee which included leading members of the Party like Tony Crosland, Roy Jenkins and Patrick Gordon Walker, as well as less well known members like Bill Rodgers, Dick Taverne, Philip Williams, Brian Walden, Denis Howell and David Marquand. This highly talented group launched an elaborate and successful lobbying, publicity and briefing operation which was influential in overturning the unilateralist vote at the Blackpool Conference of 1961. After Blackpool the Campaign helped many of its leading members find seats in the House of Commons while continuing to put the "revisionist" case through its newspaper Campaign. The importance of the CDS in the history of the Labour Party is, primarily, as the first internal pressure group organised by the right of the Party. It was also the first internal Party group to use such sophisticated lobbying techniques. Moreover, the subsequent careers of the leading members of the Campaign influenced the development of the Labour Party. The CDS was an important formative political action for many of them. Finally many of the CDS supporters set-up or joined the SDP when it was launched.
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Siclovan, Diana. „Lorenz Stein and German socialism, 1835-1872“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283220.
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This thesis traces the intellectual trajectory of Lorenz Stein (1815-1890), a German legal scholar and political thinker who, despite being a significant theorist during his lifetime, is an obscure figure today, especially in Anglophone scholarship. It focuses on Stein's writings on socialism and argues that they provide crucial insights into the changing nature of socialist thought in the mid-nineteenth century. It contributes to the project of departing from a Marxist interpretation of the history of socialism that has long been predominant, and uses Stein's intellectual biography to illustrate how contingent political, cultural and personal factors have shaped both the creation and reception of socialist ideas.
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Seleny, Annamaria. „The long transformation : Hungarian socialism, 1949-1989“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11661.
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30
FORSTROM, MARTIN DYLAN. „CUBAN SOCIALISM: A MODEL OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/612936.
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As the only developed country with a mostly publicly-owned and centrally-planned economy, sociological study of Cuba offers profound opportunities for theoretical and practical consideration of the viability of that model. Hitherto unseen levels of support for socialism among Americans and a renewed European Left in the wake of the Great Recession and worsening human-caused climate change provide a context of renewed interest. Cuba’s geographic location, high standard of living, ethnic/racial diversity, and relative cultural liberalism, further, make it the uniquely best-suited counterexample to the “end of history” model of (neo)liberal democratic consensus. While limited, partial analyses of the Cuban system abound, attempts to synthesize this information and meaningfully address its unique development of the Marxist-Leninist single-party state as a legitimate form of society are nearly nonexistent. I will argue that the system’s survival and significant adaptations from its past as a Soviet client state warrant a second look as a viable alternative type of social organization. A review and synthesis of the social scientific literature in addition to notions of democracy and attempts to quantify utilitarian function like Happy Planet Index demonstrates that, more so than untested models, the Cuban one presents a viable if very imperfect example of equitable sustainability.
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Manton, Kevin. „Socialism and education in Britain 1883-1902“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019217/.
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This thesis examines the policies of the socialist movement in the last two decades of the nineteenth century with regard to the education of children. This study is used to both reassess the nature of these education policies and to criticise the validity of the historiographical models of the movement employed by others. This study is thematic and examines the whole socialist movement of the period, rather than a party or an individual and as such draws out the common policies and positions shared across the movement. The most central of these was a belief that progress in what was called the 'moral' and the 'material' must occur simultaneously. Neither the ethical transformation of individuals, nor, the material reformation of society alone would give real progress. Children, for example, needed to be fed as well as educated if the socialist belief in the power of education and the innate goodness of humanity was to be realised. This belief in the unity of moral and material reform effected all socialist policies studied here, such as those towards the family, teachers, and the content of the curriculum. The socialist programme was also heavily centred on the direct democratic control of the education system, the ideal type of which actually existed in this period in the form of school boards. The socialist programme was thus not a utopian wish list but rather was capable of realisation through the forms of the state education machinery that were present in the period. It is argued in this thesis that the removal of this democratic machinery in 1902 crucially de-stabilised this unity of the ethical and the material and was one of the factors that led to the growth of state-centred and bureaucratic socialist solutions.
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Lattek, Christine. „German socialism in British exile, 1840-1859“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272960.
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Danaiata, Irina. „From Socialism to Capitalism – Transition Economies: Romania“. Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240434454.
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Anzoategui, Maria. „Nicaragua's curricular transformation from socialism to democracy /“. The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148819244742909.
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Fleagle, Matthew. „Socialist Sacrilege: The Provocative Contributions of George Bernard Shaw and George Orwell to Socialism in the 20th Century“. Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1248383758.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Akron, Dept. of English-Literature, 2009."August, 2009." Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed 10/21/2009) Advisor, Alan Ambrisco; Faculty readers, Hillary Nunn, Robert Pope; Department Chair, Michael Schuldiner; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.
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Muñoz, Jofre Jaume. „La construcció de l'espai socialista a Catalunya i el seu paper en la configuració de l'Espanya democràtica (1945-2010)“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671275.
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L’objectiu d’aquesta recerca és estudiar per primera vegada des de la distància acadèmica, generacional i ideològica la història del socialisme a Catalunya entre els anys 1945 i 2010, omplint un buit historiogràfic difícil d’entendre tenint en compte la notorietat de les aportacions dels socialistes en la lluita antifranquista i la rellevància de la seva tasca en la configuració de l’Espanya democràtica. Amb un mètode d’investigació basat en la combinació del treball d’arxiu, la recerca hemerogràfica i la consulta de bibliografia especialitzada —produïda moltes vegades des del propi Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) o des dels seus rengles més propers—, així com a través d’una profús procés de contrast amb fonts orals de la globalitat del període, aquest treball es proposa entendre la significació del paper dels socialistes catalans en l’oposició a la dictadura franquista i en la vertebració de l’estat democràtic a Espanya a escala local, catalana i estatal —tractant les qüestions orgàniques tangencialment, al no ser l’objecte principal d’aquest estudi.El objetivo de esta investigación es estudiar por primera vez desde la distancia académica, generacional e ideológica la historia del socialismo en Cataluña entre los años 1945 y 2010, llenando un vacío historiográfico difícil de entender teniendo en cuenta la notoriedad de las aportaciones los socialistas en la lucha antifranquista y la relevancia de su labor en la configuración de la España democrática. Con un método de investigación basado en la combinación del trabajo de archivo, la investigación hemerográfica y la consulta de bibliografía especializada -producida muchas veces desde el propio Partido de los Socialistas de Cataluña (PSC) o desde sus filas más cercanos-, así como a través de una profuso proceso de contraste con fuentes orales de la globalidad del periodo, este trabajo se propone entender la significación del papel de los socialistas catalanes en la oposición a la dictadura franquista y en la vertebración del estado democrático en España a escala local, catalana y estatal -tratando las cuestiones orgánicas tangencialmente, al no ser el objeto principal de este estudio.
The aim of this thesis is to study the history of socialism in Catalonia between 1945 and 2010, focusing on their political action rather than in the internal life of the respective parties. The Catalan socialists played a remarkable role in the opposition to Franco’s dictatorship (1939-1977) and were at the core of the policy- making process for the building of a democratic State —at all administrative levels— since 1977, but surprisingly enough this topic has only been studied partially and mainly with partisan approaches. This research is based on the results of analysing five distinct archives, interviewing more than twenty people with a relevant participation in the different stages of this historical process and examining all the specialised bibliography.
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Huber, Til. „Makler der Demokratie : das Potenzial europäischer Parteien am Beispiel der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Europas /“. Baden-Baden : München : Nomos ; C.A.P. - Centrum für angewandte Politikforschung, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015698428&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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McLellan, Josie. „Remembering Spain : the contested history of the International Brigades in the German Democratic Republic“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391191.
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Steel, John. „Free speech and praxis : philosophical justifications of freedom of speech and their application during the nineteenth century“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2002. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14474/.
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The main aim of this thesis is to analyse and explore the philosophical justifications for freedom of speech during the nineteenth century and their application as political praxis. In this work, specific types of free speech argument are identified and examined in the light of the ideological stance of those who sought to argue for freedom of speech, primarily from key ideological perspectives of the nineteenth century, utilitarianism, liberalism and socialism. Initially three types of free speech argument are identified: the accountability argument, the liberty argument and the truth argument. However, on an inspection of socialist arguments for freedom of speech, the author suggests that a fourth sufficiently distinct type of free speech argument is present, particularly within the more mature works of socialist radicals and agitators. Though the arguments for freedom of speech overlap within different ideological and historical contexts, a case is made for a relatively distinct type of free speech argument within the socialist political praxis of free speech. Furthermore, in examining key political and philosophical texts, and an analysis of the free speech arguments in nineteenth century political pamphlets and newspapers, the argument is made that in order to gain a thorough understanding of political history and philosophy a holistic approach should be adopted, one which looks at ideas, context, history, artefact, and political praxis.
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Teije, C. W. ten. „De opkomst van het socialisme in Breda actie en reactie tot 1908 /“. Tilburg : Stichting Zuidelijk Historisch Contact, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/16090821.html.
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Della, Santa Roberto. „Otimismo da vontade, pessimismo da razão : English marxism, Anderson translation & integral journalism of New Left Review (or an international world-marxism in the street-fighting years of western europe)/“. Marília, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154618.
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Orientador: Marcos del RoioBanca: Luiz Fernando da Silva
Banca: Ruy Gomes Braga Neto
Banca: Silvia Beatriz Adoue
Banca: Valério Arcary
Resumo: A tese a seguir versa sobre determinado tipo de marxismo inglês, a atividade político-editorial de Perry Anderson e o jornalismo integral da revista de ideias NEW LEFT REVIEW. A hipótese diretiva é de que a milieu da assim-chamada segunda geração desta New Left elaborou um gênero de «Marxismo-Mundo»internacionalista nos "anos das barricadas" (Tariq Ali) da Europa Ocidental. O fazimento histórico deste projeto intelectual inserido em sua formação cultural é um processo social que alentou a uma coetânea e coextensiva atividade de mediação com um duplo caráter: i) a forma-tradução, ou, a insularização / particularização / nacionalização da cultura socialista continental (França/Alemanha/Itália/Rússia) nas Ilhas (Inglaterra) e, daí, ii) a forma-jornalismo, i.e., a sua continentalização / universalização / internacionalização de um tipo sui generis de marxismo, consubstanciado a partir dum nexo identidade-diversidade entre local e global. Os contrastes e as conclusões bem como as predições e os desempenhos lidam necessariamente com a gênese, devir e metamorfoses de historiadores de processos sociais e críticos de ideias tais como Edward Palmer Thompson, Raymond Henry Williams e Eric John Hobsbawm vis-à-vis o grupo intelectual de Perry Anderson / Robin Blackburn / Tom Nairn. Uma "história a contrapêlo" (Walter Benjamin) impõe o repto de desvelar a consciência autoadjudicada que fez da cultura socialista "medíocre e inerte", da Grã-Bretanha, a "mais viva República das Letras" do marxismo contemporâneo do último quartel do Séc. XX. O aforisma «Pessimismo/Otimismo» refletiu/refratou a história da NLR: além do senso comum político e aquém da alta abstração teórica cabe restituir o prisma da NLR em si à luz do tempo histórico. Uma revalorização da trilogia... - (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The following thesis deals with a certain kind of English Marxism, political-editorial activity of Perry Anderson and the integral journalism of the journal of ideas NEW LEFT REVIEW. Its conductive hypothesis is that the milieu of the so-called second generation of this New Left produced a genre of an internationalist «World-Marxism» in "the street-fighting years" (T. Ali) of Western Europe. The historical making of this intellectual project inserted in its cultural formation is a social process that gave birth to a coeval and coextensive doubledcharacter mediation activity: i) translation-form, i.e., insularization / particularization / nationalization of a continental socialist culture (France/Germany/Italy/Russia) in the Islands (UK) and, hence, ii) the journalism-form, or, its continentalization / universalization / internationalization of a sui generis kind of Marxism, consubstantieted in a nexus of identitydiversity on local and global. The contrasts and conclusions and predictions and performances necessarily deals with the genesis, development and metamorphosis of historians of social processes and critics of ideas such as Edward Palmer Thompson, Raymond Henry Williams and Eric John Hobsbawm vis-à-vis the intellectual group of Perry Anderson, Robin Blackburn & Tom Nairn. A "history against the grain" (W. Benjamin) imposes us the challenge of unrevealing the adjudicated consciousness that made the "mediocre and inert" socialist culture of Great-Britain the "Liviest Republic of Letters" of Contemporary Marxism in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century. The aphorism of «Pessimism/Optimism» reflected/refracted the history of NLR: beyond political common sense and before theoretical high abstraction is in order to repair the prism of NLR itself at the light of historical time. A critical revaluation of the ... - (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
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Bartos, Gerardo Pablo Encinas. „The Socialism of the 21St Century in Bolivia“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20410.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaEsta tese analisa o impacto do Socialismo do século XXI na política boliviana durante o período 2006 a 2019 com o Movimento para o Socialismo (MAS), sob a liderança de Evo Morales. O Socialismo do Século XXI é uma doutrina avançada por H. Dieterich e A. Buzgalin. Dieterich promoveu a necessidade e a importância de combinar o socialismo com a democracia, não uma democracia liberal, mas uma democracia participativa e directa. Buzgalin reforça a necessidade de utilizar formas mais desenvolvidas de capitalismo para transformar a sociedade orientada para o pós-mercado. Esta doutrina influenciou Hugo Chavez, seu principal expoente, e Rafael Correa na América Latina. Assim, a literatura sobre os avanços do populismo de esquerda na América Latina associou Evo Morales à política e políticas de líderes socialistas como Chávez e Correa. Ao contrário desta literatura, esta tese defende que o MAS e Evo Morales se afastaram do socialismo do século XXI, encontrando as suas principais influências no movimento indigenista na Bolívia ligado ao katarismo, e que nos seus treze anos de poder (2006- 2019) Morales adoptou políticas neoliberais, enquanto usava a linguagem do anticapitalismo e do "socialismo comunitário" para obter apoio popular. Em última análise, ao não unir o país, ao manter um confronto agressivo com a oposição política, ao parar o investimento estrangeiro na Bolívia, Morales não reduziu a pobreza nem melhorou as condições de vida dos bolivianos, não geriu a riqueza mineira e hidrocarbónica do país e até provocou um confronto entre bolivianos, o que levou à sua queda e exílio do país em Novembro de 2019.
This thesis analyses the impact of the 21st Century Socialism in Bolivian politics during the period 2006 to 2019 with the Movement towards Socialism (MAS) under the leadership of Evo Morales. 21st Century Socialism is a doctrine advanced by H. Dieterich and A. Buzgalin. Dieterich promoted the need and importance of combining socialism with democracy, not a liberal democracy, but a participatory and direct democracy. Buzgalin reinforces the need to use further developed forms of capitalism to transform the post-marketoriented society. This doctrine influenced Hugo Chavez, its leading exponent, and Rafael Correa in Latin America. Hence, the literature on the advances of left-wing populism in Latin America associated Evo Morales with the politics and policies of socialist leaders like Chavez and Correa. Contrary to this literature, this thesis argues that the MAS and Evo Morales moved away from 21st Century Socialism, finding their main influences in the Indianist movement in Bolivia linked with Katarism and that in its thirteen years in power (2006-2019) Morales adopted neoliberal policies while using the language of anti-capitalism and “Communitarian Socialism” to garner popular support. Ultimately, by not uniting the country, by maintaining an aggressive confrontation with the political opposition, by stopping foreign investment in Bolivia, Morales did not reduce poverty or improve the living conditions of Bolivians, did not manage the country's mining and hydrocarbon wealth, and even stirred up a confrontation among Bolivians, which led to his fall and exile from the country in November 2019.
N/A
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Tombs, I. S. L. „Socialist politics and the future of Europe : The discussions between British Labour and continental socialists in London, 1939-45“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384470.
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Brzozowska, Zuzanna. „Fertility and education in Poland during state socialism“. Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2014.31.12.
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Background: Studies on fertility in Poland focus on the turbulent transition period and its consequences. However, during state socialism significant societal and demographic changes took place.
Objective: This article studies the macro-level relationship between education and completed fertility of Polish women born between 1930 and 1959, and tries to assess how changes in women's educational structure affected fertility.
Methods: Using data from the large-scale Fertility Survey 2002 that accompanied the Polish population census, I first look into fertility trends by education and five-year cohorts. Then, by applying Cho's and Retherford's decomposition analysis and direct standardisation, I assess the role of women's educational expansion in fertility changes.
Results: Despite profound structural changes and the ruling egalitarian ideology, the educational gradient in completed fertility remained strongly negative in all analysed cohorts. The observed decline in completed fertility from 2.51 in the 1930-34 cohort to 2.22 in the 1955-59 cohort can be explained by the expansion of female education. Had the educational structure not changed, the completed fertility of the youngest cohort would have been slightly higher than that of the oldest cohort.
Conclusions: Under state socialism in Poland, better-educated women had on average fewer children than the less educated. The expansion of female education played an important role in fertility decline.
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Cook, Andrew V. „Marxist historiography and the problem of National Socialism /“. Title page and introduction only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc7681.pdf.
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Davis, Laurence Aaron. „Socialism and modernity : the case of William Morris“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319112.
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Taylor, G. W. „A.R. Orage, The New Age and Guild Socialism“. Thesis, Swansea University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.639164.
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This study does not purport to be an intellectual biography of Orage, nor does it claim to comprehend Guild Socialism in all of its forms. It is, rather, an attempt to analyse the influence of A.R. Orage and The New Age upon the development of Guild Socialist ideas. The first part of the study deals with the influence of Orage upon the development of Guild Socialism in The New Age. It concentrates upon the relationship between his philosophical and political ideas, and argues that the tension between his search for the spiritual liberation of the individual and his hopes for the liberation of the national character had significant repercussions on his relations with the guildsmen of The New Age. This is illustrated by focussing upon his dialogues with A.J. Penty, S.G. Hobson, Ramiro de Maeztu and Major C.H. Douglas. We find that Orage travelled through so many forms of Guild Socialism because none of his associates were able to satisfy his philosophical and political aspirations. The thesis then moves on to trace some of the ideas developed by Orage and The New Age and attempts to evaluate their impact upon two other Guild Socialist organisations. This section deals with selected themes and focuses, in particular, upon economic ideas, conceptions of the state, and industrial policies. It begins with an analysis of G.D.H. Cole and the National Guilds League, and concludes with chapters on Maurice Reckitt and the Church Socialist League. It is argued that Orage and his associates in The New Age were important in both the origins and development of Guild Socialism. In particular, they were responsible for developing 'right wing' ideas which attracted influential sections of the movement.
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Butler, Anthony Michael. „Collective agency and political possibility in British socialism“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385948.
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Grenfell, Michael. „Mill's 'very simple principle' : liberty, utilitarianism and socialism“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1172/.
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The thesis aims to examine the political consequences of applying J.S. Mill's "very simple principle" of liberty in practice: whether the result would be free-market liberalism or socialism, and to what extent a society governed in accordance with the principle would be free. 2 Contrary to Mill's claims for the principle, it fails to provide a clear or coherent answer to this "practical question". This is largely because of three essential ambiguities in Mill's formulation of the principle, examined in turn in the three chapters of the thesis. 3 First, Mill is ambivalent about whether liberty is to be promoted for its intrinsic value, or because it is instrumental to the achievement of other objectives, principally the utilitarian objective of "general welfare". The possibility that he might mean the latter implies that, because liberty and utilitarian objectives are at least potentially incompatible, application of the principle does not preclude the sacrifice of individual liberty in the pursuit of general welfare, and therefore does not preclude paternalistic (and illiberal) state socialism. 4 Arguments advanced by commentators, notably Gray, to suggest that there is no inconsistency between the liberal and utilitarian objectives in Mill's writing, are not sustainable. 5 Secondly, the principle's criterion for sanctioning interference in liberty - the prevention of "harm to others" - is so vague and elastic as to be compatible with almost any degree of interventionism and indeed totalitarianism. Because of the interdependence of men in society, there is virtually no limit to the classes of activity which can be said to cause harm to others, and hence no limits to the interference sanctioned by Mill's principle. Thus the principle does not preclude the suppression of legitimate economic activity by a socialist state committed to preventing economic "harm". 6 Attempts by commentators such as Rees and Ten to show that Mill's use of "harm" is narrower and more specific, are not supported by either textual or logical analysis. 7 Thirdly, Mill's principle fails to make clear whether "liberty" should be understood to mean classical ("negative") liberty or some form of "positive liberty" such as ability/power. It therefore does not preclude the adoption of socialist measures to promote "ability". On examination, "ability" can be seen to be an entirely different phenomenon from liberty. The promotion of "ability" (attainable through central allocation of material resources) can only be undertaken at the expense of liberty, particularly economic liberty. The justification for safeguarding economic liberty lies in respect for private property rights, the absence of which entails enslavement and inhumanity. 8 If a principle were to be framed avoiding these three ambiguities, it could serve as a firmer foundation for the protection and promotion of liberty.
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Ho, Wai Nang. „Social insurance with the characteristics of Chinese socialism“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2647/.
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This research aims at exploring the features of social insurance in China in the mid 1990s. From the Marxist structuralist view social insurance is an institution built on the economic system of the country. In view of the inadequate research from this perspective, this research employs the proposition of sociological study on social insurance to identify the issues of social insurance including the funding formats, service provision patterns, coverage, and the people's experiences and expectations on social insurance in China. This research applied qualitative and quantitative strategies to collect the information. For qualitative research strategy this research traced the historical development of income maintenance services from the feudal stage to the 20th century in China. Also it arranged unstructured interviewing with government officials from various departments, the managers at work units, and the academic who are the experts on income maintenance in the country. This research also reviewed policy papers and internal documents on labour and social insurance in China. The most distinguished part of this study is the quantitative research work carried out in Guangzhou Shi, Guangdong Province in 1995. 25 managers from work units of different types of ownership were interviewed and 520 employees participated in the structured interviewing with questionnaires administered by extraordinary interviewers. The research findings demonstrate that socialist ideology governs the provisions of social insurance in China. However, in the process of building up a socialist market economy, the Communist Party of China also mingled Confucian values with Marxist socialism that makes social insurance with the characteristics of Chinese socialism. The socialist economic system is still the main body of social insurance whilst Confucianism is the means. This appeals to the people to socialise the social insurance services that are heavily financed by state and operated within work units but cover only the categorised labour force in urban China.