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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
Graber, Mark A. „Why Interpret? Political Justification and American Constitutionalism“. Review of Politics 56, Nr. 3 (1994): 415–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500018908.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNEGRETTO, GABRIEL L., und MARIANO SÁNCHEZ-TALANQUER. „Constitutional Origins and Liberal Democracy: A Global Analysis, 1900–2015“. American Political Science Review 115, Nr. 2 (19.01.2021): 522–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420001069.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleCassola, Adèle, Amy Raub und Jody Heymann. „Do constitutions guarantee equal rights across socioeconomic status? A half century of change in the world's constitutions“. Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 32, Nr. 3 (Oktober 2016): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2016.1237373.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBekele, Henok Kebede. „Constitution as Social Contract in Contemporary Ethiopia: The Need to Re-construct Political Arrangements“. Mizan Law Review 15, Nr. 1 (30.09.2021): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i1.2.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleHirschl, Ran. „Constitutions and the Metropolis“. Annual Review of Law and Social Science 16, Nr. 1 (13.10.2020): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-051920-020619.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBenewick, Robert. „Towards a Developmental Theory of Constitutionalism: The Chinese Case“. Government and Opposition 33, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1998): 442–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00461.x.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRuiz Vieytez, Eduardo. „Constitutions, minorities and superdiversity“. Age of Human Rights Journal, Nr. 19 (19.12.2022): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v19.6770.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleHeckelman, Jac C., und John Dinan. „Don’t You be My Neighbor: Support for Racial-Exclusion Constitutional Provisions in Mid-19th Century Indiana and Illinois“. American Politics Research 49, Nr. 5 (24.05.2021): 504–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211015346.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNelson, Matthew J., Aslı Bâli, David Mednicoff und Hanna Lerner. „From Foreign Text to Local Meaning: The Politics of Religious Exclusion in Transnational Constitutional Borrowing“. Law & Social Inquiry 45, Nr. 4 (14.04.2020): 935–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.75.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleCastro, Kamile. „Entre o Direito e a Ciência Política: uma relação com futuro?“ Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política / Portuguese Journal of Political Science, Nr. 15 (2021): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/2184-2078.rpcp2021.15/pp.59-74.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDissertationen zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
Dorman, Sara Rich. „Inclusion and exclusion : NGOs and politics in Zimbabwe“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99281b24-8104-4699-8e4c-0cdc2a2c716e.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBrulin, Rémi. „Le discours américain sur le terrorisme : Constitution, évolution et contextes d'énonciation (1972-1992)“. Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00764900.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleHill, Mark J. „Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleTeuteberg, Salome Marjanne. „The endurance of Lebanese consociational democracy“. Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6577.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: The small Middle Eastern country of Lebanon was once recognised as the exemplar of power-sharing democracy, upholding a system that promoted peace and coexistence between Christians and Muslims. Power was divided proportionally amongst confessional groups, granting each sect power according to their demographic proportion. This division of power was aimed at promoting national unity, but changes in the Lebanese demography made the division undemocratic, and the constitution no longer accurately represented Lebanese society. The 1926 constitution, supplemented by the National Pact in 1943, which had upheld this division of power, baulked under the pressure of a 15-year civil war, to the surprise of many scholars who had praised the Lebanese system. While many place the blame on the outside influences, it has been determined that the problem lay within the system. The static characteristic of the system did not sufficiently provide for changing demographics, or a change in interest groups. The problem lay in the fixed nature of the proportionality of the consociational system. The prolonged civil war, sometimes referred to as a proxy war between Israel and Syria, came to an end with the signing of the Taif Accord in 1990. Though none were satisfied with its provision, the Accord brought an end to the escalating violence. The Accord paved the way for the rebuilding of state institutions, enabling parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996; general municipal elections in 1998; the peaceful transfer of power between presidents; as well as the reconstruction of the Lebanese economy. The main objective of this study of Lebanon is to determine whether the amended Lebanese constitution of 1990 adheres to the principles provided in the theoretical framework regarding constitutional endurance. This study is in the form of a qualitative case study. It aims to describe, at length, and to form an in-depth understanding of the actors and events leading up to the Taif Accord, as well as the formation and implementation thereof. The research questions include: What factors relating to flexibility, specificity and inclusion contributed to the breakdown of the 1943 National Pact?; What steps were taken leading to the Taif Accord?; and Have the changes made in the Lebanese constitution by means of the 1990 Taif Accord facilitated the endurance of the constitution? The study aims to contribute through its application of the theoretical framework to a particular case study, namely that of Lebanon. By 'testing' this theoretical framework, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the happenings in Lebanon over the past 80 years. It remains in question whether the Taif Accord‟s amendments to the constitution have sufficiently provided for the resilience of thereof. Twenty years of relative peace have not convinced Lebanese citizens of the legitimacy and efficacy of the Accord. While the over-centralisation of power within the system was curbed by shifting power away from the president to a cabinet equally divided between Christian and Muslims, the Accord failed to effectively deal with the preset nature of the proportionality within the system. 20 years of relative peace may be enough to ensure the endurance of the constitution, but regional factors as well as the presence of radicalised groups play an important role in destabilising the fragile balance within the country. Should the Lebanese state continue to be inclusive and flexible in the wake of a constantly changing environment, it may endure. However, the tumultuous nature of the region in which Lebanon finds itself may eventually provide external shocks that the Lebanese system fails to weather. The hope is that the system builds on sound, systemic foundations in order to be able to endure regional conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die klein Midde-Oosterse land Lebanon, was vroeër 'n voorbeeld van 'n magsdelende demokrasie wat 'n stelsel gehandhaaf het wat vrede en naasbestaan tussen Christene en Moslems bevorder het. Mag is proporsioneel onder geloofsgroepe verdeel volgens hul demografiese verhouding tot die ander groepe. Hierdie verdeling van mag was gemik op die bevordering van nasionale eenheid, maar veranderinge in die Lebanese demografie het veroorsaak dat die grondwet nie meer verteenwoordigend was van die Lebanese samelewing nie. Die Lebanese Grondwet van 1926, tesame met die Nasionale Verdrag van 1943, wat hierdie verdeling gehandhaaf het, het onder die druk van 'n 15-jare Burgeroorlog inmekaar gestort, ten spyte van die vertroue wat in die stelsel was. Alhoewel die skuld soms op eksterne invloede geplaas is, is dit egter bepaal dat die probleem in die Lebanese stelsel self lê. Die statiese kenmerk van die stelsel het nie voldoende voorsiening gemaak vir 'n verandering in die demografie of belangegroepe nie. Die probleem lê in die statiese en onwrikbare aard van die konsosiatiewe stelsel. Die uitgerekte Burgeroorlog, soms gesien as 'n oorlog tussen Israel en Sirië op Lebanese grond, is tot 'n einde gebring met die ondertekening van die Taif Verdrag in 1990. Alhoewel geen betrokke party ten volle tevrede was met die bepalinge van die Verdrag nie, het dit 'n einde gebring aan die toenemende geweld. Die Verdrag het die weg gebaan vir die heropbou van staatsinstellings; parlementêre verkiesings in 1992 en 1996; algemene munisipale verkiesings in 1998; die vreedsame oordrag van mag tussen presidente; sowel as die heropbou van die Lebanese ekonomie. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie van Lebanon is om te bepaal of die gewysigde grondwet van 1990 voldoen aan die beginsels van die teoretiese raamwerk rakende grondwetlike uithouvermoë. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Dit het ten doel om te beskryf en 'n in-diepte begrip van die akteurs en die gebeure wat gelei het tot die Taif Accord, asook die vorming en implementering daarvan te vorm. Die navorsing vrae sluit in: Watter faktore met betrekking tot buigsaamheid, spesifisiteit en insluiting het bygedra tot die verval van die 1943 National Pact?; Watter stappe is geneem wat gelei tot die Taif Verdrag?; en Het die veranderinge in die Lebanese grondwet deur middel van die 1990 Taif Verdrag die langdurigheid van die grandwet gefasiliteer? studie het ten doel om by te dra deur middel van sy toepassing van die teoretiese raamwerk om 'n bepaalde gevallestudie, naamlik dat van die Lebanon. Hierdie studie verskaf ook 'n in-diepte analise van die gebeure in Lebanon oor die afgelope 80 jaar. Die vraag bly staan of die Taif Verdrag se wysigings aan die grondwet voldoende voorsiening gemaak het vir die oorlewing van die grondwet. Twintig jaar van relatiewe vrede het nog nie Lebanese burgers oortuig van die legitimiteit en doeltreffendheid van die Verdrag nie. Alhoewel die oor-sentralisering van mag binne die stelsel ingeperk is deur die verskuiwing van mag weg van die President, na 'n kabinet wat gelykop tussen Christene en Moslems verdeel is, het die Verdrag versuim om effektief met die proporsionele aard van die grondwet te handel. Dit is egter belangrik om op die uniekheid van die Lebanese geval te let, ten spyte van die vele faktore rondom die saak. Hoewel 20 jaar van vrede genoegsaam kan wees om die langdurigheid van 'n grondwet te verseker, speel streeksfaktore, sowel as die teenwoordigheid van radikale groepe 'n belangrike rol in die destabilisering van die fyn balans wat in die land voorkom. Indien die Lebanese staat voortgaan om inklusief en buigsaam te wees in die nasleep van 'n voortdurende, veranderende omgewing, sal dit kan voortleef. Maar die onstuimige aard van die streek waarin Lebanon homself bevind mag eksterne negatiewe faktore na vore bring wat die Lebanese stelsel nie kan hanteer nie. Die hoop is dat hierdie stelsel sal voortbou op sterk, sistemiese fondasies om in staat te wees om eksterne, sowel as interne, konflik te hanteer.
Givens, John Wagner. „Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleStephens, Otis H. Jr, John M. II Scheb und Colin Glennon. „American Constitutional Law, Volume I and II: Civil Rights and Liberties“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. http://amzn.com/1285736923.
Der volle Inhalt der Quellehttps://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1021/thumbnail.jpg
Taylor, Kristie A. „Constitutional alcohol Prohibition in the United States: Power, profit and politics“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289817.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLilyblad, Christopher Marc. „The constitution of illicit orders“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b384b742-f218-4e10-8674-647d4cbb59d5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePachon, Buitrago Monica. „Cross-avenue politics the case of Colombia and Brazil /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320554.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).
Monyane, Chelete. „The kingdom of Lesotho : an assessment of problems in democratic consolidation“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1136.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.
Bücher zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
1944-, Glaessner Gert-Joachim, Reutter Werner und Jeffery Charlie, Hrsg. Verfassungspolitik und Verfassungswandel: Deutschland und Grossbritannien im Vergleich. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2001.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenZanfarino, Antonio, und Salvatore Cingari. Politica costituzionale e scienza sociale alle origini della "Cesare Alfieri". Firenze]: Centro editoriale toscano, 2001.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenDougherty, Keith L. The Calculus of Consent and Constitutional Design. New York, NY: Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 2011.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenservice), SpringerLink (Online, Hrsg. Integration by Cooperation: A Constructivist Social Theory and a Theory of the State and the Law. Vienna: Springer-Verlag Vienna, 2012.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenSpitzer, Robert J. The politics of gun control. 4. Aufl. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2007.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenFelsenthal, Dan S. Electoral Systems: Paradoxes, Assumptions, and Procedures. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenEl-Karanshawy, Samer. Class, family and power in an Egyptian village. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo Press, 1998.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenTully, James. Une étrange multiplicité: Le constitutionnalisme à une époque de diversité. [Sainte-Foy, Québec]: Presses de l'Université Laval, 1999.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenSchwartz, Phyllis B. Critical challenges in law and government: Canada's constitutional crisis : a simulation. Vancouver: TC2/Critical Thinking Cooperative, 1998.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenCraig, Hemmens, Hrsg. Legal guide for police: Constitutional issues. 9. Aufl. Burlington, MA: Anderson Pub., 2011.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
Shan, Yafeng, und Jon Williamson. „Political Science“. In Evidential Pluralism in the Social Sciences, 115–31. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003143000-11.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleConkie, Craig. „7. Political science“. In Information Sources in the Social Sciences, herausgegeben von David Fisher, Sandra Price und Terry Hanstock, 266–305. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110949322-010.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleWagschal, Uwe, und Felix Ettensperger. „Big Data in Social Sciences“. In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 272–87. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n19.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleJenkins, Fiona. „Gendered Innovation in the Social Sciences“. In Gender Innovation in Political Science, 41–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75850-3_3.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAgius, Christine. „Social Constructivist International Relations and the Military“. In Handbook of Military Sciences, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02866-4_105-1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSylvan, David J. „The Qualitative-Quantitative Distinction in Political Science“. In The Qualitative-Quantitative Distinction in the Social Sciences, 79–97. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-3444-8_6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAyee, Joseph R. A., und Maame A. A. Gyekye-Jandoh. „The Vicissitudes of Political Science in Ghana“. In Changing Perspectives on the Social Sciences in Ghana, 159–92. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8715-4_9.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleDix, Josh. „Neuronopolitics: The Brainy Approach to Political Science“. In Grand Theories and Ideologies in the Social Sciences, 171–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112612_11.
Der volle Inhalt der QuellePowell, Shelliann. „Psychoanalysis and the Study of Political Science“. In Grand Theories and Ideologies in the Social Sciences, 97–112. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112612_6.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRauhut, Heiko, und Fabian Winter. „On the Validity of Laboratory Research in the Political and Social Sciences: The Example of Crime and Punishment“. In Experimental Political Science, 209–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137016645_10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
Hristovska, Jelena Trajkovska. „The Political concept of the Constitution and the Concepts of Hidden Constitution, Modest Constitution and, Behind –the-Scenes” Constitution“. In International Conference on Advanced Research in Social Sciences and Humanities. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icarsh.2019.03.193.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleLi, Wen, und Yifan Ruan. „Constitutional Education: The Core of German Political Education“. In 2020 International Conference on Advanced Education, Management and Social Science (AEMSS2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200723.130.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRudenko, Valentina. „Anti-Corruption Policy, the Constitution, and Human Rights in Poland“. In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-23.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSHASIVARI, Jeton. „CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: EXPECTATIONS AND DILEMMAS“. In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018h/11/s02.042.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleCviklova, Lucie. „DIRECT POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT AND CZECH CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS“. In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s02.055.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleShasivari, Jeton. „THE PARLIAMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA BETWEEN CONSTITUTIONAL NORMS AND REAL ROLE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL SYSTEM-DILEMMAS AND CHALLENGES“. In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s02.095.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSevara, Abdimannobova. „KONSTITUTSIYAVIY ISLOHOTLAR – YOSHLAR HUQUQINING KAFOLATLARI“. In GOALS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE INTEGRATION OF SCIENCE AND EDUCATION. International Scientific and Current Research Conferences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/goal-01.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSoehartono, Harjono, Zakki Adlhiyati, Ismawati Septiningsih und Itok Dwi Kurniawan. „Pros and Cons: Legal Status of Dispute in Election of Village Head in the Perspective of Indonesian Constitutional Law (A Case Study in Klaten District)“. In 6th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICOSAPS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201219.041.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleMcMillan III, George. „THE UNIFICATION OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND BEHAVIORAL SOCIAL SCIENCES“. In Law & Political Science Conference, Vienna. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/lpc.2017.001.005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAmbarkov, Nikola. „BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 25 YEARS AFTER DAYTON – BETWEEN THE CLASSICAL LIJPHART’S CONSOCIATION AND HIS NEWLY INTRODUCED TERM FOR CONSENSUAL DEMOCRACY“. In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p07.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBerichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> constitutions"
Arora, Saurabh, Arora, Saurabh, Ajit Menon, M. Vijayabaskar, Divya Sharma und V. Gajendran. People’s Relational Agency in Confronting Exclusion in Rural South India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), Dezember 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/steps.2021.004.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleNguijoi, Gabriel Cyrille, und Neo Sithole. Civilizational Populism and Religious Authoritarianism in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Februar 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0051.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKokurina, Olga Yu. SOCIETAL-METABOLIC SYSTEM OF THE STATE: EXPERIENCE OF SYNTHETIC RESEARCH. THE ELECTRONIC MANUAL. SIB-Expertise, Dezember 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/er0756.18122023.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKokurina, Olga Yu. STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY OF GOVERNMENT IN THE LIGHT OF A SYSTEMIC-ORGANIC APPROACH: INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH. SIB-Expertise, Dezember 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/er0755.18122023.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRyazantsev, Sergey, und Tamara Rostovskaya. I Russian-Iranian Sociological Forum. Conference Proceedings (Moscow, 16 – 18 November 2020) / Eds.-in-chief S.V. Ryazantsev, T.K. Rostovskaya, FCTAS RAS. – M.:, 2020. – 560 p. ООО Издательско-торговый дом «ПЕРСПЕКТИВА», November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38085/978-5-905-790-45-4-2020-1-560.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleRyazantsev, Sergey, und Tamara Rostovskaya, Hrsg. I Russian-Iranian Sociological Forum. Conference Proceedings (Moscow, 16 – 18 November 2020) / Eds.-in-chief S.V. Ryazantsev, T.K. Rostovskaya, FCTAS RAS. – M.:, 2020. – 560 p. Perspectiva Publishing, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38085/978-5-905-790-47-8-2020-1-560.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSchneider, Carsten. Advanced Applications of QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) in R. Instats Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/4fghv0ob2x5de469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSchneider, Carsten. Advanced Applications of QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) in R. Instats Inc., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/qdu1nxlyz9e6c469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSchneider, Carsten. Introduction to QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) with R. Instats Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/85r1sesxjhke3469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSchneider, Carsten. Introduction to QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) with R. Instats Inc., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/umqeben6y0b41469.
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