Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Machen Sie sich mit den Listen der aktuellen Artikel, Bücher, Dissertationen, Berichten und anderer wissenschaftlichen Quellen zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
1
Наквакина, Екатерина, und Yekatyerina Nakvakina. „Comparativist character of world politics as discipline (from the experience of teaching to post graduates)“. Comparative Research In Law and Politics 1, Nr. 2 (01.11.2013): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1935.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Relatively young discipline “World Politics” is not a pure comparativist course of lectures. Nevertheless it contains many comparisons. World Politics does not devoted to contemporary international relations. It describes first of all the most burning problems for our planet and actions of different social and political forces at the world arena, including states, transnational companies, social movements, civic organizations, etc. This approach demands comparisons to be made when we speak for example, about globalization in different countries, economic and political integration at concrete continents, problems of migration, education, medical services, food rations in various states. World Politics is linked with classical Political Science but it contains very important foreign component. In the nearest future the progress of knowledge will make one step further. Comparative Global Science (Global Comparativistika) may be a reality. Simultaneously in Legal Sciences the logical next step for Comprative Law will be State and Legal Comparative Studies. So unprecedented promotion of comparative method in humanity sciences is the result of globalization.
2
Kopaev, E. „Cognitive possibilities of political science: ask questions about Russian political science“. Journal of Political Research 8, Nr. 1 (06.04.2024): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2024-8-1-93-102.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The purpose of the work is to raise the question of the cognitive capabilities of political science and to what extent, in this regard, the methodological tools of political science are an adequate means for studying Russian reality. The methodology of the research was a politico-philosophical approach, which used a retrospective method and discourse analysis. The specificity of the social sciences and humanities implies the existence of value positions of the subject of cognition and determines the practice-oriented orientation of his research activity. The model of reality reconstructed by the scientist is based on a value-colored picture of the world, which directly or implicitly influences the interpretation of facts. Political science, being a part of social and humanitarian knowledge, is not devoid of its specificity and is also based on a certain model of the worldview - a paradigm. The science of politics was formed in the bosom of Western society, taking as a basis the corresponding paradigm of thinking. At a certain point, comparative studies begins to occupy a central position in the study of politics, in fact identifying the whole of political science with itself. Its distinctive feature, which has not been overcome to this day, is the attitude to compare the entire diversity of the political world with its own "ideal" of due. Accordingly, everything that does not fit into this value picture of the world is recognized as hostile, backward, imperfect. On such paradigmatic grounds, the study of Russian political life has been carried out for a long time. By adopting such a way of explaining the political sphere of Russian society, we put ourselves in the position of catching up, trying to adjust our own reality to the standards that were formed in other cultural and historical conditions. Based on this, the question arises about the application of the methodology of political science to Russian conditions. Conclusions: the question posed in the work may affect the change of the paradigm in force in Russian political science or, at least, the clarification of its methodological foundations, which opens up a wide scope for research for domestic social scientists.
3
Monshipouri, Mahmood. „Political Science“. American Journal of Islam and Society 14, Nr. 4 (01.01.1997): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2222.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Adopting an issue-oriented approach toward understanding Islamic andWestern political thought, Professor Abdul Rashid Moten places these two tradition'swithin historical and contemporary contexts. Moten's book thereby providesa comparative analysis of key issues, including Islamic research methodology,Islamic law, Islamic political and social order, strategies and tactics ofvarious Islamic movements, and the link between Islam and politics.In chapter 1, Moten examines the secular domination of Muslim thought andculture, arguing that secularism was imported into the Muslim world throughthe efforts of a Westernized elite. He adds that no such secular state had everexisted in the Muslim world. This owes much to the fact that there was (is) nocommon ground between Islam and secularism (p. 7). With secularism camenationalism, liberal political institutions, and the pursuit of a capitalist economicsystem. Nationalism, Moten notes, wedged its way into the Muslim world,dividing it into new nation-states and client states (p. 12). Since independence,secularism has failed to meet the socioeconomic and political needs of Muslimsocieties. The rising tide of Islamic revivalism against secular regimes inAlgeria and Turkey demonstrates disenchantment with the shattered secularistdreams in the Muslim world (p. 16).Chapter 2 attempts to scrutinize the inherent link between Islam and politics.The pillars of Islam, Moten writes, go beyond moral and spiritual upliftment;they entail both practical and symbolic significance in all aspects of life. InIslam, ethics sets the tone for politics, and the rules of political behavior originatefrom ethical norms. Political life cannot be separated from the broaderframework of the religious and spiritual life (p. 21 ). Islamic rulers have hardly,if ever, emphasized the separation of religion and politics. Since the nineteenthcentury, Islamic modernists and revivalists have debated the nature of this separation.The reemergence of Islam in Muslim politics and societies in the lastquarter of the twentieth century has pointed to a distinct Islamic order and thereawakening of Muslim identity. Moten cites, among others, Iran and Pakistanas examples of such a renaissance (p. 30). However, he fails to examine the divisiveeffects of lslamization programs in Pakistan (under Zia al-Haqq) and othercountries such as Sudan.The comparison between Western and Islamic methods of political inquiry isthe subject of close scrutiny in chapter 3. Moten maintains that the Islamic conceptionof polity is based on profound religious-cultural grounds and that religionand polity form an organic unity (p. 37). Likewise, ethics and politics are ...
4
LAITIN, DAVID D. „Toward a Political Science Discipline“. Comparative Political Studies 31, Nr. 4 (August 1998): 423–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031004002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Harry Eckstein's 1973 classic article “Authority Patterns: A Structural Basis for Political Inquiry” is critically reviewed. In that article, Eckstein proposes that the scope of politics can be ascertained through a taxonomic exercise that he labels progressive differentiation. In so doing, he delimits political study to the systematic analysis of authority patterns, which he defines as the “set of asymmetric relations among hierarchically ordered members of a social unit that involves the direction of the unit.” This taxonomy is provocative in that it rules out of the discipline's domain standard fare within contemporary political science, concerning exchange among equals (virtually all of economic reasoning) and exchange between states (virtually all of international relations). An alternative delimitation is proposed, building on other insights from Eckstein's corpus but taking off from current research practice. Four subfields—political theory, comparative politics, democratic institutions, and international relations—are defined in such a way as to give coherence to the political science discipline.
5
Bowman, Kirk S., und Ashley Jennings. „Pura Vida: Using Study Abroad to Engage Undergraduate Students in Comparative Politics Research“. PS: Political Science & Politics 38, Nr. 1 (Januar 2005): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096505055824.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Political science undergraduate students often have a difficult time understanding the processes and methods of social science research. The foci of courses in comparative politics such as Latin American Politics or European Politics are typically descriptive information, concepts and theories, and an overview of the principal debates and research findings. This stands in sharp contrast to undergraduate pedagogy in the natural sciences, where laboratory sections supplement classroom activities. For example, biology students learn the basics of the discipline in the classroom, and simultaneously use the tools and methods of scientists in the lab to replicate elementary experiments. This multi-method approach not only reinforces the students' understanding of biological concepts, but also gives them an appreciation for how their professors spend their time and the challenges, pleasures, and limitations of academic research.
6
Bates, Clifford Angell. „The centrality of politeia for Aristotle’s Politics: Aristotle’s continuing significance for social and political science“. Social Science Information 53, Nr. 1 (März 2014): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018413510364.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Political theorists today are addressing issues of global concern confronting state systems and in so doing are often forced to confront the concept of Homo sapiens as a ‘political animal’. Thus theorists considering Aristotle’s Politics attempt to transcend his polis-centric focus and make the case that Aristotle offers ways to address these global concerns by focusing on Empire. This article, contra Dietz et al., argues that Aristotle’s political science is first and foremost a science of politeia and that this approach to the operation and working of political systems is far superior to recent attempts at regime analysis in comparative politics. Thus Aristotle’s mode of examining political systems offers much fruit for those interested in approaching political phenomena with precision and depth as diverse manifestations of the political communities formed by the species Aristotle called the ‘political animal’. From this perspective, focusing on the politeia constituting each political community permits an analysis of contemporary transformations of political life without distorting what is being analyzed.
7
Ionescu, Ghiļa. „Reading Notes, Winter 1987“. Government and Opposition 22, Nr. 3 (01.07.1987): 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00019886.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Susan’s ‘Faites vos jeux, messieurs. Rien ne va plus’ — The Politics of Liberalism — Bertrand de JouvenelSusan’s ‘Faites Vos Jeux, Messieurs. Rien Ne Va Plus’ Professor Susan Strange is widely recognised as the foremost British exponent of the meta-discipline of International Political Economy, better known under its nickname IPE. I define it as a meta-discipline because, as is well known, its purpose it to fuse into one the three previously disparate disciplines of economics, politics (notably comparative politics, political sociology and public policy) and international relations which can make sense now only when they are related to each other. The nineteenth-century founders of the social sciences had simply used the name of Political Economy. But then the unforeseeable agglomeration of empirical material led to an objective need for specialization and to a subjective professional interest which in turn led not only to a growing differentiation in the subject-matter, but also to an unnatural incompatibility of perspectives. Like many other artificial barriers which have fallen under the sweep of twentieth-century interdependence, the disciplinary barriers, and even the inadequate ‘interdisciplinary collaborations’ between the major social sciences, should now return to the initial common matrix. Whether the end result will indeed be a new, unique, science, or whether the social sciences will learn how to ‘see’ trifocally is another matter.
8
Janos, Andrew C. „Social Science, Communism, and the Dynamics of Political Change“. World Politics 44, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1991): 81–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010424.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In the past thirty years the comparative study of communism as conducted in the United States has rested on two conceptual pillars: Weber's theory of routinization and Spencer's notion of progress through industrialism. This article points out some of the limitations of these theories and then develops a more comprehensive framework for comparisons. One of the keys to the understanding of communist politics is the model of a “military society,” also formulated by Spencer but generally ignored by contemporary social science. In terms of this model, communism is presented as a militant geopolitical response to international inequalities, the initial logic of which has been undermined by technological developments in the period following World War II.
9
MORDESON, JOHN N., TERRY D. CLARK, ADAM D. GRIESER und MARK J. WIERMAN. „AN INDUCTIVE APPROACH TO DETERMINING CAUSALITY IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS: A FUZZY SET ALTERNATIVE“. New Mathematics and Natural Computation 03, Nr. 02 (Juli 2007): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793005707000719.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Political science typically tests hypotheses by demonstrating correlations between variables. The most commonly employed method for doing so is regression analysis. The approach is essentially crisp, which carries with it a number of questionable assumptions about the data. Political phenomena such as democracy or stability often involve measuring the degree to which a particular observation demonstrates the qualities of the category. A fuzzy set approach better captures the inherent ambiguity in classifying our observations relative to such categories. However, the attempt to establish correlations between fuzzy sets in the social sciences has been plagued by the priority ranking issue. We illustrate the potential that Jeffrey's Rule has to overcome this difficulty.
10
Vermonte, Philips J., und A’an Suryana. „Foreword“. Muslim Politics Review 1, Nr. 1 (25.12.2022): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mpr.v1i1.48.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Publishing in academic journals is an important endeavour in the academic world. Academic journals contribute immensely to the progress and accumulation of knowledge, as journals provide platforms for scholars to engage in the contestation of ideas that can spur innovation in their respective fields of study. Muslim Politics Review (MPR) is walking the path to that endeavour. Articles in this journal will reflect the unique contributions that they make in the field of political science and its sub-disciplines, such as comparative politics, public policy, political theory, and international relations. Contributions from other social sciences disciplines, including but not limited to sociology, history, anthropology, economics, and psychology, are also welcome, so long as they intersect with politics. It is important to underline this scope due to MPR’s position as a newly established academic journal focusing on politics.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
1
Davenport, R. Dean Hankins Barry. „Patriarchy and politics a comparative evaluation of the religious, political and social thought of Sir Robert Filmer and Robert Lewis Dabney /“. Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4293.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
2
Whitehead, Richard. „Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/58538.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Political SciencePh.D.
As international pressure for multiparty reforms swept Africa during the early 1990s, long-time incumbent, such as UNIP in Zambia, KANU in Kenya, and the MCP in Malawi, were simultaneously challenged by widespread domestic demands for multiparty reforms. Only ten years later, after succumbing to reform demands, many long-time incumbents were out of office after holding competitive multiparty elections. My research seeks an explanation for why this pattern did not emerge in Tanzanian, where the domestic push for multiparty change was weak, and, despite the occurrence of three multiparty elections, the CCM continues to win with sizable election margins. As identified in research on semi-authoritarian rule, the post-reform pattern for incumbency maintenance in countries like Togo, Gabon, and Cameroon included strong doses of repression, manipulation and patronage as tactics for surviving in office under to multiparty elections. Comparatively speaking however, governance by the CCM did not fit the typical post-Cold-War semi-authoritarian pattern of governance either. In Tanzania, coercion and manipulation appears less rampant, while patronage, as a constant across nearly every African regime, cannot explain the overwhelming mass support the CCM continues to enjoy today. Rather than relying on explanations based on repression and patronage alone, I locate the basis of post-reform CCM dominance in a historical process whereby a particularly unique array of social and economic policies promulgated during single-party rule culminated in comparatively affable social relations at the onset of multiparty reform. In Tanzania, this post-independence policy mix included stemming the growth of vast regional wealth differentials, a rejection of ethnicity as a basis for organizing collective action, and the construction of a relatively coherent national identity. By contrast, in most other African cases, policies under single-party rule acted to reinforce many of those economic and ethnic divisions inherited at independence. These divisions in turn, acted as material and moral capital for organizing dissent against incumbency, and the consolidation of opposition parties following political reform.
Temple University--Theses
3
Bound, Mark George. „Nation-State Personality Theory: A Qualitative Comparative Historical Analysis of Russian Behavior, during Social/Political Transition“. NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/33.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The study theorizes that a nation-state can manifest a condition similar to that of personality commonly associated with humans. Through the identification of consistent behaviors, a personality like condition is recognizable, and the underlining motivations dictate national policy independent of any current social/political influence. The research examines Russia during two historical periods examining the conflict events and social/political transitions of the period, to identify common behavioral characteristics, which indicate the existence of any independent personality like trait.
The study focuses on two historical periods: the Monarch Period of Peter I (The Great), and the Post-Soviet Union period of Vladimir Putin, periods selected as historical eras in which Russia experienced major political or social transition. Using a comparative qualitative historical analysis with a behaviorist focus, the research examines these periods by profiling each era’s elements of society and the events of domestic and international conflict that Russia experienced, while evaluating the actions taken in response to each.
The research discovers that Russia exhibits personality like traits, similar to those associated with humans and are likewise developed from experience, and once imbedded into Russian psychology, regardless of the current social/political elements or situational conditions, remain prime motivators to Russian behavior. The personality like characteristic identified was similar to inferiority, which leads to behavior characteristics comparable to narcissism, as the definition of narcissism relates to the need for admiration and or acceptance. The study identified the origins of the inferiority like complex and the narcissistic like behavior pattern exhibited by Russia in both periods.
4
de, Rooij Eline A. „Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
5
Deliberto, Jacob J. „A tale of two bloody bailouts : a comparative study between the outcomes of the American Surges in Iraq (2006-2009) and in Afghanistan (2009-2013)“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6897/.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
During the years from 2006-2009 and 2009-2013, both Iraq and then Afghanistan were under extreme duress, succumbing to the pressures from violent armed non-state groups. This occurred while both cases were already under US occupation. In order to resolve the growing instabilities posed by these non-state groups, the US escalated its initial military efforts first in Iraq and then in Afghanistan. The escalation of military efforts was conceived as a “Surge” strategy. The Iraq Surge was implemented first, starting in 2006. By 2009, the situation in Iraq dramatically changed because there was a significant reduction in the direct violence experienced by Iraqis. Furthermore, the new Iraq government gained political momentum and for a short period, it was able to centralize the states political authority and gain more legitimacy amongst the Iraqi people. Much of the conventional wisdom amongst policy experts and some academics is that the Iraq Surge worked, and the premise for this is the reduction of violence and the growing strength of the Iraqi government from 2006-2009. In light of the success in the Iraq Surge, another Surge was employed in Afghanistan. The Afghanistan Surge started in late 2009 and carried on through 2012. The Afghanistan Surge was conceived using the same political plan, and the same military manuals and tactics deployed during the Iraq Surge. However, Afghanistan did not experience the same radical decline in direct violence that was seen in Iraq.
6
Chevallier, Bellon Charlotte. „ESSAI D'INTERPRETATION DES PHENOMENES CENTRISTES CONTEMPORAINS :analyse comparative : France, Allemagne, Pologne“. Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00179340.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Le renouveau des centres dans les années 1990 sur le modèle du new Labour relance le débat sur le contenu du centrisme. Il semble admis que le centre en tant qu'offre politique articulée sur les dimensions sociologique, idéologique et politique, n'existe pas. L'étude des centres démocrates-chrétiens en France, en Allemagne et en Pologne souligne la nécessité de décomposer ces éléments. Leur mise en relation met en évidence différents types d'identification politique qui définissent un mode spécifique d'appréhension de l'espace politique fondé sur le refus de la partition. Les formes observées s'expliquent par deux variables : l'une renvoie à la polarisation des systèmes politiques et l'autre a trait à la filiation idéologique de la famille politique considérée. L'émergence des " nouveaux " centres semble liée à la diffusion d'une vision politique non-conflictuelle à une famille politique jusqu'ici attachée au principe de la lutte des classes : la social-démocratie.
7
Krijestorac, Mirsad. „Nationalism as a Process for Making the Desired Identity Salient: Bosnian Muslims Become Bosniaks“. FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3004.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study is concerned with the particular relationship between the process of nationalism and a group’s salient identity. It proposes that nationalism as the independent variable serves as a principal factor and facilitator for a change of identity, which is seen as the dependent variable. The Bosnian Muslim emergence as an independent nation with the new salient Bosniak identity was used as a case study to test the main proposition.
The inquiry was completed through a mixed research method, using grounded theory and the historic process tracing technique, a large survey analysis collected specifically for this study, and a logistic regression as a concluding test. The historic process tracing method describes the Bosnian Muslim group’s development from a distinct Balkan Ottoman religious millet group, through a stage of its own ethno-religious cultural crystallization, another stage of nationality during the Communist era, to an independent nation that now shares the country of Bosnia-Herzegovina with two other nations. Through their struggle to survive and re-assert themselves as an important local political entity, Bosniaks built their nationalism upon three important themes: B-H integrity, Bosnian Islam, and the Bosnian language. A 68-question survey regarding these three themes designed specifically for this study was conducted, and 670 survey responses were collected from the Bosnian Muslim diaspora population living throughout the Midwestern and Eastern U.S. in their Appadurai-type neighborhoods. The data collected from those surveys were manipulated in preparation for a final analysis. The two nationalism indexes measuring intensity and type, and six categories of Bosniak identity, were constructed to observe interactions between nationalism and identity.
As the final step, a statistical analysis with multinomial logistic regression confirmed the proposition and showed that the factor which stimulates selection of a new desired salient identity is intensity of nationalism, not type of nationalism .
This work contributes to the ongoing discussion on the true role of nationalism as a collective action. At the same time, it provides the field of comparative politics with a comprehensive description of the emergence of Bosnian Muslims as a nation, and with details of their nationalism project and their now salient Bosniak identity.
8
Kavak, Sinem. „Repenser l'économie politique des conflits contemporains sur la question de l'eau en Turquie : espaces, structures et agentivité d'une perspective comparative“. Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLN040.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Cet écrit s'intéresse au rôle de l'économie politique dans les mobilisations rurales contemporaines. En mettant l'accent sur les récentes luttes pour l'eau en Turquie, contre les centrales hydroélectriques « au fil de l'eau (SHP). La recherche creuse principalement les facteurs sociétaux et économiques qui rendent possible ou empêchent l'émergence de mobilisations fortes, à travers la comparaison des réactions contre les projets SHP dans quatre localités de la région de l'est de la mer Noire - Kavak (Arhavi) et Aralik (Borcka)- et son arrière pays Tortum (villages de Pehlivanli et Bagbasi).La logique principale derrière cette comparaison croisée est de déterminer si il y a une relation entre les formes de vies rurales, principalement définies en termes de productions, marché, place dans le système économique général, migrations et viabilité des espaces, et des mobilisations politiques contre les constructions de SHP combinées avec d'autres raisons existantes pouvant mener à une agitation ou des conflits. Dans ce contexte, j'appuierai la thèse que Kavak (Arhavi) et Aralik (Borçka) sont devenus des espaces péri-urbains à travers la transformation particulière par laquelle ils sont passés. Le caractère péri-urbain a facilité le voyage des idées et des schémas de politisations urbaines dans les villes natales des citadins. Dans le cas particulier d’ Arhavi, l'effet de la ville dans la mobilisation anti-SHP est évident. Un groupe de personnes originaires d'Arhavi qui peuvent être qualifiés de nouvelle classe moyenne ont été pionniers de la résistance. Ils ont rendu possible des alliances plus larges et ont contribué au renforcement d'une résistance carnivalesque avec des rituels, une réinvention des traditions et des micro-identités. A Aralik par contre, malgré toutes les tentatives, un modèle similaire n'a pas pu être atteint. Le modèle de migration rurale-urbaine a laissé un espace socio-économique viable dans la ville de Arhavi alors que celle de Aralik a été négativement impactée par ces migrations rurales-urbaines, ce qui peut alors être considéré comme un facteur de non-viabilité. Au contraire des petits villages de l'est de la Mer Noire producteurs de petites marchandises, les vallées arides de Tortum abritent des maisons de paysans, qui pratiquent une agriculture de subsistance. Ce type d'habitat a pu continuer à être viable malgré un statut socio-économique peu élevé. Le niveau de la population rurale est resté à peu près stable jusqu'au débit des années 2000. Comme la production est dépendante de l'irrigation, les SHP posent une menace sérieuse sur les moyens d'existence et cela a violemment mobilisé une population auparavant renfermée et docile. Cependant, le discours, le cadre, l'amplitude et les techniques de mobilisation sont complètement différents de ceux des espaces péri-urbains de la Mer Noire. L'amplitude de la mobilisation est directement reliée à celle de la menace sur les moyens de subsistance de la population à Bagbasi et Pehlivanli. Quand la menace est élevée, comme à Bagbasi, la mobilisation est forte. Inversement, quand la menace est faible, comme à Pehlivanli, et qu'il existe des opportunités amenées par la compagnie construisant les SHP qui permettent d'atténuer les effets sur les ressources, une mobilisation est peu susceptible d'arriver. De cela, j'affirme que les transformations spatio-économiques des localités qui transforment de manière inégale les configurations rurales en termes d'activités de production et de consommation ont un impact sur les schémas, discours et des modes des mobilisations rurales contemporaines. De ce fait, la thèse plaide pour un besoin de théorisation des mobilisations agraires contemporaines depuis cette perspective en mettant l'accent sur les transformations des moyens d'existence, les transformations et la viabilité de l'espace, la commercialisation de la production et la différenciation entre la paysannerieThis dissertation examines role of political economy in contemporary agrarian mobilizations. By focusing on recent water struggles in Turkey against the run-of-the-river hydropower plants (SHP’s); the research digs into the societal and economic factors that enable or inhibit the emergence of strong mobilizations through a comparison of reactions against SHP projects in four localities of Eastern Black Sea region- Kavak (Arhavi) and Aralik (Borcka)- and its hinterland Tortum (Pehlivanli and Bagbasi villages)The main logic behind the cross comparison is to find out if there is a relationship between the forms of rural livelihoods; mostly defined in terms of production, marketing, place in the general economic system, migration and viability of space; and political mobilization against SHP construction combined with the other possible reasons leading to an unrest and contention. The research revealed that prior transformation of the rural spaces affects the ways, means and discourses of the local struggles. In this context, I would argue that Kavak (Arhavi) and Aralik (Borçka) have become peri-urban spaces through the specific transformation that they have gone through. The peri-urban character eased the travel of ideas and city-based politicization patterns into the hometown. In the specificity of Arhavi, the city-effect in the anti-SHP mobilization is evident which gives a particular framing and discourse to the mobilization. A group of people that can be classified as new middle class who are from Arhavi but lived and worked in the big cities pioneered in the resistance. They enabled broader alliances and contributed to the strengthening of a carnivalesque resistance with rituals, reinvented traditions and micro-identities. However in Aralik, despite all the attempts, similar pattern could not be reached. The difference can be traced in the arguments of the viability of the space. The rural-urban migration pattern kept the town of Arhavi as a viable socio-economic space whereas; the town of Aralik has been adversely affected from the rural-urban migration that can be regarded as non-viability.Contrary to commercialized petty-commodity producing villages of Eastern Black Sea, the arid valleys of Tortum sheltered peasant households, which endure on subsistence farming. Viability of these societal settings well continued, despite the low socio-economic status. Rural population levels remained almost stable until the beginning of 2000s. Since the production is dependent on irrigation, the SHP posed a serious threat on the livelihood and this has fiercely mobilized previously closed and docile population. However, the discourse, framing and extent and techniques of mobilization is completely different from the peri-urban contexts of coastal Black Sea. The extent of mobilization is directly related to the extent of threat on the livelihood in Bagbasi and Pehlivanli. When the threat is high, as in Bagbasi, the mobilization is strong. However, when the threat is low, as in Pehlivanli, and there are opportunities provided by the company that would ease the livelihood pressures, non-mobilization is more likely.Hence, I argue that spatio-economic transformation of the localities that unevenly transform rural settings in terms of production and consumption activities have impact on the patterns, discourses and agency in the contemporary ‘rural’ mobilizations. Therefore, the dissertation advocates for a need for theorisation of contemporary agrarian mobilization from this perspective by putting the emphasis on the livelihood transformations, transformation and viability of space, commercialization of production and differentiation within the peasantry and the agency
9
Linder, Olle. „Social Inclusion Causing Conflict : A Comparative Case Study on the role of Military Integration and Nationalism“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373496.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
10
Franks, Carl. „From the Destruction of Memory to the Destruction of People : Social Movements and their Impact on Memory, Legitimacy and Mass Violence - A Comparative Study of the West German Student Movement and the Serbian "Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution"“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324321.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Challenges to the legitimacy of established collective memory can prove so inflammatory that mass violence, ethnic cleansing and even genocide have followed in their wake. However, if few doubt that the ethno-nationalist memory wars during the 1980s collapse of Yugoslavia contributed to the real wars and ethnic cleansing witnessed in the 1990s, no previous research has been able to explain why this is so. This paper pinpoints the determinant variable and causal link between attacks on memory and subsequent mass violence (or a lack thereof). It uses a theoretical model that ties together memory, legitimacy and power to compare the cases of West Germany’s 1968 student movement and Serbia’s 1986-1989 anti-bureaucratic revolution before establishing that the level of prior state repression is one factor that determines whether memory challenges will turn violent. The paper recommends further theory building over the permeable boundary that separates state and civil society, particularly in terms of how accessible state functions are to those social movements that seek to challenge and delegitimise memory.
Bücher zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
1
Ned, Lebow Richard, und Lichbach Mark Irving 1951-, Hrsg. Theory and evidence in comparative politics and international relations. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
2
E, Chehabi H., Stepan Alfred C und Linz Juan J. 1926-, Hrsg. Politics, society, and democracy: Comparative studies. Boulder: Westview Press, 1995.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
3
Rossides, Daniel W. Comparative societies: Social types and their interrelations. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1990.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
4
Comparative societies: Social types and their interrelations. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1990.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
5
Andrain, Charles F. Comparative political systems: Policy performance and social change. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1994.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
6
Ned, Lebow Richard, und Lichbach Mark Irving 1951-, Hrsg. Social inquiry and political knowledge. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
7
Rabushka, Alvin. Politics in plural societies: A theory of democratic instability. New York: Pearson/Longman, 2009.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
8
Rabushka, Alvin. Politics in plural societies: A theory of democratic instability. New York: Pearson/Longman, 2009.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
9
Rabushka, Alvin. Politics in plural societies: A theory of democratic instability. New York: Pearson/Longman, 2009.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle finden
10
Maria, Kousis, und Tilly Charles, Hrsg. Economic and political contention in comparative perspective. Boulder, Colo: Paradigm Publishers, 2005.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
1
Bernstein, Steven, Richard Ned Lebow, Janice Gross Stein und Steven Weber. „Social Science as Case-Based Diagnostics“. In Theory and Evidence in Comparative Politics and International Relations, 229–60. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607507_9.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
2
Kratochwil, Friedrich V. „Evidence, Inference, and Truth as Problems of Theory Building in the Social Sciences“. In Theory and Evidence in Comparative Politics and International Relations, 25–54. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607507_2.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
3
Adalet, Begüm. „Transnational Constructions of Social Scientific Personae during the Cold War: The Case of Comparative Politics“. In Cold War Social Science, 315–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70246-5_11.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
Timmermans, Arco, Marleen Brans und José Real-Dato. „The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Comparative Perspective“. In The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 363–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_16.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractPolitical scientists in Europe are more extrovert in their behaviour as academics than is sometimes thought. They live outside the ‘ivory tower’ for part of their time and deliver knowledge and information to practitioners in the policy process. The majority takes a role as opinionating scholar; this happens more often than being an expert or a pure academic. Despite variation between countries, individual characteristics of respondents make a large difference to the extent and nature of engagement. Age, gender and type of employment contract have a strong predictive effect. Age and status of employment relate to the professional life cycle: more experienced scholars with a permanent academic position are more active in advising than their younger colleagues at the department of political science. These factors interact with gender, but the relevance of gender for advisory engagement is also strongly socially constructed. Female political scientists abstain more often, and when engaging they take an expert role, staying closer to evidence with less outreach to the public environment. This apparent gender gap occurs widely across all spheres of professional affiliation, and it requires more systematic attention within the academic political science community.
5
Patra, Swapan Kumar, und Mammo Muchie. „Science and Technological Capability Building in Global South: Comparative Study of India and South Africa“. In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 303–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92180-8_20.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
6
Nakaska, J. D. J. „Rational Choice Theory: Why Irrationality Makes More Sense for Comparative Politics“. In Grand Theories and Ideologies in the Social Sciences, 127–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112612_8.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
7
Ilonszki, Gabriella, und Christophe Roux. „Introduction: The Then and Now of Political Science Institutionalisation in Europe—A Research Agenda and Its Endeavour“. In Opportunities and Challenges for New and Peripheral Political Science Communities, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79054-7_1.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe introductory chapter introduces the research project that the book’s chapters are built upon and identifies key questions that are addressed within the book’s thematic frame. The COST Action ‘ProSEPS’ project (Professionalization and Social Impact of European Political Science) collected updated information about the situation of the political science profession in Europe. Despite the widely acknowledged process of continental integration driven by the European Union (EU), the academic landscape has been and still is characterised by a great variety of traditions, institutions and resources. On this basis, this chapter explains that institutional development has been chosen as the major focus that could possibly introduce as well as explain the sources of this variety. It identifies the empirical, theoretical and comparative issues at stake and introduces the cases covered in the book and its structure.
8
Blum, Sonja, und Jens Jungblut. „Driven by Academic Norms and Status of Employment: The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Germany“. In The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 157–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_8.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe consensus-seeking nature of Germany’s civic epistemology and largely absent structural incentives for advisory work of academics may imply an overall comparatively lower engagement. Yet, German political science stands in the tradition of a ‘watchdog’ of democracy, and the past decades bear witness of continued involvement in societal and political debates. Not least, German political scientists have led a vivid internal debate on the ‘relevance of our discipline’ in recent years, reflected in a number of conferences and publications. Germany thus makes an interesting case regarding the advisory role of political scientists in a comparative perspective. This chapter studies how, to whom, and how often political scientists in Germany provide their expertise for policymaking. It is based on the German results of the ProSEPS survey, accompanied by a case illustration of advice and opinionating on the rise of populism. The analysis shows not only that German political scientists are less active in comparison to colleagues in many other countries but also that they are more active than could be expected—with academic norms and employment situation forming key explanatory factors for the level and forms of engagement.
9
Bos, Jaap. „Science and University Politics“. In Research Ethics for Students in the Social Sciences, 199–224. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48415-6_9.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
After Reading This Chapter, You Will: Understand how political factors impact modern science Appreciate in what ways the replication crisis endangers the values of science Know how publication pressure and perverse incentives challenge scientific practices See why teaching ethics requires reactive, proactive, and reflexive education
10
Siewert, Markus B., und Derek Beach. „The Many Threats from Mechanistic Heterogeneity That Can Spoil Multimethod Research“. In Texts in Quantitative Political Analysis, 235–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12982-7_10.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe combination of cross-case and within-case analysis in Multi-Method Research (MMR) designs has gained considerable traction in the social sciences over the last decade. One reason for the popularity of MMR is grounded in the idea that different methods can complement each other, in the sense that the strengths of one method can compensate for the blind spots and weaknesses of another and vice versa. In this chapter, we critically address this core premise of MMR with an emphasis on the external validity of applying some cross-case method, like standard regression or Qualitative Comparative Analysis, in combination with case study analysis. After a brief overview of the rationale of MMR, we discuss in detail the problem of deriving generalizable claims about mechanisms in research contexts that likely exhibit mechanistic heterogeneity. In doing so, we clarify what we mean by mechanistic heterogeneity and where researchers should look for potential sources of mechanistic heterogeneity. Finally, we propose a strategy for progressively updating our confidence in the external validity of claims about causal mechanisms through the strategic selection of cases for within-case analysis based on the diversity of the population.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
1
Gubova, Olga. „V4 COUNTRIES �COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL CULTURE“. In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.057.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
2
Chudinov, Anatoly. „COMPARATIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL METAPHORS: A METHODS OVERVIEW“. In 4th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/32/s14.082.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
3
Soedarwo, Vina Salviana Darvina, Nurul Zuriah, Gonda Yumitro und Gautam Kumar Jha. „Gender Roles in Politics: A Comparative Study Between Indonesia and India“. In International Conference on Emerging Media, and Social Science. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.7-12-2018.2281821.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
4
Gifu, Daniela. „ROMANIAN TREEANNOTATOR“. In eLSE 2019. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-19-024.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
E-learning is the most popular and effective study method centered on any kind of receptor eager to acquire new knowledge. Due the difference between generations, including the politicians, the language becomes a dynamic organism, meaningful in a social context. It is known that political discourse is influenced by the historical destiny of the society to which is addressed. It copies or it battles with the discursive manner of the great political figures of a certain people. It incorporates the cultural heritage of the listeners as well as the orator's intellectual amplitude. This paper describes a diachronic TreeAnnotator which is a very important linguistic resource in different comparative syntactic levels. It includes a wide range of data (e.g. text corpora belonging to different registers of language) that can be used for training, testing and evaluation of a parser for Romanian. The aim of this study is to create a starting point for joint Romanian language annotations in order to allow quick and easy access to the resources needed for processing political language. This tool considers a political corpus (Ion C. Bratianu, 1857, one of the famous Romanian politicians and prime-minister) annotated at the syntactic level. The concept behind this method is that the manner of adapting political discourse to the social, cultural, economic or religious context of the public is of paramount importance. This endeavor is meaningful and useful for linguists, specialists in political sciences, computer scientists, being helpful to non-native Romanians who want to study the different linguistic phenomena of our language.
5
Tunde, Sakariyau Rauf, Ainis Azreen, Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani und Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan. „The Trend of Opposition Political Parties in Sustaining Democracy: A Comparative Study of Nigeria and Malaysia“. In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.1.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
6
Bergamini Gomes, Giordanno Brunno, und Romis Attux. „Contributions to Social Media Analysis Based on Topic Modelling“. In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2023.231795.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This work proposes a computational approach to a task deeply related to human sciences, that of employing natural language processing in text analysis. Researchers working in that field are often faced with the need for extracting information from large masses of textual data. One of such applications is topic modelling, a task that requires the discovery of the topics discussed in texts - to deal with it, there are several available techniques, such as Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA), Biterm Topic Model (BTM), Topic Bidirectional Encoder Representation from Transformers (BERTopic) and Non-negative Matrix Factorization (NMF). In this work, we design a methodological setup and perform a comparative analysis of the aforementioned techniques over data retrieved from Twitter. Through this social media, we seek to contribute to the study of political, economic and social issues, as well as to assess the relative merits of topic modelling techniques. The results indicate a higher topic coherence performance for BERTopic, second for NMF, followed by BTM and, lastly, by LDA.
7
Liu, Guodong, und Huiyuan Hu. „A Comparative Study on the Sino-US Ideological and Political Education for College Students“. In Proceedings of the 2nd International Seminar on Education Research and Social Science (ISERSS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iserss-19.2019.111.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
8
Liu, Guodong, und Huiyuan Hu. „A Comparative Study on the Sino-US Ideological and Political Education for College Students“. In Proceedings of the 2nd International Seminar on Education Research and Social Science (ISERSS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iserss-19.2019.255.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
9
Liu, Guodong, Huiyuan Hu und Huiyuan Hu. „A Comparative Study on the Sino-US Ideological and Political Education for College Students“. In Proceedings of the 2nd International Seminar on Education Research and Social Science (ISERSS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iserss-19.2019.6.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
10
Liu, Liyuan. „How the Great Leap Forward Failed: Perspective on Embryonic Theory and International Politics under Comparative Methodology“. In 2022 7th International Conference on Social Sciences and Economic Development (ICSSED 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.220405.308.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBerichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
1
Schneider, Carsten. Advanced Applications of QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) in R. Instats Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/4fghv0ob2x5de469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This seminar on advanced set-theoretic methods for the social sciences focuses on applied Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce cutting edge QCA-based research through hands-on coverage of the most recent advances in QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar, along with 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
2
Schneider, Carsten. Advanced Applications of QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) in R. Instats Inc., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/qdu1nxlyz9e6c469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This seminar on advanced set-theoretic methods for the social sciences focuses on applied Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce cutting edge QCA-based research through hands-on coverage of the most recent advances in QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio (Cloud) and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar. For European PhD students, the seminar offers 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
3
Schneider, Carsten. Introduction to QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) with R. Instats Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/85r1sesxjhke3469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This seminar introduces applied set-theoretic methods for the social sciences, focusing on Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce a publishable QCA of their own. To achieve this, the seminar provides both the formal set-theoretical underpinnings of QCA as well as the technical and practical research skills necessary for performing a QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar, along with 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
4
Schneider, Carsten. Introduction to QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis) with R. Instats Inc., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61700/umqeben6y0b41469.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This seminar introduces applied set-theoretic methods for the social sciences, focusing on Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This method is used in fields as diverse as political science, public policy, international relations, sociology, business and management, organizational studies, and even musicology. This seminar will enable participants to produce a publishable QCA of their own. To achieve this, the seminar provides both the formal set-theoretical underpinnings of QCA as well as the technical and practical research skills necessary for performing a QCA. All applied components of the seminar are performed in the R software environment, using RStudio (Cloud) and R packages QCA and SetMethods. An official Instats certificate of completion is provided at the conclusion of the seminar. For European PhD students, each seminar offers 2 ECTS Equivalent points.
5
HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, Oktober 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
6
Velychko, Zoriana, und Roman Sotnyk. LINGUISTIC PRESENTATION AND TERMINOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE HOLODOMOR OF THE 1920s AND 1930s. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, März 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12166.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article reveals and analyses a wide range of terms for the Holodomor of the 1920s and 1930s in Ukraine. The main objectives of the study are to find out the peculiarities of the linguistic presentation of the Holodomor phenomenon in scientific, popular science, and journalistic discourses, and to reveal semantic differences in the use of various terms for the Holodomor used in different languages. The main methodological bases of the study are linguistic analysis, socio-cultural method, qualitative content analysis, comparative method, etc. The method of retrospection must be used to substantiate the hypothesis. Thus, the reasons for the formation of the semantic contours of the terms “Holodomor”, “Famine”, “Great Famine”, “Terror by Famine”, “Big Hunger”, etc. were clarified. At the same time, the semantic nuances of word use are identified. As a conclusion, the authors substantiate the fundamental importance of using the term “Holodomor-genocide” in scientific circulation as the one that most accurately represents the essence of the historical phenomenon of the Holodomor. Based on the analysis of the documents, the content of the term “genocide” is formulated. It is explained that the Holodomor is genocide of the Ukrainian people, just as the Holocaust is genocide of the Jewish people. The authors prove the anti-Ukrainian orientation of the consistent and deliberate policy of Stalin and his followers against the Ukrainian nation, which culminated in the murder by starvation. These research findings are significant not only for the development of Ukrainian terminology or international terminology. They are also of great importance for modern politics, political science and historiography, and jurisprudence, especially in the context of a new genocide – the Russian Federation’s full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine. Keywords: Holodomor; genocide; Ukraine; Stalin’s terror; terminology.