Dissertationen zum Thema „Social policy – history“
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1
Ditch, J. S. „Social policy in Northern Ireland between 1939 and 1950“. Thesis, University of Ulster, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304111.
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2
Davis, Peter. „Power-resources and social policy in Bangladesh : a life-history perspective“. Thesis, University of Bath, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423490.
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This is a study of social welfare and ill-fare in Bangladesh. The overarching thesis can be summarised as follows: Informal forms of social protection playa vital role in protecting the poor in Bangladesh during times of crisis, making the 'welfare regime' in Bangladesh distinct from welfare systems described in social policy studies of welfare states. In order to understand the role of this social protection within the 'welfare regime' of Bangladesh in a holistic way, both macro and micro-level research approaches were followed. The macro-level study provided a landscape view of the range of the more formal and sectored basis of the welfare mix, and macro-trends in welfare outcomes, such as aggregate poverty or inequality. However, a more balanced picture is obtained when the actions and trajectories of poor people are examined at the micro-level. Using life stories to uncover these complex micro-level realities, I examined how particular episodes of crisis, coping and opportunity tend to have disproportionate consequential importance in the life trajectories of poor people in Bangladesh. The research shows that a better understanding of people's own interpretations of their behaviour during these critical episodes would help analysts and policy makers to more clearly recognise causes of impoverishment, the structured violence people face in their everyday lives and the way that formal and informal channels of 'social protection' succeed or fail to mitigate these crises. These patterns are 'structured' because the distribution of 'powerresources' in communities is affected by, and affects, both patterns of crisis and the workings of (formal and informal) social protection. The formulation and analysis of social policy in such contexts can be better informed by exploring the way micro-level social realities are linked to wider social structures. This thesis explores these linkages and aims to inform further research and policy aimed at improving both the formal and informal social protection of the vulnerable in developing contexts.
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Vaganay, Arnaud. „Evidence-based policy or policy-based evidence? : the effect of policy commitment on government-sponsored evaluation in Britain (1997-2010)“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1040/.
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In most mature welfare states, policy evaluations are sponsored by the very organisations that designed and implemented the intervention in the first place. Research in the area of clinical trials has consistently shown that this type of arrangement creates a moral hazard and may lead to overestimates of the effect of the treatment. Yet, no one so far has investigated whether social interventions were subject to such ‘confirmation bias’. The objective of this study was twofold. Firstly, it assessed the scientific credibility of a sample of government-sponsored pilot evaluations. Three common research prescriptions were considered: (a) the proportionality of timescales, (b) the representativeness of pilot sites; and (c) the completeness of outcome reporting. Secondly, it examined whether the known commitment of the government to a reform was associated with less credible evaluations. These questions were answered using a ‘meta-research’ methodology, which departs from the traditional interviews and surveys of agents that have dominated the literature so far. I developed the new PILOT dataset for that specific purpose. PILOT includes data systematically collected from over 230 pilot and experimental evaluations spanning 13 years of government-commissioned research in the UK (1997-2010) and four government departments (Department for Work and Pensions, Department for Education, Home Office and Ministry of Justice). PILOT was instrumental in (a) modeling pilot duration using event history analysis; (b) modeling pilot site selection using logistic regression; and (c) the systematic selection of six evaluation reports for qualitative content analysis. A total of 17 interviews with policy researchers were also conducted to inform the case study and the overall research design. The results show little overt evidence of crude bias or ‘bad’ design. On average, government-sponsored pilots (a) were based on timescales that were proportional to the scope of the research; (b) were not primarily designed with the aim of warranting representativeness; and (c) were rather comprehensively analysed in evaluation reports. In addition, the results indicate that the known commitment of the government to a reform had no significant effect on the selection of pilot sites and on the reporting of outcomes. However, it was associated with significantly shorter pilots. In conclusion, there is some evidence that the known commitment of a government to a reform is associated with less credible evaluations; however this effect is only tangible in the earlier stages of the research cycle. In this respect, sponsorship bias would appear to be more limited than in the context of industry-sponsored clinical trials. Policy recommendations are provided, as this project was severely hindered by important ‘black box’ issues and by the poor quality of evaluation reports.
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Puentes, German. „Unravelling the policy-making process : the case of Chilean poverty-alleviation policy“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1048/.
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The thesis investigates the policy-making process underpinning the poverty-alleviation programmes created in Chile during the 1990s and the first part of the 2000s. Three programmes developed by the governing Concertacion Alliance during this period are selected. The un-researched characteristic of this subject in Chile is the main reason for choosing this topic. The thesis maps and explains the policy-making process of the three programmes, by identifying main events, actors and mechanisms behind the unfolding of events. Data is obtained from 32 interviews applied to key process actors to obtain their narratives of the processes. The Multiple Streams Model of the policy-making process is employed as theoretical framework. Results highlight that the processes occur in a highly closed fashion inside government. The main actors involved are the President and his ministers who are able to command the events that lead to the creation of a new programme. The political stream plays a fundamental role in the process as the pro-equity approach of the governing coalition creates a window of opportunity for the introduction of poverty-alleviation programmes. The problems stream is also important, thanks to the availability of poverty statistics that are produced every two years by the Concertacion Alliance governments. However, the processes differ from the Multiple Streams Model as no independent policy stream was found to exist. Instead, solutions are created by governments in a punctuated manner and during a short timeframe to accomplish political deadlines, when the government considers that the problem deserves to be addressed. The absence of a policy stream is explained by the policy monopoly that the government enjoys in the poverty arena, where no policy contestants exist. In particular, Chilean social policy experts constitute a small and non-articulated group of individuals usually excluded from the policymaking process, enabling the government to ignore them.
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Bateman, Rebecca Belle. „Social science, evidence, and social policy : the role of ideology, and the importance of history“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26238.
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Current enthusiasm for evidence-based social policy, which emphasizes the importance of randomized, controlled trials, cost-benefit assessments, and other quantitative methodologies, owes much to earlier periods of history in which social science research was seen as the key to effective policies and programs to combat poverty, homelessness, and welfare dependency. This thesis contributes to the literature on deliberative policy analysis within planning theory by examining the historical context of evidence-based policy, using the history of poverty knowledge in the United States as an example, to illustrate that underlying ways of thinking about the causes of social issues continue to underpin current attempts at addressing them.
Two case studies are presented: current approaches to homelessness interventions, and attempts to break up concentrated poverty through the creation of socially mixed residential neighbourhoods. In the case of the former, cost-benefit analysis, originally developed in the 1950s to evaluate weapons systems and later applied to the assessment of social programs, has come to define current discourse about homelessness and how most effectively to deal with it. Social constructions of the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor, nineteenth century concepts, continue to influence the way in which the poor and homeless are viewed. Ideas about the ill effects of the residential concentration of poverty, which also date to the nineteenth century, inform social mix strategies that seek to stop the “cycle of poverty” through re-development into mixed-income neighbourhoods, and through dispersal strategies such as housing vouchers.
Any attempt to analyze how evidence informs social policy must take into account the historical context in which decisions are made, and the resilience of the underlying ideological beliefs and assumptions upon which they are based. Researchers need to acknowledge the inherently political nature of the knowledge they produce, and embrace rather than avoid the opportunity to subject their interests and assumptions to scholarly scrutiny and debate. Most importantly, social scientists, through forging closer ties with service providers and their clients, need to recognize and emphasize the value of expertise and knowledge based in practice, and the lived experience of individuals, in the formation and evaluation of social policy.
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Brown, Susan E. „Politics commerce and social policy in the City of London 1782-1802“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334086.
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7
Srisantisuk, Somparat. „Pro-poor tourism policy in Thailand“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3146/.
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This study is an attempt to determine how tourism and tourism development policies, strategies and initiatives impact income generation and employment opportunities in a rural ethnic community. The research consisted of both qualitative and quantitative methods. In-depth interviews, focus group discussions and participatory observations from various stakeholders were used to obtain qualitative data. The quantitative data were gathered using a researcher-developed questionnaire to obtain data from 330 households in Had Bai Village, Chiang Rai Province, northern Thailand. The research findings demonstrate that the well-being of the poor and the impact of the Thai government‘s One Tambon One Product (OTOP) project in terms of livelihood improvement were distributed unequally across the village. The information from the qualitative and quantitative data revealed that the OTOP project improved slightly the livelihood outcomes of villagers in the group which fully participated in the scheme. By contrast, the villagers who were aware of OTOP but did not participate used their right to borrow funds to make independent investments and buy consumer goods. Members of this group were thus unable to repay their loans on time, had no return on their investment and had the highest amount of debt. Those villagers who were unaware of the OTOP scheme and did not participate were the poorest in the village. An analysis of this third group revealed that non-participation was largely due to a lack of access to information. Moreover, these families did not regard themselves as poor. They were happy with their simple life and did not perceive any benefit in participating in the pro-poor tourism project introduced by the Thai government. Pro-poor tourism may benefit the poor in many parts of the world; however, in the case of Thailand it works mainly as a catalyst to improve the overall livelihood outcome of the poor and cannot be expected to enhance the individual livelihoods of the poorest. This study contributes to the literature in various ways. First, it is the first of its kind to investigate thoroughly Thailand‘s pro-poor tourism development policy. Second, it has attempted to assess pro-poor tourism from many vantage points: international standards, livelihood impacts, and the assets and vulnerability of the poor. Third, the key success model developed from the outcome of the thesis can be used by Thailand and other developing countries in their efforts to develop more effective pro-poor tourism policies in the future.
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Corrie, Elizabeth M. „Social development and social policy in Guinea : health and education 1958-1984“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1988. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13702/.
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Guinea, a former French colony, experienced an abrupt severing of relationships with the colonial power when President Sékou Touré rejected De Gaulle’s offer of becoming part of a French commonwealth of nations and opted for total independence instead. France withdrew all support, trade and personnel within a matter of days, and Sékou Touré attempted to develop this new nation along strongly independent and ideological lines. He made a verbal commitment to social development and evolved an ambitious programme to develop the health and education services. This thesis uses dependency theory as a tool of analysis to ascertain whether independent, autonomous development indeed took place, particularly in the fields of health and education, once the break with the metropolis was made. The period under review, 1958 - 1984, was the period of Sékou Touré’s presidency. The four criteria used to assess the measure of development achieved are: a) The successful rejection of Western models of development. b) Equal development and an equal distribution of resources between the regions. c) No urban/rural imbalance. d) Services available for all rather than limited to an elite. In the light of these criteria, Guinea was indeed able to experience some measure of independent, autonomous development, more particularly in education. The health sector had been less developed as only 2.1% of the national budget was devoted to it in 1981, compared to 17.6% spent on education in 1980. The inequalities in the health service were particularly noticeable in the urban/rural imbalance, Conakry in particular enjoying a larger share of available resources, but this was not the case in education where no such imbalance appeared to exist. The area of Labé emerged as the least developed area of the country but the discrepancies in provision were not too marked. Guinea also achieved much in the promotion of women and the eradication of elites, especially among the different ethnic groups. With the death of President Sékou Touré in 1984, Guinea's experimenting with a revolutionary form of development came to an end. The nation's future, now in the hands of the military, is uncertain.
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Shafer, Linda K. „Rethinking the history of social welfare policy : poverty, citizenship and ideology in antebellum debates /“. view abstract or download file of text, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9986758.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2000.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-266). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Lorenz, Walter. „Towards a European Paradigm of Social Work: Studies in the history of modes of social work and social policy in Europe“. Doctoral thesis, Technische Universität Dresden, 2004. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A24577.
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This dissertation analyses the relationship between social work and social policy in Europe from a comparative historical perspective. Central to this analysis is the dynamic interplay of forces which led to the consolidation of the European nation state as a welfare state, including the current crisis of the welfare consensus. The role of social work emerges as central to the project of national cultural integration, a perspective which frequently gets overlooked from a purely national perspective. Social works enmeshment with this nation state project is revealed in the current transformation of the welfare states in the light of neo-liberal principles and in the context of globalization. This perspective underlines the need for the development of intercultural communicative competences and in particular a consistent anti-racist approach in social work. At the same time the particular position in relation to social policy requires the development of research methods specific to the discipline in the light of its hermeneutic tasks.Die Arbeit behandelt die Beziehung zwischen Sozialer Arbeit und Sozialpolitik in Europa aus vergleichender historischer Perspektive. Untersucht wird die Dynamik des Nationalstaats und seine Konsolidierung als Wohlfahrtsstaat bis zur gegenwärtigen Krise des Wohlfahrtskonsenses. Dabei gewinnt die Rolle der Sozialen Arbeit in der Aufgabe kultureller Integration besondere Bedeutung, da dies aus rein nationaler Sicht oft nicht zu erkennen ist. Ihre Verkoppelung mit dem Nationalstaat wird besonders deutlich in der gegenwärtigen Transformation durch neo-liberale Prinzipien im Kontext der Globalisierung. Hieraus ergeben sich neue Aufgaben für die Soziale Arbeit, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Entwicklung interkultureller kommunikativer Kompetenzen und eines konsistenten antirassistischen Ansatzes. Gleichzeitig erfordert die besondere sozialpolitische Position die Entwicklung disziplinspezifischer Forschungsansätze im Lichte der hermeneutischen Bedeutung der Sozialen Arbeit.
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Orchard, Lionel. „Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Button, Lee. „German Foreign Policy & Diplomacy 1890-1906“. TopSCHOLAR®, 1990. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2206.
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From 1871 to 1914, Germany experienced its first taste of world power and the failure of controlling and retaining that power. German power after 1871 had sought only a dominance of continental politics and a maintenance of a status quo in Europe favorable to Germany. Following 1890, however, the German course deviated to include a vision of world power. German foreign policy until 1890 was based on two things: hegemonic control of the heart of Europe and the force of will of one man, Otto von Bismarck. Yet despite relative control of the European situation and a cautious and able statesman at the helm, Germany was quickly intoxicated by its new power as much as reacting against the almost oppressive control of Bismarck. By all measures, the German appetite for power was growing faster than ordinary diplomatic conquests could satisfy it. The need for instant gratification caused a recklessness in foreign policy and diplomacy best characterized by Krisepolitik, or crisis diplomacy. This dilemma not only resulted from a growing appetite for power, but also from a lack of understanding of international politics. The European reaction to the new German aggressiveness and to the lack of direction in German policy was one of suspicion. With the cancellation of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russian in 1890, every German move was viewed by increasingly hostile eyes. Axes of power began to form which much threatened the growing world power of Germany, a Germany which saw the need to contest the powers on as many points as possible, while avoiding war, to retain its power in the 1890s and the first years of the twentieth century.
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Schnaith, Marisa Caitlin Weiss. „A Policy Window for Successful Social Activism: Abortion Reform in Mexico City“. Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240332556.
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14
Tabet, Marie-Christine. „Household labour supply in Great Britain : can policy-makers rely on neoclassical models?“ Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2358/.
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This thesis empirically examines whether the neoclassical economic model provides an adequate framework to analyse a couple's labour supply behaviour in Britain using recent data from the British Household Panel Survey. The thesis comprises three empirical chapters. The first chapter uses the instrumental variable (IV) estimation procedure to model the hours of work of married couples. This approach allows us to test whether some of the assumptions of the neoclassical model (e.g., income pooling and Slutsky properties) are satisfied by the data. In addition, further variables that have been identified as distribution factors in the literature are introduced to the empirical model to assess whether they play a role in explaining a couple's hours of work. The first chapter only considers couples in which both spouses work. In the second chapter, the sample is amended to include all couples (i.e., those that work and those that do not) and the analysis conducted models a couple's labour market participation decisions rather than their hours of work. After testing for income pooling and the impact of distribution factors, a further variable, the wife's mother-in-law work status when the male spouse was aged 14, is introduced into the model. This is done to determine the effect of 'cultural' variables on labour market decisions. In the last chapter, this issue is explored further by explicitly modelling attitudes to a woman's role in the labour market. This approach uses a bivariate ordered probit model given the ordinal nature of responses to the attitudinal questions and again restricts the analysis to couples only. Finally, gender-role attitudes are introduced to the labour supply framework used in the second chapter in order to evaluate whether beliefs regarding women's role impact on a couple's labour market decisions.
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Novinskey, Christina. „Determining policy priorities in a devolved health system : an analytical framework“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3513/.
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This dissertation develops an analytical framework for studying the effects of health system devolution on the health policymaking process and policy choices made by subnational governments. It addresses two research questions: (1) How does devolution change the structure and agency of the health policymaking process? (2) What is the resulting impact on health policy priorities? A critical literature review covers decentralization, devolution, and interest-based approaches for analysing the policymaking process, structure and agency. An analytical framework for uppermiddle and high-income countries is constructed by integrating (i) a modified version of Bossert’s decision-space approach for decentralized health systems; (ii) BlomHansen’s combined policy network and rational-choice institutionalist approach, which analyses the intergovernmental relations within the national health policymaking environment; and (iii) an original conceptualisation and analysis of informal intergovernmental policymaking at the subnational government level. Empirical evaluation uses information on Spain’s 2001 health system devolution reform, focusing on the regional cases of Extremadura and Madrid. Primary data from stakeholder interviews and secondary data are analysed primarily using qualitative, case study and content analysis methods. The decision space granted to regional governments in Spain is examined before and after the reform, developing a decision-space map for Extremadura and Madrid and showing the shifts in the range of choice allowed for each health system function over time. Next, the compositions of the national and subnational health policy networks are determined for before and after devolution, and the policy priorities for each are estimated ex ante. Finally, the dissertation analyses the ex post priorities and results of health policy decisions made by Spain, Extremadura and Madrid in the period after devolution. Overall results show that the analytical framework is only partially successful in anticipating health policy priorities. Suggestions for improving the framework are proposed, and policy implications and lessons are drawn from the case studies.
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Ndubueze, Okechukwu Joseph. „Urban housing affordability and housing policy dilemmas in Nigeria“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/298/.
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Given the increasing importance of affordability in housing policy reform debates, this study develops a new composite approach to measuring housing affordability and employs it to examine the nature of urban housing affordability in Nigeria. The data used in this study are based on the Nigerian Living Standards Survey 2003-2004. The aggregate housing affordability model developed here measures housing affordability problems more accurately and classifies the housing affordability status of households more appropriately than the conventional affordability models. Findings show very high levels of housing affordability problems in Nigeria with about 3 out of every 5 urban households experiencing such difficulties. There are also significant housing affordability differences between socio-economic groups, housing tenure groups and states in Nigeria. The current national housing policy that de-emphasises government involvement in housing provision does not allow the country’s full potential for tackling its serious affordability problems to be realised and, hence, the laudable ‘housing for all’ goal of the policy has remained elusive. Nigerian socio-economic realities demand far more vigorous government involvement in housing development, working with a more committed private sector, energised civil societies and empowered communities to tackle the enormous housing problems of the country
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Clermont-Legros, Jean-Francis. „The quest for a social ethics : an intellectual history of U.S. social sciences : the case of Herbert Hoover, Wesley C. Mitchell, Charles E. Merriam and Mary van Kleeck“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100339.
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Between 1900 and 1930, social scientists attempted to refashion social ethics by conducting extensive social research. Some of them collaborated with Herbert Hoover before and after he became president. In the 1920s, they accepted positions on Herbert Hoover's various commissions. The work they did on these commissions made them a forum for manifesting their interest in modernizing social ethics. At one and the same time, they were in a position to define both social ethics and the purpose of the social sciences. Throughout this dissertation, I explore the cases of three social scientists involved with Hoover's commissions: the economist Wesley Clair Mitchell, the political scientist Charles Edward Merriam, and the industrial researcher and social worker Mary van Kleeck. Wesley Clair Mitchell addressed issues of American consumption and economic behaviour. Charles Edward Merriam analyzed the political behaviour of American citizens. Mary van Kleeck surveyed labour relations between American workers and employers. In this dissertation, I have employed methods developed by intellectual historians, focussing on the published and unpublished papers that these social experts and Herbert Hoover himself produced. This collaboration between Hoover and some of the most prominent social scientists of the day explains the ambitious project they undertook, that of adjusting social ethics to the modern living conditions they had discovered while carrying out their social research. In so doing, they sought to adapt the traditional code of conduct of most Americans to the new circumstances that prevailed in the first decades of the twentieth century.
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Athanasiou, Helen. „Working together to protect children : a case study of policy implementation in Greece“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3516/.
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This is an exploratory case study aiming to describe the current state of the child protection system in Greece by examining both policy interventions and service responses targeted at all the stages of the phenomenon, ranging from detection and investigation to the provision of support or out of home care. This thesis is embedded in EU and international mandates for protecting children, embracing the Convention for the Rights of the Child as the starting point and value base of any developed, contemporary system designed to deal with this complex phenomenon. The main objective is to paint a picture of policy implementation in conjunction with front line interagency and multidisciplinary working. Data is collected and analysed in regards to all three levels; the macro, or policy level; the meso, or organisational/structural level and the micro, or frontline, professional, case specific, grassroots level. The researcher uses first-hand knowledge of the systems of both England and Greece in order to position Greece within the EU continuum of approaches based on the long-standing dilemma of support versus protection. As a result, the study concludes by offering suggestions on how to overcome barriers and improve the current situation in Greece so as to ensure that vulnerable children and their families receive appropriate and adequately designed services that would potentially enhance their life chances and enable better outcomes. This is achieved by distilling lessons to be learned from other more developed systems and adopting them to the Greek reality. This is an opportune moment for such a study as there is significant international movement towards convergence, which advocates unifying responses to such complex social phenomena and utilising international evidence of good practice.
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Szabo, Sylvia. „Urbanisation and inequalities in a post-Malthusian context : implications for theory and policy“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2014. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/371743/.
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The phenomenon of rapid global urbanisation, urban trends and processes have recently become a topic of increased scholarly inquiry. Yet, little attention has been paid to how urbanisation fits within the post-Malthusian framework and how it affects the most basic resources essential for human survival. By attempting to fill this gap, this thesis contributes, both conceptually and empirically, to the current body of literature on population and development. The thesis is composed of three stand-alone yet interconnected papers (Chapters 3-5), each addressing a set of distinct research problems and questions. Each paper uses a separate dataset developed for the purpose of the study, analysed by means of regression modelling. While anchored in the Malthusian and post-Malthusian literature, all papers are supplemented by additional theoretical and conceptual lines of thought, thus aiming to adapt a holistic approach. Paper One seeks to reorient the Malthusian theory by proposing an initial post-Malthusian framework with a focus on the urbanisation-food security nexus. The quantitative analysis of country-level data confirms that urban growth has a significant negative impact on food security and that the strength of this association is altered by the human development context. In particular, countries’ education has been found to have a significant attenuating effect on the relationship between urban growth and food in security risk. The research questions in Paper Two have been motivated by the Simonian arguments related to the power of human capital in overcoming challenges presented by population growth. The paper tests five interrelated hypotheses pertaining to the impacts of urbanisation on households’ access to safe drinking water in the least developed countries (LDCs), as well as the presumed mitigating impact of human capital on these associations. The results show a differential effect of urbanisation on water access, which is moderated by households’ human capital. Finally, Paper Three aims to examine intra-urban inequalities in children’s nutritional outcomes in selected LDCs experiencing differen t pace of urbanisation. The results confirm that most rapidly urbanising LDCs suffer from greater intra-urban inequalities, which are exacerbated by parents’ lack of education. In addition, mother’s socio-economic characteristics and child’s birth weight are confirmed to be significant predictors of child undernutrition. Overall, this research highlights that the Malthusian theory remains a relevant source of inspiration for contemporary population and development studies; in particular with reference to investigating the determinants of basic necessities, such as food and water. Inasmuch, the revised post-Malthusian framework can constitute a useful basis for future empirical studies and policymaking which deal with practical challenges resulting from global urbanisation processes.
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Smith, Alyson. „Post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda : uncovering hidden factors in the gender policy context“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3056/.
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Post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) policies often highlight gender issues during the agenda setting stage, but they largely fall off policy agendas as PCR processes advance. Interestingly, Rwanda is a counter-example to this trend. In 1994, Rwanda experienced a horrific genocide that caused a complete breakdown of the state. At that time, a new government, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) under the leadership of Paul Kagame, came into power. During the PCR period, gender policies were deemed a priority by the new government and this resulted in gains for women in several areas. The fact that Rwanda has a majority female parliament, for example, has resulted in significant international attention to Rwanda. Much of the credit for these gains and for putting gender issues on the PCR agenda has been given to the RPF and Kagame. However, is political will (as it is often described) a sufficient explanation for the post-conflict gender policy focus? I argue that it is not. By situating this research within a theoretical framework that draws upon feminist theoretical propositions, literature that questions the PCR dynamics of international aid and political outcomes, and Rwanda-specific literature, a fuller explanation of Rwanda’s PCR gender policy focus emerges. The evidence suggests that whilst political will was undoubtedly important, it is only one of five key factors: a majority female population, grassroots actions on the part of women, international aid, and the 1995 Beijing Conference on Women were also drivers behind this policy focus. However, these factors have largely been rendered invisible within PCR analysis on Rwanda. In this research I seek to explain why these factors were critical to setting the stage for a PCR gender policy focus and how this policy focus has been subsumed under a highly political agenda over the last two decades.
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Okon, Patrick Edem. „Changes in media policy in Sub-Saharan Africa : the role of community media“. Thesis, Edinburgh Napier University, 2014. http://researchrepository.napier.ac.uk/Output/7556.
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This thesis considers the role of community media in contemporary media policy developments of Anglophone Sub-Saharan Africa. The study is broadly located within the discourse on ‘shapers' of media policy developments. The empirical materials draw upon various case studies of media regulation and community press and broadcasting media campaigns in South Africa, Ghana, and Nigeria. The case studies were conducted using mixed methods approach in a qualitative way. The methodological logics underpinning data presentation and analysis are explanation building and cross-case synthesis. The thesis shows that there have been substantial media policy changes with progressive effects across Anglophone Sub-Saharan Africa in the last two decades. Enabled by the growing deregulation of media environments, there is a robust and complex culture of community media in the region. Community media institutions, working alongside a plethora of allies and drawing on a range of communication and participatory platforms, are exerting significant impacts on media policy decisions. The degree of their effectiveness, however, is affected by political, legislative, and economic processes, as well as by differences in technology, business philosophies, available funding regimes, and structures for audience participation. The engagements of community media with governments in media deregulations have established a new model for understanding media policy and for media deregulations. But, regardless of the changes in media policy, there are still specific policy concerns that underline what brings additional pressures to community media. The study concludes, firstly, that the contribution of community media to policy making still requires greater public recognition. Secondly, that there is need for the pressures on community media to be quickly redressed in order to improve their effectiveness as policy activists. This could be achieved through: a new understanding of media policy as advanced by alternative media organizations; an ‘open' administrative approach to inform participatory policy decision-making; the expansion of protective frameworks for small media in a bid to preserve their emancipatory potency; and the use of social and digital media to strengthen campaigns for policy reforms.
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Johns, Robert Geraint. „From farm training to therapy : a case study in the history of social work from a macro-micro social policy perspective“. Thesis, n.p, 2002. http://library7.open.ac.uk/abstracts/page.php?thesisid=86.
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Funaiole, Matthew. „History and hierarchy : the foreign policy evolution of modern Japan“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5843.
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This thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy. To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options. Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan's foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan's foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).
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Rashid, Naaz. „Veiled threats : producing the Muslim woman in public and policy discourse in the UK“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/762/.
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This thesis looks at how ‘the Muslim woman’ is produced in social policy discourses in the UK. It is a qualitative study based on interviews, observation and interpretive analysis of policy material. It focuses specifically on initiatives to empower Muslim women in order to combat terrorism which formed part of the UK’s Preventing Violent Extremism Agenda (Prevent). In January 2008 the National Muslims Women’s Advisory Group (NMWAG) was established and Local Authorities were encouraged to fund projects aimed at ‘empowering Muslim women’. The thesis begins by situating the research within a wider policy framework. At the national level it relates to debates on community cohesion, Britishness and multiculturalism; at the global level it relates to the UK’s involvement in the ‘war on terror’. The research examines local inflections in how the initiatives worked in practice, considering the impact of diversity within diversity. A key objective of these initiatives was to ‘give the silent majority a stronger voice’. The thesis considers the extent to which this objective was achieved, particularly in relation to the establishment of NMWAG. Through an analysis of the initiatives overseen by NMWAG it considers how empowerment is conceptualised and, therefore, also by definition, disempowerment. It suggests that empowerment is positioned as individualised in the form of neoliberal meritocratic aspiration. At the same time, however, it is collectivised in relation to religious affiliation; Islam emerges both as a source of disempowerment and as a potential solution. The thesis argues that these initiatives have worked to privilege religion at the expense of other salient axes of difference, particularly those embedded in socio economic and regional variations. Moreover, this privileging constitutes part of a broader gendered anti-Muslim racist rhetoric. Finally the thesis argues that deconstructing the trope of ‘the Muslim woman’ and attending to the differences between Muslim women opens up the possibility of building solidarities across religious boundaries and harnessing an “alternative politics of recognition”.
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Boczar, Amanda C. „FOREIGN AFFAIRS: POLICY, CULTURE, AND THE MAKING OF LOVE AND WAR IN VIETNAM“. UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/27.
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Foreign Affairs: Policy, Culture, and the Making of Love and War in Vietnam investigates the interplay between war and society leading to and during the Vietnam War. This project intertwines histories of foreign relations, popular culture, and gender and sexuality as lenses for understanding international power relations during the global Cold War more broadly. By examining sexual encounters between American service members and Vietnamese civilian women, this dissertation argues that relationships ranging from prostitution to dating, marriage, and rape played a significant role in the diplomacy, logistics, and international reception of the war. American disregard for South Vietnamese morality laws in favor of bolstering GI morale in the early war years contributed to the instability of the alliance and led to a rise in anti-American activities, health concerns, and military security threats.
The length of the war in addition to the difficulty for service members to definitively identify enemy forces placed stress on soldiers. Publicized cases of rape and disagreements over responsibility for orphans or children born outside marriage to U.S. servicemen in the later war years further deteriorated relations. Negotiating these relationships resulted in implicit assignments of power between the United States and their allies in South Vietnam. In addition to the bi-lateral relations between the U.S. and South Vietnam, North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front propaganda citing the GI-civilian relationships sparked security concerns and further threatened the alliance. This dissertation further contends that encounters provided propaganda material for opposition forces, strained the overall war effort at home, and shaped how Americans remember the war.
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Kolinsky, Hilary. „Ernesettle : everyday life in 'a lovely estate' : post-war council housing and cultural incorporation, 1950-1980“. Thesis, University of the Arts London, 2016. http://ualresearchonline.arts.ac.uk/13434/.
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Following the end of the Second World War, the late 1940s witnessed a dramatic and rapid transformation in working-class living conditions enacted via the Welfare State, and largely experienced through an enormous expansion in public housing. Ernesettle is a product of this boom. One of seven new estates constructed as part of Plymouth’s programme of reconstruction, it follows a conceptual blueprint laid out in The Plan for Plymouth, a document compiled in 1943 by town planner Patrick Abercrombie and city engineer James Paton-Watson. Designed after a ‘neighbourhood’ model, the Plymouth Plan estates were to provide for life from cradle to grave, incorporating schools, workplaces, clinics, churches, pubs, and shops as well as housing and green space. The progressive social programme propounded by post-war neighbourhood designers strove towards social homogeneity, a strategy that sought to reconcile interests across the class and political spectrum. This thesis examines the results of those ambitions, using oral history accounts of Ernesettle to consider if and how council housing of the 1940s and 50s affected the material and social circumstances of its residents. By focusing on residents’ narratives of daily life between 1950 and 1980, I document a high point in council estate history comprising: a neighbourhood culture of mutual support and lively street life; a domestic culture, closely bound to the nuclear family and the home as a site of consumption; an associational culture of clubs, sports, the church, the pub, and social club; and a working culture of full male employment, collective representation, and increasing employment opportunities for women. The function of the neighbourhood in a process of drawing working-class populations into the mid 20th century cultural mainstream, and its subsequent association with their post-1980s expulsion to the social margins, provides a recurrent research theme underpinning my discussion of Ernesettle life as I explore how changes over time corresponded with the status of residents and their sense of place in society at large.
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Nasir, Jamal Abdul. „Fertility transition in Pakistan : neglected dimensions and policy implications“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2013. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/368188/.
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This research addresses some of the neglected non-program dimensions related to stagnant fertility transition in Pakistan. Previous research identified a range of factors influencing fertility in Pakistan, particularly the effect of distortions in reported ages, fertility inhibiting variables, timing of first marriage and first birth, and birth intervals. The literature provides evidence that there is no systematic analysis of these dimensions particularly at the regional levels. This research addresses these dimensions by evaluating the fertility and reproductive health data in particular using the cross-sectional data from the 1990 and 2006 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey, and 2000-01 Pakistan Reproductive Health and Family Planning Survey. Based on the application of relevant demographic and statistical techniques, the study demonstrates evidence of clear discrepancies in age reporting among married females across the seven geographic regions. This had influence on the estimated marital fertility rates which tend to be significantly higher when the reporting effects were adjusted. The analysis of fertility inhibiting factors reveals that timing of marriage and contraceptive use are crucial determinants associated with fertility reduction in Pakistan. By far, the strongest factor driving increase at first marriage in Pakistan is the level of female education which tends to vary significantly across different geographic regions. The analysis of the duration between marriage and first conception shows rather unexpected complex hazard functions with two peaks suggesting the behaviour of two different groups of women: those adhering to the traditional pattern in which conception take place soon after marriage; and those who postpone conception after marriage. Punjab, Baluchistan and urban regions are ahead of the fertility transition at the national level, confirming the effect of longer birth intervals. Based on the analysis of the proximate determinants framework, it can be concluded that Pakistan has entered the early third phase of the fertility transition. Urban Punjab and Baluchistan have also showed convergence to the third phase of the fertility transition. Breastfeeding and amenorrhea have emerged as significant determinants of birth interval duration. The results of this study highlight various areas for programme intervention and policy development. There is a dire need for a policy to improve the levels of female literacy and education especially in poorly developed regions which are in the second phase of fertility transition. A cost-effective intervention would be using mass media, for example radio broadcasting as the medium to disseminate reproductive health and family planning information. Pakistan needs specific policy interventions aimed at empowering girls with education for delaying marriage and encouraging contraceptive use. In formal education programmes, the syllabus should include the introduction to contraception, sexual health education as well as information on sexually transmitted diseases.
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Hitchcock, David. „'A restraint of their debauchery': Poverty, power, and social policy in Augustan England, 1688-1723“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28438.
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"'A Restraint of Their Debauchery': Poverty, Power, and Social Policy in Augustan England, 1688-1723" examines the connections between ideas and definitions of poverty created by both elites and the poor, and social policy legislation and disbursement of relief. Specifically, Mackworth's failed 1704 omnibus reform bill, and Knatchbull's successful 1723 Workhouse Test Act are considered. Successive chapters are dedicated to historiography and methodology, the contemporary pamphlet debates over poverty, pauper self-definition in petitions to the state, and politics and policy during the early eighteenth century. Often this analysis focuses on individuals. Notable subjects include: John Locke, Matthew Hale, Bernard Mandeville, John Bellers, Daniel Defoe, Richard Cocks, Humphrey Mackworth, and Edward Knatchbull. Several observations about the character of contemporary perceptions of poverty are made, and their connection to the resulting legislative and published efforts is explained.
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Apperley, Alan Robert. „Personal autonomy and health policy : some considerations in political theory“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/37880/.
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This thesis examines some of the implications for social policy of an account of human nature frequently associated with liberal political theory. Taking as its starting point the claim that the objectives of social policy are contested, it seeks to develop an account of autonomy that will serve as a neutral 'organizational principle' around which to construct social policy. A particular version of personal autonomy is developed and defended against both abstract Kantian moral autonomy, and the individualism often associated with liberal theories. This project is pursued first through a discussion of the relationship of autonomous persons to 'social forms', and then through a critique of libertarian and 'intellectualist' accounts of autonomy. It is argued that, since autonomy is not only employed in the making of choices, but also in the implementing of those choices, it follows that the autonomous person must, of necessity, be viewed 'holistically' for the body is the primary means of implementing the choices autonomous persons make. The health of the body, as well as that of the mind, therefore assumes importance for any social policy that takes autonomy to be a fundamental objective. The implications for such an account of social policy are then explored in two ways. First, through a discussion of the phenomenon of 'medicalization'. Second, through a discussion of the Prevention and Health campaign. In the first instance, it is argued that the assumption that medicalization systematically undermines autonomy is ill-founded because theories of medicalization misunderstand what it is to be autonomous. In the second instance, the discussion of preventive health-care policy serves to illustrate the fundamentally erroneous assumptions of individually-focussed health-care programmes. In conclusion, it is argued that a unified account of autonomous persons must inevitably lead to a more integrated social policy.
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Goldsmith, Lorna Colberg. „Comparative dimensions of social housing in Arhus and Newcastle, 1890s-1979 : the problem of the political culture of two social housing systems“. Thesis, Northumbria University, 2007. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/1695/.
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Denmark, being a much smaller country than Britain, has, in absolute terms, a smaller housing problem. Nevertheless, there are surely lessons to be learned from the highly successful system which the Danish people and Government have worked out for themselves. A housing society, or some equivalent organization, provided for each separate region or sub-region in Great Britain might offer a solution to the difficult [sic.] that design for our working-class housing is under the controls of councils of very varying degrees of technical knowledge, which then have to be prodded and supervised to some extent by various Government departments. The housing society seems an admirable compromise, provided that it can be kept on the completely non-profit making basis that is successfully secured in Denmark. Ian Bowen, Housing Policy in Denmark, The Architects' Journal, August 4, 1949, p.133 A generation of competent technicians and fearless, idealistic politicians [in Britain] have been able to make a contribution which will persist as a good example of the capabilities of the present and as an incomparable field of study for others who are working in planning. Aage Jedich, Report from Holme-Tranbjerg Council Committee's visit to England, 12.07.19631 A comparison of the housing provided by two cities within separate nation states may encourage a mutually admiring gaze from each position. Comparisons have provided a tool in learning about new housing practices, understanding one's own position from a different vantage point and throwing light on areas that may have remained unquestioned until a visit abroad revealed different approaches to a similar problem. As the quotes above suggest, professional groups involved in the provision of housing and urban planning in post-war Denmark and Britain held each other's national strategies in high regard as they contemplated their local problems of creating spaces for effective urban communities. It will become clear for the cities studied in this thesis that local councillors, public officials and social housing providers at times sought to explore the wider areas of learning that practices abroad could offer. Yet the main approach adopted in this thesis is the comparative historical approach: the thesis studies the origins and history of social housing systems in Arhus, Denmark, and Newcastle, Britain. The comparison creates contrasts and similarities between the two cities through an urban social history approach. The key theme explored in the work is the notions of local democratic culture arising within the social housing systems of the two cities covering most of the twentieth century, but with an emphasis on the period 1945-1979. The introduction will discuss themes running through the work and will consider how the structure of the thesis allows for the comparison to illuminate aspects of the local political culture of the two cities that was directly affected by and affected in turn the local provision of social housing. Like most Western European cities in the twentieth century Arhus and Newcastle faced the problems of providing adequate housing for large groups of working people as the cities grew or older housing types became outdated. The study examines the options and strategies that were explored and adopted by the housing authorities in the two cities to recover from slumps in housing provision. It is clear that each city approached housing provision through different groups of facilitators: in Arhus, as in Denmark in general, the housing association was the primary generator of social housing, while Newcastle followed the British pattern — providing social housing through the municipality. Thus the agency of provision was different in the two cases from the outset. How the mediating influence of housing associations between the Arhusian Council and residents in social housing contrasted with the direct provision of council housing in Newcastle is a key issue for the the...
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Luo, Yi. „Chinese Medicine's Commercialization and its Social and Environmental Impact“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1214.
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Ayers, Jessica. „Understanding the adaptation paradox : can global climate change adaptation policy be locally inclusive?“ Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/393/.
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The governance of climate change adaptation presents a paradox: Climate change is a global risk, yet vulnerability is locally experienced. In order to address this paradox, debates in environmental governance need to find ways of integrating local perceptions of risk with global risk assessments. But how can local inclusiveness be achieved in the context of global environmental risks, and what kinds of institutions are needed? Accordingly, this thesis looks at three inter-related concepts from the social sciences that address the challenge of inclusive policy making, but are as yet under-examined in the context of climate change adaptation: (i) Participation, drawing from development studies; (ii) Expertise, drawing from Science and Technology Studies (STS); and (iii) Deliberation, drawing from political science. It is argued that these concepts have not been sufficiently advanced to take account of the challenges raised by the ‘adaptation paradox.’ The hypothesis of this thesis is that this paradox gives rise to a globalised discourse on adaptation that restricts discussion of risk to ‘global’ and technical expertise, and is not open to localised vulnerability-based knowledge about how risks are experienced. This hypothesis is tested by asking: i) What is the evidence that conflicting definitions of climate risk inhibit inclusive adaptation policy making? And ii) Under what circumstances is local inclusiveness achieved under global climate change policy frameworks? This study collects and analyses a new set of data on the main avenue for the inclusion of vulnerable groups in adaptation policy making: National Adaptation Programmes of Actions (NAPAs). Through a detailed empirical case study analysis of the NAPA process in Bangladesh and Nepal, this study examines the evidence that NAPAs achieved inclusiveness, and the circumstances of more inclusive decisionmaking. This data suggests Nepal took a more inclusive approach to NAPA preparation than Bangladesh; and that this was a result of the choices around how to ‘do inclusiveness’ that were in turn influenced by the historical and political contexts within which these decisions were made. Based on these findings, the thesis argues that current approaches to ‘local inclusiveness’ in global adaptation policy need to pay more attention to the deliberative component of participatory policy making, in terms of how deliberative institutions can shape participatory spaces, and how history and politics have in turn shaped how deliberation takes place in each location.
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Wilkoszewski, Harald. „Germany's social policy challenge : public integenerational transfers in light of demographic change“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/886/.
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This dissertation addresses the question of to what extent growing numbers of older people who might have similar preferences regarding public intergenerational transfers (family and pension policies) will limit the scope of future social policy reforms in Germany. We are interested in to what extent the shift in the country's demography will trigger a so-called "gerontocracy." As a theoretical framework, we combine Mannheim's concept of political generations with a demographic life-course approach. According to Mannheim, growing numbers of a societal group, combine with unified preferences within the group, enhance the group's political power. To empirically test this hypothesis, we use three analytical steps: First, we analyse the future age composition of the German population, including familial characteristics, using a micro-simulation approach. The results suggest that the number of older people will grow substantially over the coming decades, particularly the share of older people who will remain childless and who will not be married. Second, we analyse preferences regarding redistributive social policies according to age, parity, and marital status, based on recent survey data. Generalised Linear Models and Generalised Additive Models are applied to examine what the effects of fdemographic indicators are on these preferences. Results show that older people are less in favour of transfers ot the younger generation than their younger counterparts. This is particularly true of childless interviewees. Third, we explore the extent to which these developments are likely to have an impact on the political sphere. How do policy makers perceive ageing and the preferences structures found? How do elderly interest groups define their roles in light of these results? In-depth interviews with these stakeholders provide a mixed picture: whereas most interviewees are convinced that older people have gained more power due to their bigger population share, there is little awareness of differences in policy preferences between various demographic groups. The biggest challenge for social policy makers is, therefore, to find ways to mediate between these two interesrs. if they fail to do so, a conflict of generations might become a realistic scenario for Germany.
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Lingayah, Sanjiv. „Between the lines : contours of nation, multiculture and race equality in policy discourse in the New Labour period“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/932/.
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This thesis examines how New Labour policymakers and Black and Minority Ethnic (BME)-led race equality organisations articulated and connected themes of nation, multiculture and ‘race’ equality in policy discourse and discussions over the New Labour period. My study extends previous accounts of New Labour and multicultural discourses by incorporating the significant, but not always influential, role of BME civil society actors in such policy discussions. My research draws on documents and archival material from and interviews with policymakers and race equality actors. I analyse this data using a qualitative thematic approach to discern changing policy discourses and claims about the state of the multicultural nation and the place of race equality within it. In the study I suggest that, after a promising start, New Labour policymakers came to understand the relationship between nation, multiculture and race equality as a troubled and troubling one. At the same time, the three BME-led race equality organisations that I focus on in my research struggled to counter government discourses of parallel lives, community cohesion and Britishness that were detrimental to efforts to combat race inequality. Policy and policy discursive interventions of BME-led race equality organisations were thrown off course not only by New Labour but also by ‘new ethnicities’, and the idea of complex and diverse BMEness’. BME-led organisations have struggled to engage with this latter destabilisation, let alone develop a politics capable of overcoming such issues. I therefore end my thesis by suggesting that, if BME-led race equality organisations are to shape policy debates on race equality, there is much hard labour and re-thinking about BMEness and re-organising for them still to do.
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Juarez, Rocio. „A Mental Health Program for Recipients of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)| A Grant Proposal“. Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10784339.
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The purpose of this project was to write a grant proposal to fund a comprehensive mental health program for undocumented youth and young adults who qualified for DACA, and are residents of the City of Long Beach, and adjacent cities. Through receiving these direct services, the undocumented youth and young adults will gain skills to increase their overall well-being.
A literature review was conducted on the history of immigration in the United States, and policy as it relates to undocumented youth. Research was also conducted on evidence-based practices, with a focus on effectiveness in treating depression, anxiety, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). After conducting research for potential funding sources, the grant writer concluded that the California Wellness Foundation was the best potential funder.
The actual submission of the grant proposal is not a requirement for the completion of this thesis.
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Osterbur, Megan E. „When is it Our Time?: An Event History Model of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Rights Policy Adoption“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2012. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1471.
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Gays and lesbians have long struggled for their rights as citizens, yet only recently has their struggle been truly politicized in a way that fosters mobilization. When and why social movements coalesce despite the many obstacles to collective action are fundamental questions in comparative politics. While examining social movements is worthwhile, it is important to examine not only when and why a social movement forms, but also when and why a social movement is successful. This dissertation tackles the latter of these objectives, focusing on when and why social movements have success in terms of their duration from the time of their formation until their desired policy output is produced.
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Byrne, Graeme. „Schemes of nation : a planning history of the Snowy Mountains Scheme“. Phd thesis, Department of Art History and Theory, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11445.
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Hodgins, Mary Ellen. „Innovation policy in Canada’s agri-food system : the functional food and natural health products’ segment“. Thesis, City University London, 2011. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1121/.
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Public policy regarding innovation in the Canadian value-added agri-food sector does not appear to meet its intended outcomes. Rather than being a commodity producing nation, Canada has attempted to focus its attention on adding value to products that increase economic returns. Innovation capacity and ability to capture opportunities appear to be limiting factors. This research therefore conducted a general review of the food system in Canada with a specific focus on innovation in the functional food and natural health products’ (nutraceutical) sector. The findings are based on interviews with forty representatives of the key actor groups in innovation: industry, academia, government and civil society. The research concluded that the food system is comprised of complex demand networks that include global players working on various elements of innovation. The growing complexities are causing challenges for all actor groups. One major challenge is the lack of a common understanding of the concept of innovation within or among the actor groups including policy-makers. This finding puts into question any policies and measurements currently in place. The research adds new knowledge by expanding the multi-dimensional definition of innovation to include human elements. The research also shows that federal policy as it affects innovation in the Canadian high value-added agri-food sector is not evidence-based. A paradigm shift is required in policy-making to a solutions-led approach that results in public and private policies targeting solutions for a healthier Canada combining human, environmental and societal benefits.
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Higgins, Claire Michelle. „New evidence on the development of Australian refugee policy, 1976 to 1983“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c8e5abc0-d906-40b3-861c-8fbd82fcb71d.
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This thesis aims to improve historical knowledge of Australian refugee policy between 1976 and 1983, a unique and transitional moment in the nation’s history and in international refugee movements. The discussion will be based on original evidence drawn from archival records and oral history interviews, and informed by a broad literature which recognises that refugee policy is a product of varied political imperatives and historical context. First, Chapter Three reveals that because the Fraser government could not deport the Indochinese boatpeople who sailed to Australia, it sought to approve their refugee status in order to legitimate its announcements that only ‘genuine’ refugees were being admitted. In doing so, the Fraser government was required to defend the processing of boat arrivals to the public and within the bureaucracy. Chapter Four finds that historical and political considerations informed the Fraser government’s choice not to reject or detain boat arrivals but to instead introduce legislation against people smuggling. The chapter presents new evidence to disprove claims expressed in recent academic and media commentary that the government’s Immigration (Unauthorised Arrivals) Act 1980 (Cth) marked a particularly harsh stance and that passengers on the VT838 were deported without due process, and draws from ideas within the literature concerning the need for states to promote the integrity of the refugee concept. Chapter Five contributes to international literature on refugee status determination procedure by studying the Australian government’s assessment of non-Indochinese. Through a dataset created from UNHCR archives it is found that the quality of briefing material and political considerations could influence deliberations on individual cases. Chapter Six contributes to literature on in-country processing, revealing how Australia’s programme in Chile and El Salvador was a means of diversifying the refugee intake but caused tensions between the Department of Immigration and the Department of Foreign Affairs.
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Porsblad, Käll Emma. „Den socialpolitiska diskussion som lade grunden för narkotikastrafflagen 1968“. Thesis, Växjö University, School of Health Sciences and Social Work, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2187.
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The problem with narcotics is one of Sweden’s biggest social problems. Statistics shows that
the number of narcotic related deaths and the numbers of heavy drug users are increasing. The
present narcotic policy has been questioned due to this increase. As a social worker you meet
drug users on a daily basis. A possible review of the current law requires that the social
workers are well knowledgeable in order to take part in the debate. To be able to discuss new
political directions you need to have knowledge about the history. The purpose with this
dissertation is to understand the Swedish social political ideas that resulted in the 1968’s
narcotic penalty law. This dissertation has a social constructive perspective and in the analysis
has the labeling theiry been applied. As a method a document analysis has been used. The
material has mainly been Parliamentary protocols and SOU-investigations. An analysis of the
contents was made when the material was read. The younger drug users, the increasing
consumption, the drug users groups and the illegal drug traffic was main factors that
influenced the social political thought and ideas that lead to the 1968’s narcotic penalty law.
Author: Emma Porsblad Käll
Title: The social policy discussion that laid the ground for the
narcotic law 1968. (Translated title)
Supervisor: Erik Wångmar, University lecture by the institute of civics by
Växjö University.
Assessor: Torbjörn Hjort, University lecture by the institute of healthscience
and social work by Växjö University.
Key words: Social policy, narcotics, social history, and law-drafting board.
2
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Carrieri, Ilenia <1998>. „South Korea’s democratic social movements: how they impacted South Korea’s history and consequently influenced its foreign policy with Japan“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/22035.
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Gli anni Ottanta hanno rappresentato un punto di svolta per la Corea del Sud rispetto ai tre decenni precedenti. Sebbene la Prima Repubblica della Corea del Sud sia nata come un governo democratico, nel tempo è diventata sempre più autocratica. Inoltre, dopo il suo crollo negli anni Sessanta, le quattro repubbliche sudcoreane successive furono guidate da governi militari autocratici che lasciavano spazio alla democrazia solo a livello teorico e non a livello pratico. L'assenza di democrazia e la persistenza nel governo di regimi autocratici oppressivi hanno alimentato un forte sentimento rivoluzionario non solo da parte dei cittadini ma anche da parte di personalità politiche di spicco. Il loro impegno per la causa democratica e talvolta il loro sacrificio in rivolte duramente represse hanno portato a una svolta politica fondamentale nel Paese che si è consolidata con la Sesta Repubblica all'alba degli anni Novanta.
Si può affermare che i movimenti sociali sono in grado di intervenire nel processo decisionale di un Paese?
Il focus principale di questa tesi è proprio sui movimenti sociali democratici presenti in Corea del Sud negli anni Ottanta, e sul modo in cui hanno avuto influenza non solo per quanto riguarda la politica interna del Paese ma soprattutto per quanto riguarda la politica estera. Pertanto, lo scopo principale di questa tesi è mostrare come i movimenti sociali, in questo caso i movimenti sociali democratici in Corea del Sud, siano stati in grado di intervenire e influenzare la politica e il processo decisionale del Paese. Nel caso specifico di questa tesi, si mostrerà come, sulla scia dei movimenti sociali per la democrazia nati negli anni Ottanta, si siano conseguentemente sviluppati diversi tipi di movimenti sociali per evidenziare importanti questioni irrisolte tra Giappone e Corea del Sud, influenzando così le relazioni internazionali tra i due paesi. Attraverso questa analisi si spiegherà come non solo la percezione nei confronti del Giappone ma anche le richieste nei confronti del Giappone siano cambiate a causa della riscoperta di questioni storiche e sociali precedentemente messe da parte dai regimi autocratici sudcoreani e anche grazie alla democrazia, che ha concesso ai cittadini la libertà di parola.
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Macdonald, Catriona L. „The shopfloor experience of regional policy : work and industrial relations at the Bathgate motor plant, c.1961-1986“. Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4638/.
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This thesis explores the experience of work and industrial relations at the British Motor Corporation’s commercial vehicle assembly plant at Bathgate in West Lothian, from its establishment in 1961 until its closure in 1986. The plant opened in Scotland as a result of a government regional development policy which sought to create jobs and ameliorate the rundown of heavy industry in areas of high unemployment. The thesis considers the role of such policy in shaping industrial development since 1945, and, using the oral history testimony of former Bathgate workers to examine the impact of economic and social change on Scotland’s industrial population, contributes to the regional policy literature by extending the analysis beyond questions about its efficacy and considering the experiences of the workers and communities directly affected by such initiatives. What emerges from this study of regional policy from the perspective of the shopfloor is the extent to which the plant’s establishment on a greenfield site, in an area of high unemployment, very much on the periphery of the UK motor industry and with little tradition of mass assembly production processes, shaped the subsequent evolution of its working conditions, industrial relations, and worker attitudes, as well as its position within the Bathgate community. The Bathgate experience therefore illuminates a number of key debates in the wider historiography of Britain and Scotland since 1945, not only in relation to regional policy itself, but also with regard to the motor industry, its industrial relations, and the development, in the post-war context of relatively high wages and the increasing stability of work, of a more typically ‘affluent’ working class. The thesis is divided into two parts. Part One explores some of the issues surrounding the plant’s establishment in West Lothian, particularly the regional policy aspects, and the plant’s position within and relationship to both the wider BMC – later British Leyland – organisation and the British motor industry more generally. Part Two draws extensively on the influential ‘affluent worker’ thesis, as well as the literature around the industrial relations of motor manufacturing, in developing and exploring questions related to the way in which work was experienced at Bathgate, and the extent to which the attitudes and behaviour of its workforce came to reflect those which typified the motor worker elsewhere. Throughout, the thesis engages with and adds nuance to debates over the role of shopfloor organisation and strike activity in damaging the performance of British motor manufacturing, and, by drawing on the oral testimony of former Bathgate workers themselves, offers a fresh perspective on the post-war experience of regional policy both in a particular, under-researched regional policy plant, and in Scotland and Britain more broadly.
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Hu, Bo. „Education for migrant children : policy implementation in the changing urban education system in China“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/616/.
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This thesis aims to examine the extent to which migrant children’s education policy is implemented and identifies the factors that affect the implementation of this policy in the Chinese context. In the last two decades, urban China has witnessed a rapid increase in the number of children of rural-urban migrants. It has become a public concern that migrant children do not have access to education and cannot receive as good an education as do urban children in the cities, even though there are policies formulated by the central government to tackle this issue. The thesis adopts mixed research methods to examine the implementation of migrant children’s education policy. Main sources of the evidence include semi-structured interviews, statistical data, government documents and internal reports by local schools. The thesis divides migrant children’s education policy into three parts: funding and school access policy, equal opportunity policy and school support and social integration policy. It is found that policies for migrant children are selectively or partially implemented. Some policy goals have been achieved, while others have not. Certain groups of migrant children have access to urban public schools and receive high quality education while others do not. A policy analysis shows that migrant children’s education policy is ambiguous in goals and weak in incentives, which grants local governments and schools scope to act with discretion. Non-implementation of sufficient funding and school access policy result from self-interested and habitual decisions of local governments. Implementation of equal opportunity policy is affected by the workings of the exam-oriented education system in China. Social integration policy appears to be well-implemented due to effective school support available to migrant children and good intergroup relationship between migrant and urban children. The findings imply that further policy reform is needed to improve the educational opportunities of migrant children. In particular, special attention should be focused on those policy areas not effectively implemented and more support should be directed to those migrant children who are more disadvantaged.
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Powell, Joshua McKay. „THE PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT OF JUSTINIANIC RELIGIOUS POLICY PRIOR TO THE THREE CHAPTERS CONTROVERSY“. UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/48.
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The emperor Justinian's religious policy has sometimes been characterized as haphazard or incoherent. This dissertation examines religious policy in the Roman Empire from the accession of the emperor Justin to the inception of the Three Chapters controversy in the mid 540's AD. It considers the resolution of the Acacian Schism, Justinian's apparent ambivalence with regard to the Theopaschite formula, the attempt to court the anti-Chalcedonians in Constantinople in the period leading up to the Council of 536, and the relationship between the genesis of the Three Chapters and Second Origenist controversies.
Even during these seemingly disparate episodes, this dissertation argues that it is possible to account for the apparent incoherence of this period. To do so, we create an account which includes and appreciates the embeddedness of imperial policy within a social context with two key features. First, we must bear in mind the shifting interests and information available to the individual agents through and over whom the emperor hoped to project influence. Second, we must identify the shifting and hardening symbolic and social boundaries established through the interactions of these same, competing agents. These form the basis for in- and out-group categorization. The individual interests of individual people—whether Justinian, Vitalian, Dioscorus, Leontius, Eusebius, Theodore Askidas, or Pelagius—within complex networks must always be accounted for to give a complete picture. When this social context is accounted for, Justinian's approach appears as that of a rational actor, having incomplete information, with consistent policy goals, working within inconsistent constraints to achieve those goals.
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Lapham, Angela. „From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.
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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.
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Nicholds, Alyson. „Building capacity for regeneration : making sense of ambiguity in urban policy outcomes“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3495/.
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UK regeneration exists amid a ‘burgeoning’ literature which states the ongoing desire to improve the outcomes of urban policy. However, concern about the symbolic nature of regeneration policy and its re-production in the form of ‘linguistic debates’, can latterly be witnessed in the context of more ‘discursive’ concerns rooted in shifting patterns of governance. Drawing empirically from research with fifty UK regeneration professionals and Laclau & Mouffe’s (2001) theory of socialist hegemony to explore reasons for the persistence of such ambiguity, three rival discourses emerge in the form of ‘Building City Regions’; ‘Narrowing the Gap’; and ‘Building Community Capacity’. What a critical analysis suggests is that by ‘deconstructing’ rather than ‘deciphering’ the goals of regeneration policy, a temporary ‘discursive’ form of regeneration emerges in which the contradictions and tensions within the discourse are represented in the form of ‘nodal points and floating signifiers’ and articulated through the notion of lack. This can be linked to the bureaucratic struggles which emerge as a result of a ‘new right’ hegemony, which commodifies all aspects of work and social life to bring market-informed ways of seeing and doing to every aspect of regeneration practice. Actors seek to manage such complexity through emotional investment.
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Wright, David. „The study of idiocy : the professional middle class and the evolution of social policy on the mentally retarded in England, 1848 to 1914“. Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22403.
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The professional study of idiocy began within the discipline of medico-psychology and was taken up, later, by professionals in the fields of education, social work, and philanthropy. When medical research seemed to confirm the hereditary origin of mental ability, and as studies began to assert that a great deal of social problems were due to 'weakness of mind', men and women from these professions concerned themselves with the prevention of idiocy, primarily by segregation. As social commentators in late-Victorian England became increasingly concerned about the nation's apparent decline in economic and military competitiveness, these professionals and commentators began to stridently campaign for the detention of idiots in permanent colonies. This process continued during the Edwardian period when many professionals slowly gravitated to the eugenic-led campaign for control of the feeble-minded, a campaign which culminated in the Mental Deficiency Act of 1913.
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Couture, André Michel. „Elements for a social history of television : Radio-Canada and Quebec Society 1952-1960“. Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61992.
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Gilbert, Ethan. „Water Policy: The World's Most Important Resource Politicized“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/520.
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Water is the most important resource on the planet for sustaining life, and many consider access to water as a fundamental human right. However, in light of its necessity, the distribution and allocation of water has become a highly politicized issue. Economic and political conditions have been shown to be influential in shaping a country’s water policy, more so then recognition of water as a basic human right. The reason for this is that many agree that there needs to be a value assigned to water to encourage its conservation and efficient use, and different methods of addressing that issue have led to varying degrees of privatization of water. Whether through the private or public sector, there is an expectation that water be delivered to the people by the government, and it is often the influence of public and private actors within the government that direct the policy for water distribution. Using three cases in Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay it will be demonstrated how water policy has correlated with the political and economic changes within each country.
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Lilly, Alice Olivia Louise. „A shared moment : antipoverty policy under the New Democrats and New Labour, 1992-2005“. Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/43233/.
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This thesis seeks to answer two research questions. Firstly, building on a small corpus of literature that has identified welfare-to-work programmes as a key commonality between the New Democrats and New Labour, it asks whether there were other common aspects of their antipoverty policies. Drawing on a range of archival sources, as well as a variety of other primary materials, it finds that there were two other key areas of commonality: efforts to ensure the value of work through the use of in-work tax credits and minimum wages; and attempts to reduce teenage pregnancy rates. Both parties, it is argued, saw these three strands of policy as complementary. It is also shown that the specific policies that they implemented in each area were, at times, the result of the active sharing of policies through transatlantic networks of advisors and intellectuals. It is also acknowledged that different national contexts affected the precise nature of these common policies. Secondly, this thesis considers whether this common New Democrat-New Labour approach to poverty might be considered distinctive. Whilst much literature has suggested that both parties hewed to a conservative approach to poverty, or reflected neoliberal ideas, it is argued here that the New Democrats and New Labour presented an approach which, taken as a whole, went beyond the two existing intellectual approaches to poverty—that James T. Patterson has termed “neoconservative” and “structuralist”—and the policies that they generated. Drawing on Daniel T. Rodgers’ concept of a transatlantic “moment” in social policy, it insists on the existence of a distinctively New Democrat-New Labour “moment” on antipoverty policy between 1992 and 2005. Their distinctiveness was rooted in their analysis of the new economy, and the need for antipoverty policy to stress the themes of both responsibility and opportunity.