Zeitschriftenartikel: „Social and Political movements“

1

Rasmussen, S⊘ren Hein. „From social movements to political movements“. Scandinavian Journal of History 22, Nr. 3 (Januar 1997): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759708579350.

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2

Wisler, Dominique, und Marco G. Giugni. „Social Movements and Institutional Selectivity“. Sociological Perspectives 39, Nr. 1 (März 1996): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389344.

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Contrary to what is usually implied by work on the relationship between political opportunity structures and social movements, political institutions are not a general setting offering or denying formal access and political opportunities to every challenge, but rather favor certain types of movements and constrain others. This process of institutional selectivity depends on the relationship between the structure of a given political institution and the movement type and defines social movements as pro-institutional, counter-institutional, or neutral. Accordingly, variation in the movements' action repertoire and degree of success can be observed. Yet, political institutions leave the door open to different interpretations by social actors so that a framing struggle takes place; at stake is the fit between movement demands and the structure of political institutions. The argument is developed through the example of federalism and its impact on two types of movements—namely, regionalist and squatters' movements—and illustrated by discussing their fate in France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Empirical data suggest that institutional selectivity is to be taken into account to reach a better understanding of the relationship between social movements and their political context.

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3

EVA, FABRIZIO. „Social Movements are Political Movements. What's Geopolitics?“ Geopolitics 9, Nr. 2 (Juni 2004): 478–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040490442971.

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4

Makinde, Ebenezer. „International Political Contexts, Digital Technologies, and Political Outcomes in Nigeria’s #EndSARS Movement“. Protest 4, Nr. 1 (28.02.2024): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10059.

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Abstract When do social movements achieve political outcomes? Extant literature has identified two broad factors that can explain the political outcomes of social movements: movements’ infrastructure, and political opportunities. Focusing on the 2020 #EndSARS protest in Nigeria, I build on this literature to understand how and why social movements may achieve policy outcomes when social movements’ infrastructure and domestic political opportunities are relatively absent. I analyzed the Twitter activities of protesters during the 2020 #EndSARS Movement in Nigeria. I argue that the #EndSARS Movement transformed from online campaigns to offline demonstrations against police brutality because of favourable international political contexts (Black Lives Matter or blm protests in the US, covid-19 induced economic hardships). Further analysis shows that the protest achieved significant political outcomes and responses from both federal and state governments in Nigeria because the protesters were able to successfully leverage digital technologies (like social media, blockchain technology), international media and global personalities to their advantage.

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5

Febrianto, Martinus, Dam. „SOCIAL MOVEMENT BASED ON SOCIAL MEDIA IN SOCIAL MORAL PERSPECTIVE“. Jurnal Teologi 11, Nr. 1 (25.05.2022): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/jt.v11i01.4397.

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Social media as the prominent phenomenon of digital culture has become the infrastructure for social and political movements. Digital media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have become practical tools for social movements, especially for communicating, organizing, and gaining wider publicity. However, a more careful study shows that activism on social media can only become an impactful socio-political movement if it meets the requirements of contemporary culture. Social media apparently does not support the absorption and deepening of complex discourses or difficult issues. In addition, direct (offline) activities, namely traditional forms of organization, are absolutely necessary for resilient and impactful social movements. These findings are in line with the study of social movements in the Catholic Church. Only through direct action in the offline realm can social movements foster spirituality, empower people, manifest a sense of solidarity, and become deep collective movements that inspire continuous effort for the sake of the common good.

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Walder, Andrew G. „Political Sociology and Social Movements“. Annual Review of Sociology 35, Nr. 1 (August 2009): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-120035.

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7

Rohlinger, Deana A. „Political Shocks and Social Movements“. American Behavioral Scientist 53, Nr. 1 (12.08.2009): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338782.

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8

Rabotyazhev, N. „Alter-Globalism as Social and Political Phenomenon: Experience of Analysis“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 12 (2011): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-12-98-109.

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The author proposes an investigation into the alter-globalization movement. The movement’s origin and development, its aims, organizational principles, participants and the role of Internet in its ascent are considered. The main ideological trends within the alter-globalization movement are also analyzed in the article. A conclusion is made that the alter-globalization is a new social and political phenomenon. It essentially differs from the XXth century political parties and movements. The article also considers the causes of the present crisis of the alter-globalization movement.

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Takovski, Aleksandar. „Coloring social change: Humor, politics, and social movements“. HUMOR 33, Nr. 4 (11.09.2019): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2019-0037.

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AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne, und Verta Taylor. „Whatever Happened to The Women's Movement?“ Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, Nr. 1 (01.02.2005): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.1.46245r7082613312.

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Analyses of the women's movement that focus on its "waves" and theories of social movements that focus on contentious politics have encouraged the view that the women's movement is in decline. Employing alternative perspectives on social movements, we show that the women's movement continues to thrive. This is evidenced by organizational maintenance and growth, including the international expansion of women's movement organizations; feminism within institutions and other social movements; the spread of feminist culture and collective identity; and the variety of the movement's tactical repertoires. Moreover, the movement remains capable of contentious collective action. We argue for research based on broader conceptions of social movements as well as the contentious politics approach.

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Useem, Bert, und Jack A. Goldstone. „The paradox of victory: social movement fields, adverse outcomes, and social movement success“. Theory and Society 51, Nr. 1 (02.10.2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09460-2.

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AbstractRecent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement’s victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises from shifting alignments in the broader social movement field. To test the predictive value of the distinction, we compare two very similar student-led social movements, both of which targeted university policies regarding sensitivity to race issues and changes in university personnel. One built a broad coalition of support that extended across its social movement field and was thereby able to institute durable change. The other did not, and despite its clear initial success, this protest movement produced consequences mainly adverse to its preferred outcomes. We demonstrate how pervasive this paradox is with examples from other U.S. protest outcomes and studies of revolutions. The paradox is resolved by focusing on changes in the entire social movement field. We thus argue that achieving, and understanding, lasting social movement success requires attention to the entire social movement field.

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Deveaux, Monique. „Poor-Led Social Movements and Global Justice“. Political Theory 46, Nr. 5 (21.05.2018): 698–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591718776938.

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Political philosophers’ prescriptions for poverty alleviation have overlooked the importance of social movements led by, and for, the poor in the global South. I argue that these movements are normatively and politically significant for poverty reduction strategies and global justice generally. While often excluded from formal political processes, organized poor communities nonetheless lay the groundwork for more radical, pro-poor forms of change through their grassroots resistance and organizing. Poor-led social movements politicize poverty by insisting that, fundamentally, it is caused by social relations of power that exploit and subordinate poor populations. These movements and their organizations also develop the collective capabilities of poor communities in ways that help them to contest the structures and processes that perpetuate their needs deprivation. I illustrate these contributions through a discussion of the Landless Rural Worker’s Movement in Brazil (the MST), a poor mobilization organization in Bangladesh (Nijera Kori), and the slum and pavement dweller movement in India. Global justice theorizing about poverty cannot just “add on” the contributions of such struggles to existing analyses of, and remedies for, poverty, however; rather, we will need to shift to a relational approach to poverty in order to see the vital importance of organized poor communities to transformative, poor-centered poverty reduction.

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Willcock, Hiroko. „Contemporary Social and Nationalist Political Movements“. International Journal of Civic, Political, and Community Studies 10, Nr. 2 (2013): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-0047/cgp/v10i02/43506.

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14

Amenta, Edwin, Neal Caren, Elizabeth Chiarello und Yang Su. „The Political Consequences of Social Movements“. Annual Review of Sociology 36, Nr. 1 (Juni 2010): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-120029.

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15

Cammaerts, Bart. „THE NEW-NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: ARE SOCIAL MEDIA CHANGING THE ONTOLOGY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS?“ Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, Nr. 3 (01.09.2021): 343–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-3-343.

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Our hypermediated societies affect the very nature of what a social movement is. This article identifies five core nodal points of what constitutes a social movement: Program claims, Identity construction, Connections, Actions, and Resolve (PICAR). Primarily using France’s yellow vest movement case, I assess the impact of social media on these nodal points. I find that social media afford opportunities as well as present challenges for contemporary movements which taken together amounts to a newly emerging ontology. This new-new social movement ontology is characterized by processes of discontinuity (open ideological positioning, fluid collective identities, weak ties, an online repertoire of action, and relative ephemerality) co-existing with continuity (the return of a class politics of redistribution, the continued importance of collective identity, offline repertoires, and cycles of protest). This analysis demonstrates the dynamic interplay between political and mediation opportunity structures, producing new emancipatory potentials and challenging constraints.

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Dahal, Radhika Devi. „Sociological Review of Women Participation in Social Movements of Nepal“. Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 5, Nr. 1 (19.02.2024): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v5i1.62669.

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This article applies social structural approach to analyze women's involvement in social and political movements. It studies feminist movement of the world, and draws conclusion on the history and contemporary state of women as participants of movement sin Nepal. It reviews some theoretical articles written by foreign scholars by giving equal emphasis to Nepali writers' articles to review the evolution of women participation in movements in Nepal. Throughout the paper, feminist movement in common and issues of women exclusion in particular are discussed. Women issues or the feminist movements are often taken as lightly, but the paper believes that women participation in social and political movements of Nepal is attached more to class component than the purely qualitative component like social exclusion. To be specific, middle-class women in Nepal are the pioneers of women's rights movement, and have contributed a lot to ensure women rights both in legal and political areas. Rights and privileges given to women both constitutionally and politico-culturally, basically from the 1990s in Nepal, and the benefit women have received in the fields of education, health, politics, employment, marriage, property, etc. are the results of middle-class women's actively leading role in political movements.

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Rhiannon, Lee. „Organising, movements and political parties“. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, Nr. 2 (26.08.2009): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1114.

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The paper outlines historical and contemporary relationships between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, drawing on Australia-based experience. It argues the relationship is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance between party and movement, recognising the limits of both.

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Sandell, Rickard. „Organizational Growth and Ecological Constraints: The Growth of Social Movements in Sweden, 1881 to 1940“. American Sociological Review 66, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2001): 672–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600503.

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Based on the theoretical framework of organizational ecology, it is suggested that social movement organizations are inert structures that rarely exceed their initial size. The ecological concept of organizational growth is tested using membership data for Sweden from 1881 to 1940 for virtually all local social movement organizations (29,193 organizations) in three major social movements: the temperance, free church, and trade union movements. Findings show that the organizations in two of the movements have average growth trajectories approximating zero. The ecological argument is then expanded to include information on the movements’ organizational niches and intra- and intermovement density development. After controlling for the local organization's initial size, findings reveal that the remaining variation in aggregate membership is more likely to depend on population and niche dynamics (which organizational ecologists focus on) than on the capacity of the movement's local organizations to expand. These findings are consistent for all three Swedish movements. The ecological argument and the findings presented here are contrary to almost all research on social movements, which takes for granted that social movement organizations are necessarily capable of individual growth.

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Kovasic, Nikolay. „Impact of Social Movements on Social Change“. Journal of International Relations 3, Nr. 1 (22.03.2023): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jir.1866.

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Purpose: The study sought to investigate the impact of social movements on social change. Methodology: The study adopted a desktop methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library. Findings: The study concluded that the society is not a static element. It is a complex system of movements and counter movements pulling it in different directions. When this tussle is finally in favor of the movement, it becomes part of the social structure. A successful movement may become a part of the social order such as a trade union movement or save environment movement. The movement may disappear after achieving its goal. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study was informed by relative deprivation theory, the strain theory and the theory of revitalization. The study recommended that, successful movements must define their goals clearly and target the institutions that have the power to make the changes they are demanding. Moreover successful movements should act in a political environment in which they have leverage to demand systemic change.

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Laraña, Enrique. „Social Movements in Spain“. Tocqueville Review 15, Nr. 1 (Januar 1994): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.15.1.119.

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Until recent years, the term "movement" had a peculiar meaning in Spain since it referred to an aggregate of political forces that supported the military coup against the Republic and got the victory after three years of Civil War in 1939. The "Movimiento Nacional" does not fit into most current conceptions of social movements, and was mainly a political instrument for the unification of these forces under the rule of general Franco (Tusell 1992). Its authoritarian principles were the legal basis for the Regime until 1975, when the former died and a peaceful process of democratic transition took place.

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Artz, Lee. „Social Media and Social Movements“. Protest 1, Nr. 2 (23.02.2022): 248–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01030003.

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Abstract This contribution assesses the function and use of corporate-run social media, including its efficacy for organizing social movements. An extended critique of Black Lives Matter considers the impact of its social media activities on mitigating racial inequality. Drawing from successful social movements, participatory democracy, mass physical protest, and independence from established political institutions appear as necessary ingredients for constructing social media strategies for social change.

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Gladwin, Maree. „The Theory and Politics of Contemporary Social Movements“. Politics 14, Nr. 2 (September 1994): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00118.x.

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Social movements of the 1960s have given rise to new theoretical perspectives such as Resource Mobilization Theory and theories of New Social Movements. Resource Mobilization Theory analyses the dynamics of mobilization: the effective organisation of social movements and their influence on mainstream political institutions. By contrast, New Social Movement theories seek to explain the anti-institutional nature of contemporary movements which are said to pursue radical social transformation through mainly cultural means. In this article, both theoretical approaches are examined but found to be inadequate explanations of the complexities of contemporary movements and their relationship with the political environment.

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Eyerman, Ron. „Social movements“. Theory and Society 18, Nr. 4 (Juli 1989): 531–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00136437.

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Maeckelbergh, Marianne. „The Road to Democracy: The Political Legacy of “1968”“. International Review of Social History 56, Nr. 2 (21.07.2011): 301–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000162.

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SummaryOver the past forty years, the social struggles of the “long 1960s” have been continuously reinterpreted, each interpretation allocating a new mix of relevance and irrelevance to the brief global uprising. This article is a contribution to one such interpretation: the small but growing body of literature on the central importance of experiments with democracy within movements of the 1960s. Rather than examining the transformative effect of 1960s movements on institutional politics or popular culture, this article examines the lasting transformation 1960s movements had on social-movement praxis. Based on seven years of ethnography within contemporary global movement networks, I argue that when viewed from within social-movement networks, we see that thepoliticallegacy of the 1960s lies in the lasting significance of movement experiments with democracy as part of a prefigurative strategy for social change that is still relevant today because it is still in practice today.

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Gale, Richard P. „Social Movements and the State“. Sociological Perspectives 29, Nr. 2 (April 1986): 202–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1388959.

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This article modifies resource mobilization theory to emphasize interaction among social movements, countermovements, and government agencies. The framework developed for tracing social movement-state relationships gives special attention to movement and countermovement agency alignments. There are six stages of movement-state relationships illustrated with an analysis of the contemporary environmental movement.

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Indah Surya Wardhani und Devy Dhian Cahyati. „Gold Mining and Political Struggles for Access in Banyuwangi, East Java“. PCD Journal 8, Nr. 1 (12.06.2020): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v8i1.413.

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This article explores how the materiality of natural resources influences social movements. Applying a relational paradigm and new materialism approach, this article explores the materiality of gold as a vital element of actor-network linkages, organisation, framing mechanisms, and recruitment. The transformation of gold from an ore into a mechanism for commodification reflects the interactions between capital holders, scientists, political actors, and legislators. This sociomaterial formation has limited residents' access to such resources as gold, water, land, wood, and clean air, and this momentum has given rise to a social movement in opposition to gold mining activities. This article shows that social movements are not monolithic, but rather dynamic movements that consist of various actors, issues, narratives, and strategies. This study focuses on the anti-mining movement in Tumpang Pitu, Banyuwangi, East Java, and its two decades of struggle to illustrate how the formation, networking, fragmentation, and evolution of social movements is influenced by their materiality (in this case, gold). This article finds that the commodification of gold influences movements' repertoires. This offers an alternative explanation for social movements, which have long been dominated by an actor–structure approach that views social movements as linear, monolithic, and constant collective actions that respond to marginalisation and injustice.

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Jasper, James M. „The doors that culture opened: Parallels between social movement studies and social psychology“. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 20, Nr. 3 (Mai 2017): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216686405.

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During the last 30 years the study of social movements has changed dramatically, under the recognition of how important cultural meanings are to collective action and outcomes. Social movement studies has rediscovered a number of microlevel cultural mechanisms that have enriched our understanding of protest and social movements, bringing some subjective elements to a field that for a generation had been highly structural. These include the collective identities of political players, the dynamics of gender, the role of emotions, strategic choices, and the influence of leaders. In much of this work, sociologists and political scientists in social movement studies have worked in parallel to social psychologists, and there has been insufficient dialogue between the two traditions.

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Diani, Mario. „Social Movements and Social Capital: A Network Perspective on Movement Outcomes“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, Nr. 2 (01.09.1997): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.w6087622383h4341.

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This article presents an approach to the study of the consequences of social movements that focuses on their capacity to produce "social capital." By social capital I mean ties that are based on mutual trust and mutual recognition among the actors involved in the relationship, although they do not necessarily imply the presence of collective identity. The influence of social movements may be regarded as dependent on their structural position, i.e., on the solidity of the linkages within the movement sector as well as—more crucially—of the bonds among movement actors, the social milieu in which they operate, and cultural and political elites. Therefore, the impact of a given movement or movement sector will be assessed in the light of changes in its components' relative centrality in various social networks. The broader the range of social capital ties emerging from a period of sustained mobilization, the greater the impact.

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Giugni, Marco. „The Other Side of the Coin: Explaining Crossnational Similarities Between Social Movements“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, Nr. 1 (01.03.1998): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.1.l7k0404ru67180t6.

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This exploratory essay provides a general framework for the study of crossnational similarities among social movements by looking at three broad social processes: globalization, structural affinity, and diffusion. Each of these concepts is at the core of three apparently rival explanations of movement similarities. The globalization model explains similarities among social movements as a product of similar movement reactions to transnational political opportunities; the structural affinity model states that similar national political opportunity structures account for similarities among social movements across countries; and the diffusion model argues that the adoption of information from abroad causes similarities among social movements in different countries. This essay integrates three concepts in a general model of crossnational similarities among social movements. The model is illustrated with data on new social movements in four West European countries.

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Harsasto, Priyatno. „Membedah Diskursus Modal Sosial dan Gerakan Sosial: Kasus Penolakan Pabrik Semen di Desa Maitan, Kabupaten Pati“. Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 11, Nr. 1 (29.04.2020): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.11.1.2020.18-30.

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Social capital is a result of social movement and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia, social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’ rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.

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Calhoun, Craig. „“New Social Movements” of the Early Nineteenth Century“. Social Science History 17, Nr. 3 (1993): 385–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018642.

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Sometime After 1968, analysts and participants began to speak of “new social movements” that worked outside formal institutional channels and emphasized lifestyle, ethical, or “identity” concerns rather than narrowly economic goals. A variety of examples informed the conceptualization. Alberto Melucci (1988: 247), for instance, cited feminism, the ecology movement or “greens,” the peace movement, and the youth movement. Others added the gay movement, the animal rights movement, and the antiabortion and prochoice movements. These movements were allegedly new in issues, tactics, and constituencies. Above all, they were new by contrast to the labor movement, which was the paradigmatic “old” social movement, and to Marxism and socialism, which asserted that class was the central issue in politics and that a single political economic transformation would solve the whole range of social ills. They were new even by comparison with conventional liberalism with its assumption of fixed individual identities and interests. The new social movements thus challenged the conventional division of politics into left and right and broadened the definition of politics to include issues that had been considered outside the domain of political action (Scott 1990).

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Kane, Melinda. „Social Movement Policy Success: Decriminalizing State Sodomy Laws, 1969–1998“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, Nr. 3 (01.10.2003): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.q66046w34wu58866.

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This study provides an event history analysis of the factors contributing to a social movement's ability to influence pubic policy. More specifically, the study presents a quantitative, historical examination of the influence of national, state, and local gay and lesbian movements on the decriminalization of state sodomy laws, an important goal of the movement, from 1969 to 1998. Drawing from political opportunity models, resource mobilization theory, and theories of cultural opportunity, the study explores the importance of political conditions, social movement characteristics, and the larger cultural context on the ability of the gay and lesbian movement to achieve its goals. The analyses demonstrate that all three factors have some influence on the likelihood of sodomy law decriminalization, but most importantly, political opportunity and movement characteristics work together to bring about success. During periods of political opportunity, the size and tactics of the lesbian and gay movement influenced the likelihood of success.

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Ruggiero, Vincenzo. „New Social Movements and the ‘Centri Sociali’ in Milan“. Sociological Review 48, Nr. 2 (Mai 2000): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00210.

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This paper discusses the social movement known in Italy as the movement of the centri sociali. The empirical material presented relies heavily on the centri sociali operating in Milan. Such material offers the opportunity to revisit issues related to social movement theories. In part one, a brief overview of these theories is sketched, and concepts suggested by both resource mobilisation theorists and new social movements theorists are presented. Attempts to unify the two approaches are also briefly reviewed. In part two, the origin of the centri sociali is traced. Some of the motives and practices inspiring the movement are described as a legacy, though re-elaborated and re-contextualised, of the particularly troubled, if compelling, Italian 1970s. The methodology used for the empirical work undertaken is then presented. Finally, the discussion moves back to social movement theories, against which the movement of the centri sociali is analysed. Here, the utility of some aspects of both resource mobilisation and new social movement theories will be underlined, thus adding a modest, tentative, contribution to previous attempts to elaborate a synthesis between the two approaches.

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McKeever, David. „Parties, Movements, Brokers“. Contention 9, Nr. 1 (01.06.2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090102.

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This article is a study of the consequences of brokerage for movements, and particularly for the role of political parties within social movements. My findings indicate that brokerage creates opportunities for minor groups to play a crucial role in mobilization, something that comes at a cost to a movement’s structure. I make my case with a study of brokerage in action, based on activist interviews, events data, and network data collected from the Scottish independence movement. Results demonstrate that the likelihood of the governing Scottish National Party participating in movement events only increases with the number of participating movement organizations. As the movement organizations transitioned from a referendum campaign to an autonomous movement, under-resourced peripheral groups took the lead in brokering the Nationalist movement.

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Sridhar, V. K. „Political Ecology and Social Movements with Reference to Kudremukh Environment Movement“. Social Change 40, Nr. 3 (September 2010): 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908571004000307.

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Franceschet, Susan. „Explaining Social Movement Outcomes“. Comparative Political Studies 37, Nr. 5 (Juni 2004): 499–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004263662.

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This article compares the outcomes of first- and second-wave feminism in Chile. The author argues that the double-militancy strategy of second-wave feminists emerged out of shifts in the political opportunity structure that led the movement to adapt its collective action frame. First-wave feminists had constructed a gender frame that depicted women as apolitical. In a context in which political parties were class based and saw little need to address women’s issues, neither the gender frame nor the political opportunity structure invited a double-militancy strategy. The context for second-wave activists was different. The politicization of women’s maternal identities altered the meaning of the maternal gender frame. Because the prodemocracy parties needed the support of women’s movements (and female voters), they invited women’s participation. Thus, the political opportunity structure and a more politicized gender frame encouraged a double-militancy strategy, ultimately leading to the realization of some of the movement’s goals.

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Koffas, Stefanos. „Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State“. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, Nr. 1 (01.01.2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.

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Suh, Doowon. „Intricacies of Social Movement Outcome Research and beyond: “How can you Tell” Social Movements Prompt Changes?“ Sociological Research Online 17, Nr. 4 (November 2012): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2757.

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Most scholars of social movements have been drawn to research on the politically contentious behavior of collective actors because of the conviction that social movements sometimes generate significant historical progress and social change. Yet movement outcome research has been least developed in the literature. This irony emanates from methodological and causal intricacies that fail to clearly explicate how social movements create change. The challenges encompass the heaped typologies, mutual inconsistencies, causal heterogeneities, and conflictive evaluation criteria of movement outcomes. To overcome these quandaries, this paper proposes that (1) any attempt to find an invariant model or general theorization of a movement outcome is inevitably futile; (2) instead, attention to the specific context of time and place in which social movements produce outcomes is necessary; and (3) a comprehensive understanding of the origins of a movement outcome becomes possible when multiple variables are considered and their combined effects are analyzed.

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Luna, Zakiya. „WHO SPEAKS FOR WHOM? (MIS) REPRESENTATION AND AUTHENTICITY IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, Nr. 4 (01.12.2017): 435–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-4-435.

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While many social movement studies mention the idea of authenticity, few consider the authentication processes in movements. This article examines how authenticity challenges manifest in different arenas of movement/countermovement struggles. Through a qualitative analysis of minority organizations engaged in an abortion debate, I focus on how racial minorities demonstrate authenticity to legitimate their ability to represent their community's views on abortion. I argue that both sides engage in proximity practices that emphasize their movement's congruence while pointing to perceived incongruence of the opposition. After demonstrating how these practices are used in three arenas, I suggest areas for researchers to examine in future studies on minorities in movements and beyond.

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Casquette, Jesus. „The Sociopolitical Context of Mobilization: The Case of The Antimilitary Movement in The Basque Country“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 1, Nr. 2 (01.09.1996): 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.1.2.t383q77x15058q26.

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A growing body of literature emphasizes how the political system affects the development of social movements. In this article, I take a complementary position-one that has been relatively underemphasized-that accounts for how social movements might transform their political environment. I underscore the interaction between the movement and civil society as a key process by which movements shape political structures and, in part, make their own political opportunities. I develop this argument by focusing on the civil disobedience campaign carried out by the antimilitary movement in the Basque Country during the period 1989-1993.

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Casquette, Jesus. „The Sociopolitical Context of Mobilization: The Case of The Antimilitary Movement in The Basque Country“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, Nr. 2 (01.09.1997): 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.h261467624182737.

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A growing body of literature emphasizes how the political system affects the development of social movements. In this article, I take a complementary position-one that has been relatively underemphasized-that accounts for how social movements might transform their political environment. I underscore the interaction between the movement and civil society as a key process by which movements shape political structures and, in part, make their own political opportunities. I develop this argument by focusing on the civil disobedience campaign carried out by the antimilitary movement in the Basque Country during the period 1989-1993.

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CASIS. „A Brief History of Social Movements in North America“. Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, Nr. 1 (17.05.2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i1.958.

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The purpose of this analysis is to differentiate social movements. In this instance, we will be using the hippie/counterculture movements during the 1960s and 1970s in Canada, and those that are occurring in the second decade of the twenty-first century. In particular, this analysis distinguishes right-wing extremist movements in 2016 from groups like the Hippie Movement and the Black Panther Party Movement. Specific reference will be made to contrast the social movements of the twenty-first century that are non-political in nature but are identity-based, versus movements during the 60s and 70s that were political by design and intent. Due to the non-political nature of twenty-first century Violent Transnational Social Movements, they might be characterized as fifth generation warfare, which we identify as identity-based social movements in violent conflict with other identity based social movements, this violence may be soft or hard. ‘Soft violence damages the fabric of relationships between communities as entrenches or highlights the superiority of one group over another without kinetic impact. Soft violence is harmful activities to others which stops short of physical violence’. (Kelshall, 2019) Hard violence is then recognized as when soft violence tactics result in physical violence. Insurgencies are groups that challenge and/or resist the authority of the state. There are different levels of insurgencies; and on the extreme end, there is the resistance of systemic authority.

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Wood, Richard L., Brad R. Fulton und Rebecca Sager. „STRATEGIC ALLIANCES: THE POLITICAL EFFICACY OF RELIGIOUSSECULAR TIES*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 28, Nr. 3 (01.09.2023): 279–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-279.

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This multimethod study investigates strategic collaboration in alliances connecting politically engaged religious and secular social movement organizations. We assess the impact of religious-secular strategic alliances on movement political efficacy by analyzing data from a national survey of the community organizing field to compare organizations that do/do not participate in religious-secular alliances. The conceptual framework draws on the literatures in social movements, political sociology, and organizational sociology to argue that political efficacy is fundamentally shaped by an organization's strategic capacity and mobilizing capacity. We analyze four organizational outputs that serve as indicators of strategic capacity and find that participating in religious-secular alliances is associated with greater strategic capacity but lower mobilizing capacity. A complementary ethnographic case study identifies likely mechanisms underlying both findings. Our analysis suggests that collaboration across the religious-secular divide can increase a movement’s political efficacy within a democratic polity but with accompanying complexities that participants must manage.

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Tatari, Eren. „Islamic Social and Political Movements in Turkey“. American Journal of Islam and Society 24, Nr. 2 (01.04.2007): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i2.1547.

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In recent decades, political Islam has increasingly become a focus of politicalscience. Numerous branches of scholarship that analyze its dynamicswithin seemingly divergent theoretical frameworks have emerged. Somescholars have concentrated on international security threats stemming frompolitical Islam (what can be called the outcomes of this phenomenon),whereas others have focused on the causes of religious resurgence in anattempt to identify what has led to political Islam’s revival. This reviewessay will evaluate the second branch of scholarship, which, I believe,explores the core of the overarching issue and helps identify the causes, the“how” and “why” of the matter, rather then providing a descriptive analysisof “what” is happening.How and why Islamic social/political movements (ISPMs) haveemerged, as well as what sociopolitical circumstances determine where theyare headed, is essential to studying political Islam effectively. To this end, Iwill narrowly focus on the literature of ISPMs in Turkey,1 whose “secular”identity makes it an intriguing and unique case in comparison to other predominantlyMuslim countries, presumably with the exception of Tunisia.Thus, the emergence of strong Islamic movements in Turkey, how the interplaybetween the state and these groups have unfolded, and the futureprospects have broader implications for social movements, civil society, anddemocratization in numerous countries. Moreover, the academic work onIslamic movements is highly dynamic, since current social and politicalevents continuously shape these movements, which affect the country’s sociopolitical context ...

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Adams, Jane. „Eco-Wars: Political Campaigns and Social Movements“. Agricultural History 74, Nr. 1 (01.01.2000): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-74.1.110.

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Mueller, Klaus. „Eco‐Wars: Political Campaigns and Social Movements“. Journal of Environmental Quality 29, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2134/jeq2000.00472425002900010050x.

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KITSCHELT, HERBERT. „Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 528, Nr. 1 (Juli 1993): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716293528001002.

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Slater, David. „New Social Movements and Old Political Questions“. International Journal of Political Economy 21, Nr. 1 (März 1991): 32–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08911916.1991.11643812.

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della Porta, Donatella. „Research on Social Movements and Political Violence“. Qualitative Sociology 31, Nr. 3 (15.07.2008): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-008-9109-x.

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O'Brien, Thomas. „States and Social Movements (Political Sociology Series)“. Social Movement Studies 11, Nr. 3-4 (August 2012): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2012.725998.

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Social and Political movements“

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