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Dissertationen zum Thema „Social and Political movements“

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Veröffentlicht am 18. Mai 2024

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1

Mui, Michelle S. „Chinese movements and social controls“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FMui.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anna Simons, Christopher Twomey. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.61-63). Also available in print.

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2

J, Haddadian Afsaneh. „Social Movements' Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1334502194.

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3

GOMEZ, RIBAS CARLOS. „DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS“. Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/575150.

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I partiti politici e i movimenti sociali sono due degli attori più rilevanti della politica, nonostante ciò, le loro relazioni hanno attratto un moderato interesse tra gli studiosi. Così, in un momento in cui i partiti politici cercano nuovi modi di connettersi con i cittadini che non li affidano più, mentre i movimenti sociali stanno avvicinando alla politica istituzionale, il loro rapporto è ancora più importante che mai per comprendere i prossimi eventi politici e sociali. Pertanto, questa tesi esplora la relazione tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali. In particolare, si concentra sulle dinamiche degli elementi in grado di alterare il tipo di relazione esistente tra di loro. Usando il metodo conosciuto come “analytic narratives”, esamina la storia delle interazioni tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali nelle città di Milano e Barcellona. In primo luogo dà una forma coerente agli eventi accaduti nelle elezioni locali di entrambe città ed evidenzia gli attori chiavi e gli elementi cruciali per queste interazioni. In secondo luogo, attraverso gli strumenti di teoria dei giochi, analizza questi elementi per osservare il loro ruolo nella definizione del tipo di relazione che si stabilisce tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali.
Political parties and social movements are two of the most relevant actors in politics, despite this, their relations have attracted a moderate interest among the scholars. Thus, in a time when political parties look for new ways to connect with the citizens that do not trust them anymore, while social movements are approaching to institutional politics, their relationship is even more relevant than ever to understand upcoming political and social events. Therefore, this thesis explores the relationship between political parties and social movements. In particular, it focuses in the dynamics of the elements capable of altering the type of relationship existing between them. Using the method known as “analytic narratives” it investigates the story of the interactions between political parties and social movements in the cities of Milan and Barcelona. First it gives a coherent form to the events occurred around the local elections of both cities, and highlights the key actors and some crucial elements for those interactions. Secondly, through game theory tools it analyses these elements to observe their role in shaping the type of relationship that is establish between political parties and social movements.

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4

van, Vliet Luc. „“Beyond Politics”? A Post-political Discourse Analysis of Extinction Rebellion“. Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27369.

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Extinction Rebellion (XR) is a social movement committed to non-violent civil disobedience to persuade governments to act on climate change. As part of this aim, it approaches climate change as a non-partisan and unifying issue. At the same time, environmental political theorists have identified climate change as a distinct site of post-politics. They problematise the widespread understanding of climate change as a catastrophic force of ‘nature’ that must be managed to protect humanity. This discursive representation de-emphasises the systemic drivers of climate change to justify addressing the issue within the existing parameters of the prevailing political order that perpetuates it. In this context, this thesis aims to analyse XR from a post-political perspective. It argues that the group’s apolitical framing of climate change reflects dominant climate discourse, which undermines the movement’s political effectiveness. Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, the thesis conducted a discourse analysis of XR’s framing of climate change, focusing on its implications for the group’s argument for political change. The analysis revealed two primary ways that XR reproduces dominant post-political climate discourse, as well as an emphasis on a moral, rather than explicitly political, justification for political action. Together, these findings illuminate how XR’s representation of climate change is post-political, limiting the group’s capacity to build a diverse social movement that embraces the conflict inherent to political demands for a better social and environmental future.

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5

Hofstedt, Brandon. „Arenas of social movement outcomes accounting for political, cultural, and social outcomes of three land-use social movements /“. [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009.

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6

Kolb, Felix. „Protest and opportunities : the political outcomes of social movements /“. Frankfurt : Campus Verl, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41250227k.

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Texte remanié de: Thesis Ph. D.--Berlin--Free university, 2006. Titre de soutenance : Protest, opportunities, and mechanisms : a theory of social movements and political change.
Bibliogr. p. 295-329.

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7

Sengupta, Manashi. „Social and political movements of North Bengal (1911-1969)“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2016. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2679.

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8

Zheng, Xiaowei. „The making of modern Chinese politics political culture, protest repertoires, and nationalism in the Sichuan Railway Protection Movement /“. Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3379109.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed November 17, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 431-440).

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9

Yun, Seongyi. „Politics of democratization in South Korea social movements and their political opportunity structures /“. The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596004.html.

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10

Lamble, Sarah R. „Epistemologies of possibility: social movements, knowledge production and political transformation“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.594232.

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Urgent global problems-whether military conflicts, economic insecu rities, immigration controls or mass inca rceration-not only call for new modes of po litical action but also demand new forms of knowledge. For if knowledge frameworks both shape the horizons of social intelli gi bil ity and chart t he realms of political possibility, then epistemological interventions constitute a crucial part of social change. Social movements play a key role in th is work by engaging in dissident knowledge practices that open up space for political transformation. But what are the processes and conditions through which social movements generate new ways of knowing?'What is politically at sta~e in the various knowledge strategies that activists use to generate social change? Despite a growing lite ratu re on the role of epistemological dimensions of protest, social movement studies tend to neglect specific questions of epistemological change. Often treating knowledge as a resource or object rather than a power relation and a socia l practice, social movement scholars tend to focus on content rather than production, frames rather than practices, taxonomies rather than processes. Missing is a more dynamic account of the conditions, means and power relations through which transformative knowledge practices come to be constituted and deployed. Seeking to better understand processes of epistemological transformation, this thesis explores the relationship between social movements, knowledge production and pol itical change. Starting from an assumption that knowledge not only represents the world, but also works to constitute it, th is thesis examines the role of social movement knowledge practices in shaping the conditions of political possi bility. Drawing from the context of grassroots queer, transgender and feminist organizing around issues of prisons and border controls in North America, the project explores how activists generate new forms of knowledge and forge new spaces of political possibility. Working through a series of concepts-transformation, resistance, exp_erience, co-optation, so lidarity and analogy-this thesis explores different ways of understanding processes of epistemological change with in social movement contexts. It considers processes that facil itate or enable epistemological change and those that lim it or prohibit such change. Bringing together a range of theoretical perspect ives, includ ing femin ist, queer, crit ica l race and post-structuralist analyses, and drawing on interviews with grassroots activists, the thesis explores what is politica lly at stake in the different ways we conceptua lise, imagine and engage in processes of epistemological change.

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11

Parker, Simon Frank. „Local government and social movements in Bologna since 1945“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240050.

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12

Bolger, Brian. „The Impact of Social Movements on Political Parties : Examining whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic political parties in Ireland and Spain, 2011-2016“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280758.

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Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.

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13

Landman, Todd. „Agents of change : the comparative impact of social movements“. Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310084.

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14

Dixon, Marc. „The politics of union decline business political mobilization and restrictive labor legislation, 1930 to 1960 /“. Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1115903749.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 225 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-225). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.

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15

Sinclair, Anna Christine. „Social Movements and Social Media: The Propagation of #BlackLivesMatter“. Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2022. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors162068615726307.

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16

Grove, Susan. „Same-sex marriage in Canada and the theory of political-cultural formation /“. Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2672.

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17

Waggener, Tamara Ann. „Gender, race, and political violence in US social movements : 1965-1975 /“. Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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18

Charlebois, Josée Madeia. „Being politicalpolitical beings: Youth, democracy and social movements“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27758.

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Les jeunes environnementalistes, en cherchant une concordance et une cohérence entre leurs styles de vie et leurs idéaux, entre leurs pratiques individuelles et la collectivité dont ils sont membres, parviennent à créer et adopter des pratiques démocratiques alternatives et innovatrices. Ces jeunes feraient alors de leur vie et de leur quotidien une oeuvre politique. Ainsi, par leur profonde remise en question (et dans certain cas, leur plus décisif rejet) de la politique institutionnelle, les jeunes écolos parviendraient, par leur engagement politique différencie, à rendre compte du caractère poreux des frontières du politique. Cette thèse est une étude de jeunes membres de groupes environnementaux à Ottawa, et de leur participation dans ces groupes, permettant de mieux comprendre comment ils font de la politique autrement, d'une part par la forme et le lieu de leur engagement et d'autre part l'expérimentation de nouvelles formes de démocraties et de pratiques démocratiques alternatives.

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19

Avedissian, Karena. „A tale of two movements : social movement mobilisation in Southern Russia“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5966/.

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The thesis employs the political process approach within social movement theory (SMT) to examine in a comparative fashion two distinctly different opposition movements in southern Russia. One is the environmental movement in Krasnodar Krai and the other is the ethno-national Balkar movement in Kabardino-Balkaria. The political process approach focuses on the role and interaction of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing for both movements, and seeks to explore their role in social movement mobilisation dynamics in Russia’s non-democratic context. The combination of the analysis of the three variables of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing allows for fresh perspectives on both SMT and post-Soviet area studies. The thesis is particularly concerned with networks. It argues that in non-democratic contexts, the role of networks is more important than in democratic contexts.

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20

Mello, Brian Jason. „Evaluating social movement impacts : labor and the politics of state-society relations /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10711.

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21

Morgan, Katrina. „Considering political opportunity structure democratic complicity and the antiwar movement /“. Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/725.

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22

Christopher, Michael Edward. „Thinking green and the prescriptive reaction to modernity : a theory of social change and objectivity /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9808980.

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23

Ma, Fook-tong Stephen, und 馬福棠. „Urban neighbourhood mobilizations in the changing political scenes of Hong Kong“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31974843.

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24

Ma, Fook-tong Stephen. „Urban neighbourhood mobilizations in the changing political scenes of Hong Kong“. [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12324383.

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25

James, Matt. „Misrecognized materialists : social movements in Canadian constitutional politics, 1938-1992“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56567.pdf.

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26

Rubino, Francesca Luciana. „Successful Social Movements and Political Outcomes: A Case Study of the Women's Movement in Italy: 1943-48“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1158354694.

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27

Weidner, Morgan. „Mobilizing for Abortion Rights in Hostile Political Climates“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/982.

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28

Collins, Jennifer Noelle. „Democratizing formal politics indigenous and social movement political parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000 /“. Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3223011.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 493-512).

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29

Ramphobole, Thabo. „An investigation into the role of social media in the political protests in Egypt (2011)“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1012119.

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Social media's role in formenting protest action in Egypt has often been lauded by proponents of these web 2.0 technologies, to the extent that the collective protest actions that swept the Middle East and North Africa from December 2010 to the present have been referred to as "Twitter Revolutions" in recognition of the pivotal played by Twitter in mobilising citizents.

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30

Cinalli, Manlio. „Social movements, networks and national cleavages in Northern Ireland : a case study of the Civil Rights Movement and Environmental Protest“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396075.

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31

Kuhn, Katherine. „Identity-Based Appeals| Explaining Evolution in the Strategic Rhetoric of Social Movements“. Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3593107.

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Current social movement literature does not adequately analyze how a movement's strategies may change once a member or even leader of that movement assumes the country's highest office. Movements, especially those in which identity plays a key role, gain the tool of identity-based appeals once their leader takes office, that is, claiming that the new leader should act favorably to the movement because of their common characteristics. Analysis of the Bolivian indigenous movement shows that since indigenous leader Evo Morales has assumed the presidency, the movement has used this tactic toward various audiences in response to Morales' incomplete meeting of their policy demands. The movement first appealed directly to Morales, but has since shifted its focus to the public, attempting to increase agitation by emphasizing the contrast between Morales' discourse and actions. This case shows that contrary to assumptions made in the ethnic parties literature, an ethnic leader will not necessarily favor his base uniformly once he takes office. Rather, the movement continues, but now with a different type of "target"—one which had previously been an ally. The relationship between the Ecuadorian indigenous movement and president Rafael Correa also demonstrates how a movement targets appeals first at the president and then at the public. Analysis of the women's movements in Argentina and Chile, on the other hand, highlights two factors that can cause identity-based appeals to deviate from this pattern: a leader not embracing his or her shared identity with the social movement, and a leader facing policy constraints from other actors, respectively.

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32

Malamidis, Theocharis. „From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece“. Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.

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The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy. Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity. By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.

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33

McFall, Ann Patricia Radford. „Spanish Greens and the political ecology social movement : a regional perspective“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6443.

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The present study sets out to challenge a common assumption that Green politics is virtually non-existent in Spain. This assumed state of affairs has been attributed to a number of factors including a materialist society which prioritises economic growth, Spain’s political culture and, finally, the country’s electoral system. The result, according to the few scholars who include Spain in their studies, is a country with a weak political ecology social movement (PESM) and a Green party that enjoys only ‘trivial support’ (Mair 2001:103). As will be demonstrated, such assumptions are based on an insufficient knowledge of political ecology in Spain. The lack of knowledge has resulted in Spain’s green movements and parties being routinely misinterpreted and, indeed, overlooked. The first and most glaring misconception is many scholars’ persistence in referring to the ‘Spanish Green party’ as if a single party existed. In fact, the ‘Spanish Greens’ comprise not one national party but a variable and variegated number of different political parties, a few of which have certainly achieved a measure of electoral success (depending, of course, on how success is defined). Furthermore, it will be shown that reasons often given for the failure of the Green parties – such as the country’s alleged lack of interest in environmental matters – overlook other more pertinent factors such as, for example, tensions between the Spanish Greens and the environmental movement organisations (EMO), the nationalist factor and continuing tensions between the ‘green-greens’ and the ‘red-greens’. Despite numerous problems at party level, the present study will show that Spain’s PESM is as vigorous as – though different from - that of other countries which are reputed to be environmental leaders. To pursue this argument, the thesis will provide an overview of Spain’s Green parties, setting these within the cultural and historical context of the broader PESM to which they belong. Drawing on territorial politics literature, the thesis will, in particular, demonstrate that the territorial dimension – that is, Spain’s division into 17 autonomous regions – has been one of the neglected but determining factors contributing to the problems besetting the Spanish Greens. It will also be argued that, in its own way, the efforts of Spanish ecologists have undoubtedly contributed towards the ‘piecemeal’ greening of Spain. The arguments are further developed through two in-depth case studies focusing on political ecology, and more particularly Green parties, in two of Spain’s regions, Catalonia and Andalucia.

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34

McHale, John P. „An enthnographic study of social and political advocate use of communication media /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060123.

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35

Johnsen, Oyvind Mikal Rebnord. „Global, transnational and national social movements : the case study of occupy wall street“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86540.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite their lack of merits and demands, Occupy Wall Street (OWS) did become a defining feature in the short aftermath of the Financial Crisis and a part of the global occupy-movements during the protest year of 2011. As the founders and organisers behind the first encampments in Zuccotti Park called out for a "Tahrir moment" in the United States of America (US), few scholars or pundits had seen the leaderless movement coming. OWS spread across the US in the matter of months, hitting the media headlines gradually and more rapidly than any previous protest movement. Scholarly responses to OWS have been plentiful, and their categorisations of the OWS’ structure, demands and impact have been going in many different directions. This study attempts to debate and analyse the main research question; is OWS a new kind of a social movement? Even though there are several ways in which one may approach this question, the following will focus on the organisational structures, the political opportunity structures and the global linkages of OWS. The organisational structures has been debated by most, as the movement has a leaderless structure, it is ruled by consensus and supported by protesters from all social spheres, who came, protested and left as they pleased. The political and economic deficits, which gives way to the political opportunity structures of the movement, has not been this dramatic since the Great Depression. The Financial Crisis of 2008 has not only been defined as an economic crisis, but also a crisis of representative democracy. Furthermore, the global protest movements of 2011 have been similar in several ways. Even as all of them, be it Tahrir, 15M, in Greece or OWS, has been unique in matters of context, time and space, they share similarities in tactics, methods and fundamental demands - democracy and prosperity. The concluding statement to the research question is not clear-cut. Rather, it revokes former debates, which distinguished between old and new social movements, and implements a globalising civil society. A new kind of a social movement has come and gone, with elements of the earlier movements. It has added new modes of tactics, structures and demands, all formed by the present context. OWS is not an exception.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van hul gebrek aan eise en tasbare sukses, het “Occupy Wall Street (OWS) wel ’n definiërende kenmerk geword tydens kort naloop van die Finansiële Krisies, asook ’n deel van die globale beset-bewegings tydens die 2011 protesjaar. Daar was min akademici en kenners wat, ten tye van die eerste kamperings in Zuccotti Park en die eis deur die stigters en organiseerders van OWS vir ’n “Tahrir oomblik”, die opkoms van hierdie leierlose beweging voorsien het. Binne ’n kwessie van maande het OWS dwarsoor die VSA versprei, eers stadig en daarna vinniger die hoofopskrifte van die media gehaal as enige ander protes-beweging wat dit voorafgegaan het. Daar is heelwat akademiese bydraes (uit verskillende dissiplines) wat daarop gemik is om OWS te verstaan in terme van hoe om dit te kategoriseer, die struktuur daarvan, die eise wat gestel is en die impak daarvan. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die hoofnavorsingsvraag te bespreek en analiseer, naamlik; is OWS ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging? Die benadering wat gevolg word is om te fokus om organisatoriese strukture, politieke geleentheidstrukture and die globale verbintenisse van OWS. Die organisatoriese strukture het die meeste aandag gekry in die literatuur tot dusver, aangesien die organisasie ’n leierlose struktuur het. Besluite word deur middel van konsensus geneem en ondersteuning word gewerf van protesteerders uit ’n verskeidenheid van sosiale sfere. Hierdie protesteerders het opgedaag, protes aangeteken, en weer vertrek na willekeur. Die politieke en ekonomiese terkortkominge van die kapitalistiese stelsel in die VSA, waarin die politieke geleentheidstrukture van die beweging geanker is, was, sedert die Groot Depressie, nie so skynbaar dramaties nie. Die Finansiële Krisies wat in 2008 sy hoogtepunt bereik het, word gedefinieer nie alleen as ’n ekonomiese krisies nie,maar ook as ’n krisies van verteenwoordigende demokrasie. Daarby is daar bevind dat die globale protesbewegings wat in 2011 gedy het, soortgelyke kenmerke gehad het. Nieteenstaande die feit dat Tahrir in Egipte, 15M, die Griekse protes-aksies en OWS wel as uniek gesien kan word in terme van konteks, tyd en ruimte, is daar ooreenkomste in taktiek, metodes en fundamentele eise: deelnemende demokrasie en welvaart vir almal. Die slotsom waartoe die tesis kom is nie definitief nie. Eerder, is die gevolgtrekking dat daar teruggegaan moet word na vorige debatte wat onderskeid getref het tussen ou en nuwe sosiale bewegings, en ook na die literatuur oor die moontlikheid van ’n globale burgerlike samelewing. Wat wel vasstaan is dat ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging verskyn het en weer gekwyn het, wat aspekte van vorige bewegings omvat maar ook in duidelike terme van hulle verskil. In die opsig is OWS nie ’n uitsondering nie, met nuwe taktiek, strukture en eise wat almal gevorm is binne die huidige konteks.

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Wright-Phillips, Maja Virginia. „Identity, Agency, and Emotion: Political Activism Among Anti-War Military Veterans“. OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1133.

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This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.

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Williams, Dana M. „Cross-National Protest Potential for Labor and Environmental Movements: The Relevance of Opportunity“. Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1239141317.

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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Sociology, 2009.
"May, 2009." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 11/18/2009) Advisor, Rudy Fenwick; Committee members, Karl Kaltenthaler, Jerry Lewis, Brent Teasdale; Department Chair, John Zipp; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

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Yasui, Hiroshi. „Understanding the background of the political and social movements supporting the United Nations“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1060/.

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Although academic literature predominantly discusses UN centrism as Japan’s foreign policy, this thesis stipulates it as a popular norm supported by the Japanese public. The thesis employs the constructivist approach in understanding UN centrism as a domestic norm. Following the analytical methods employed in existing studies on norm diffusion, it identifies UN centrism is Japan’s interpretation of the international UN norms seen through the lens of its post-war domestic pacifist norm. Building on existing literature on civil society and Japanese studies, it analyses how civil movements supporting UNESCO and UNICEF have worked their way through Japanese society, traditional social behaviours and customs to diffuse the norm. The success of the civil movements has not been in spite of Japan’s weak civil society but because its characteristics have worked in their favour. The UN centrism norm at its core urges individuals to construct peace and international cooperation through the UN. The norm continues to develop, and today it has become a norm which not only urges ordinary Japanese to think about creating and maintaining peace through the UN, but also to make personal financial contributions to support UN humanitarian activities and even dictates where they should visit for their next holiday.

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Hemström, Cajsa. „Feminist movements as agents of political change : An analysis of feminist social movements’ impact onlabour rights legislation in Morocco“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-391504.

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Inspired by the contestatory debate over whether globalisation has brought more benefits or disadvantages, and feminist movements all over the world gaining more agency and leverage every day, this paper is an attempt to connect said components. Morocco is a case where both are highly present. Elements such as the country’s location with neighbouring countries on two continents, a history of a fight for independence, an economy that has undergone major reorganisation, and exceptional feminist movements, will prove paramount for the paper. The purpose is to study whether the feminist movements in Morocco have had a positive impact on the situation of female labourers, a group that has grown rapidly due to a combination of aforementioned elements. Theories of New Institutional Economics, the disproportionate effects of structural adjustment on women, and the importance of social movements to achieve change will be applied in an attempt to find connections. A frame analysis will be carried out and compared to legislative changes affecting female workers, to test whether these theories can be confirmed or dismissed. The results indicate that there is reason to believe that feminist movements have had an influence on labour rights legislation, and also that Morocco is more complex in this aspect than it might initially have seemed.

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Östin, Emma. „Desynchronized pathways of contentious politics : The interplay between digital social movements and political parties on the digital electoral arena“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185003.

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This thesis explores the interplay between digital social movements and political parties on social media. The overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how the digitalization of the electoral arena has transformed social movements, and how this affects the political parties' perceptions of them. The theoretical framework consists of three analytical lenses to conceptualize this interplay, these are George and Leidner’s (2019) categorization and classification of digital activism, Gunnar Sjöblom’s (1968) theory on partystrategies in a multiparty system, and Anne Kaun’s (2017) concept desynchronization. Acombination of methods is used, including network analysis and interviews, to explore this interplay. The results of the study indicate that there is a desynchronization in the practices of digital social movements and Swedish political parties.

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Borelli, Jonathan. „The Impact of Social Movements: A study of Brazil's 2013 Protests“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-275714.

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In June 2013, Brazil saw a resurgence of its nation wide social movement, the size of which had not been seen for little over 20 years, since the fall of its military dictatorship. The mobilizations began by demanding a R$0.20 decrease in transportation fare costs, but soon its demands evolved into better public policy and anti-corruption measures. This paper explores the degree of success obtained by both branches of the movement, as well as what factors influenced their impact on policy making, therefore answering the question of “How successful were Brazil’s 2013 social movements, and what factors influenced such outcome?”. The study relies heavily on the media’s coverage of the events as its source of data, and uses Political Process Theory, Stages of Policy Responsiveness and Process Tracing to analyse the social movements’ impact on legislation. The results show that both branches achieved success, with transportation costs being reduced and anti-corruption policies being implemented. Such outcome can be attributed to the influence of both social movement internal organizational structures and positive public opinion, while absent of political alliances. The study hopes to entice future research regarding Brazil’s nation-wide rise in social movements, which have sprung as a result of recent corruption scandals discussed in this thesis.

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Murray, Adrian Thomas. „Contention and Class: Social Movements and Public Services in South Africa“. Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40072.

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While progressive coalitions continue to oppose neoliberal restructuring around the world, organizing on the left remains fragmented and the underlying unity of diverse working class struggles undertheorized. Overcoming these theoretical and practical obstacles is an urgent task in the face of both renewed attempts by states and capital to ensure stability and deepen market penetration into the remaining untouched corners of working-class life, and threats to unity generated within the left by narrow understandings of class and identity. Post-apartheid South Africa is no exception to this ongoing neoliberal restructuring of contemporary capitalism nor to the fragmentation of working-class struggle. In opposition to the maintenance of a neoliberal macroeconomic trajectory following apartheid South Africans have almost continuously organized in their workplaces and communities to realize the better life for all promised to them after 1994. While community protest has intensified over the last decade—with a parallel upturn in labour organizing—it has taken on a less focused and fragmented form relative to earlier mobilizations. Moreover, despite the deep solidarities and alliances formed between unions and communities in the struggle against apartheid, organizing around production and reproduction has remained relatively distinct since its end. There remain, however, concerted efforts to draw together and articulate protests around access to the basic necessities of life with labour and student movements with the explicit goal of uniting the working class to struggle against capitalism. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted between 2015 and 2019, this dissertation analyzes one instance of this organizing work through a case study of the Housing Assembly, an organization struggling around housing and related services in Cape Town. It asks what role understandings of capitalism and class and their relationship to social relations of oppression play in organizing the working class today. My research explores how the Housing Assembly uses a strategic learning process of organizing to raise critical consciousness and build genuine solidarities and grassroots organization to engage and contest the state and capital around access to housing and water. This learning process starts from the daily lived experience of the working class to build a concrete critique of the political economy of housing and services restructuring which conceives of these struggles around social reproduction as class struggles within a capitalist totality rather than as discrete, bounded, or local. The production and utilization of knowledge by the Housing Assembly plays a key role in this organizing process, linking the subjective experience of everyday working-class life with the relational construction of political, economic and social relations which lie beyond it.

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Arif, Rauf. „Social movements, YouTube and political activism in authoritarian countries: a comparative analysis of political change in Pakistan, Tunisia & Egypt“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4564.

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This dissertation explores the role of social media in political activism in authoritarian societies, using as case studies the use of YouTube as an alternative channel of communication and resistance during the political crises in Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt. I studied Pakistan because it is one of the few majority Muslim countries in which social media were part of the media mix during the mass uprisings that led to the overthrow of the regime of military leader, General Pervez Musharraf in 2007. Tunisia and Egypt were chosen because these two countries are seen as the iconic nations of the Arab Spring 2011. The study argues that the term "Arab Spring" itself limits the scope of ongoing online and offline political uprisings in the Muslim World, which is spreading beyond the geographical boundaries of the Middle East. The investigation uses "social movements" as defined and theorized by Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Olson (1965), and Tarrow (1994; 1998) as its theoretical foundation, in order to describe and explain how YouTube was part of the information activism of the social movements that sprang up during the revolutions in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt. A comparative methodological approach enables me to analyze the "most viewed" YouTube videos of political protests in the three countries. By examining a purposive sample of 60 most viewed protest-related YouTube videos, the study explores how these videos served as a "voice," (alternative channels of communication) when the authoritarian governments controlled all the media in the three countries. Using quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis approaches, the study investigates YouTube's role and content during Pakistan's political crisis of 2007, and compares it with that platform's role as an alternative avenue of communication, as well as its content in the 2011 political uprising in Tunisia and Egypt, which are the core of the Arab Spring in North Africa. Eight research questions were asked for this investigation. These questions were derived from Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Tarrow (1998), and Perlmutter's (1998) works. Issues that were investigated in these questions include: identifying the cultural and ideological frames used in the most viewed videos of each revolution, YouTube videos as "informational cascades," Al-Jazeera's role as "informational cascade," YouTube videos as a "Voice," and the most iconic images of each revolution. The findings of these research questions suggest that in the absence of traditional media sources, YouTube can serve as an alternative platform of communication and dissent. The study finds that the social movements in the three countries (The Lawyers' Movement of 2007 in Pakistan, the so-called Jasmine Revolution of Tunisia (2010), and the Arab Spring of Egypt 2011) utilized YouTube as an alternate channel of communication to disseminate information on political protests against the dictatorial regimes for purposes of promoting resistance. The visual content analysis of these videos revealed that the YouTube videos of political protests utilized common religious and national ideologies as a part of cultural and ideological frames to spread the narratives of political protests online. The findings of this study support that the most viewed videos contributed to serve as informational cascades for the observers (YouTube viewers) of these protest-related videos. The findings also highlight that the pan-Arabic TV channel Al-Jazeera utilized YouTube as an alternative platform to disseminate its protest-related videos, particularly when the channel was banned in the three countries. The visual content analysis of the most viewed videos of protests suggest that social movements in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt used YouTube to amplify their voice against corruption, unemployment, and authoritarianism in the three countries. The findings of this dissertation identify that three images (one from each country) were treated as the icons of outrage in the 60 most viewed protest-related videos. These icons of outrage include the images of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation (Tunisia), torture-disfigured face of Khaled Said (Egypt), and the arrest of Pakistani Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudry. Based on its findings, the dissertation argues that the ongoing political struggle in Muslim-majority countries is a much bigger phenomenon than the "Arab Spring." This study also makes a strong case that Pakistan experienced online informational activism long before the Arab Spring of 2011. Since political communication in Pakistan is a relatively under-researched field, academic archives do not provide sufficient information on the role and emergence of social media in the country, including how the new modes of digital communication serve as alternative channels of political activism against dictatorship. This dissertation intends to fill this void. The study also contributes to the existing literature on communication, social movements and political activism, which is predominantly specific to Western settings. Since this study applies Western approaches of social movements to non-Western settings, it helps to explicate the applicability of such approaches to non-Western societies and contexts. Furthermore, it is important to understand the role of social media as alternative channels of communication in closed, authoritarian societies where the traditional media serve only the interests of the ruling elites. In addition, the study helps to explain how the increasingly popular social media, e.g. YouTube, are contributing to civil liberties by challenging the authoritarian regimes of the Muslim World.

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Hjort, Linn. „South Africa's new social movements and their approach to the liberal-democratic state : differences and possibilities“. Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3779.

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Haas, Anne E. „Political process, activism, and health“. Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1127220576.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 260 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-260). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.

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Gencel, Sezgin Ipek. „Political engagement patterns of islamist movements : the case of the Nizam/Selamet movement“. Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0046.

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Plus précisément, cette étude couvre la période 1960-1980 et examine la genèse du Mouvement Nizam/Selamet ainsi que son organisation en tant qu'un parti politique. I En outre, a travers ce travail sont mis en évidence ses objectifs et particularités : idéationnelles par rapport aux autres Islamistes passés et contemporains en Turquie, ainsi que sa souplesse considérable dans le choix de ses stratégies et alliés, à l'instar du Parti du Peuple Républicain, considéré comme le plus grand ennemi des Islamistes. En faisant usage du cas du Mouvement Nizam/Selamet, cette thèse soutient que Iles Mouvements Islamistes sont des phénomènes sociaux complexes qui émergent et i survivent à travers un processus incrémentaI faisant interagir des ensembles complexes voire même indéterminés de facteurs cognitifs, relationnels et environnementaux. La réponse à la question réside donc dans ces configurations de facteurs qui doivent être découverts en effectuant des allers retours entre des échelles macro (le champ politique), méso (l'organisation et les réseaux' sociaux) et micro (les acteurs) aux niveaux à la fois national et local du champ politique et du mouvement. Une dimension historique c’est aussi nécessaire qui permet d'étudier les facteurs interagissant au sein de chaque phase du mouvement qui lui donnent la forme et la substance de son engagement politique; et de prendre en compte de l’influence d’une phase sur l’autre
Focusing on the Nizarn/Selamet Movement, this dissertation studies why and how there are variations in the political engagement patterns of "moderate" Islamist movements operating within the same institutional/political context. ; Specifically, covering a period from the 1960s through the 1970s, this study I examines why and how the Nizam/Selamet Movement emerged and established political party; produced goals and ideational elements distinct from contemporary and past Islamist movements in Turkey and showed considerable flexibility in its choice of allies, strategies and policies, including formation of a coalition government with the archenemy of the Islamists, the Republican People's Party. Drawing on the Nizam/Selamet case, this study argues that Islamist movements are complex social phenomena that emerge and survive through an incremental process entailing interacting, complex and even undetermined sets of cognitive, relational and environmental factors. The answer to the research question thus lies in unearthing these configurations through descending up and down the macro (political field), meso (network and organization) and micro (properties and trajectories of the movement elites ! and activists) echelons at both national and local levels of the political field and the movement. A historical dimension is also necessary to highlight intra-and extra-movement factors at different life phases of the movement (accumulated resources and inherited constraints), which shape the form and substance of its political engagement; and to take into consideration the influence of one stage over the other

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Klekamp, Jesse Janice. „Intentioned Network Convergence: How Social Media is Redefining, Reorganizing, and Revitalizing Social Movements in the United States“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/96.

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This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.

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Featherstone, David John. „Spatiality, political identities and the environmentalism of the poor“. n.p, 2001. http://oro.open.ac.uk/18901.

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Larry, Sarit. „Trigger-Narratives: A Perspective on Radical Political Transformations“. Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104988.

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Thesis advisor: Richard Kearney
This work addresses an important phenomenon in the contemporary philosophy of narrative and coins it as a term. Trigger-narratives denote myth-like stories that ignite certain mass social participation. Juxtapose to five well-established philosophical concepts of narrative this work demonstrates that while trigger-narratives share formal characteristics with all, they fail to be meaningfully and comprehensively subsumed under any. I use three protagonists as comparative case studies to illustrate trigger-narratives: Rosa Parks (US), Mouhammed Bouazizi (Tunisia) and Daphne Leef (Israel). The sociopolitical reaction to trigger-narratives exceeds them in content and in size. Yet, these protagonists continue to serve as catalysts and perennial symbols of the transformative events that follow their protesting acts. Trigger-narratives are not lived-narratives. They do not disclose what Arendt’s refers to as a unique who or MacIntyre’s unity of a human life. They do not answer the ownmost rhythm of Heidegger’s Being-toward-death or operate like Ricoeur’s or Kearney’s concepts of testimony. The protagonist perspective is rarely heard or seriously considered. Unlike historical narratives trigger-narratives are not the product of research. They form quickly and in their aftermath they resist change. Trigger-narrative protagonists draw their power from being portrayed as context-less, weak and uncalculated while historical leaders draw power from descriptions of authority, skill, and deliberation. Trigger-narratives have the effect and/or aspiration of metanarratives. They aim at a new order. However, they spring from articulated singular accounts rather than form an all-encompassing tacit sub-current narrative. Adding a sixth sociological concept of narrative I refer to issue-narratives. Trigger-narratives congeal around an issue. But they instill a far greater expectation for change. I conclude that: 1. trigger narratives are closest to fiction 2. They operate through a condensation of Ricoeur’s mimetic cycle configuring and refiguring reality in a rapid rotation that ossifies them into a mobilizing form, and that 3. Interpreting trigger-narratives through the perspective of world-creating myths illuminates many of their typical characteristics in a unifying, comprehensive manner. The study points to two new research directions: 1. trigger-narratives’ aftermath operations (specifically rituals and newly erected institutions).2. Further interdisciplinary cooperation between contemporary political philosophy of narrative and the sociological methodology of frame-analysis
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy

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Weinstein, Mark. „A comparative analysis of youth activism in mainstream political parties and social movements in Britain“. Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424107.

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