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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Social and Political movements“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Social and Political movements"
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Rasmussen, S⊘ren Hein. „From social movements to political movements“. Scandinavian Journal of History 22, Nr. 3 (Januar 1997): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759708579350.
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Wisler, Dominique, und Marco G. Giugni. „Social Movements and Institutional Selectivity“. Sociological Perspectives 39, Nr. 1 (März 1996): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389344.
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Contrary to what is usually implied by work on the relationship between political opportunity structures and social movements, political institutions are not a general setting offering or denying formal access and political opportunities to every challenge, but rather favor certain types of movements and constrain others. This process of institutional selectivity depends on the relationship between the structure of a given political institution and the movement type and defines social movements as pro-institutional, counter-institutional, or neutral. Accordingly, variation in the movements' action repertoire and degree of success can be observed. Yet, political institutions leave the door open to different interpretations by social actors so that a framing struggle takes place; at stake is the fit between movement demands and the structure of political institutions. The argument is developed through the example of federalism and its impact on two types of movements—namely, regionalist and squatters' movements—and illustrated by discussing their fate in France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Empirical data suggest that institutional selectivity is to be taken into account to reach a better understanding of the relationship between social movements and their political context.
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EVA, FABRIZIO. „Social Movements are Political Movements. What's Geopolitics?“ Geopolitics 9, Nr. 2 (Juni 2004): 478–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040490442971.
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Makinde, Ebenezer. „International Political Contexts, Digital Technologies, and Political Outcomes in Nigeria’s #EndSARS Movement“. Protest 4, Nr. 1 (28.02.2024): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10059.
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Abstract When do social movements achieve political outcomes? Extant literature has identified two broad factors that can explain the political outcomes of social movements: movements’ infrastructure, and political opportunities. Focusing on the 2020 #EndSARS protest in Nigeria, I build on this literature to understand how and why social movements may achieve policy outcomes when social movements’ infrastructure and domestic political opportunities are relatively absent. I analyzed the Twitter activities of protesters during the 2020 #EndSARS Movement in Nigeria. I argue that the #EndSARS Movement transformed from online campaigns to offline demonstrations against police brutality because of favourable international political contexts (Black Lives Matter or blm protests in the US, covid-19 induced economic hardships). Further analysis shows that the protest achieved significant political outcomes and responses from both federal and state governments in Nigeria because the protesters were able to successfully leverage digital technologies (like social media, blockchain technology), international media and global personalities to their advantage.
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Febrianto, Martinus, Dam. „SOCIAL MOVEMENT BASED ON SOCIAL MEDIA IN SOCIAL MORAL PERSPECTIVE“. Jurnal Teologi 11, Nr. 1 (25.05.2022): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/jt.v11i01.4397.
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Social media as the prominent phenomenon of digital culture has become the infrastructure for social and political movements. Digital media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have become practical tools for social movements, especially for communicating, organizing, and gaining wider publicity. However, a more careful study shows that activism on social media can only become an impactful socio-political movement if it meets the requirements of contemporary culture. Social media apparently does not support the absorption and deepening of complex discourses or difficult issues. In addition, direct (offline) activities, namely traditional forms of organization, are absolutely necessary for resilient and impactful social movements. These findings are in line with the study of social movements in the Catholic Church. Only through direct action in the offline realm can social movements foster spirituality, empower people, manifest a sense of solidarity, and become deep collective movements that inspire continuous effort for the sake of the common good.
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Walder, Andrew G. „Political Sociology and Social Movements“. Annual Review of Sociology 35, Nr. 1 (August 2009): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-120035.
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Rohlinger, Deana A. „Political Shocks and Social Movements“. American Behavioral Scientist 53, Nr. 1 (12.08.2009): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338782.
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Rabotyazhev, N. „Alter-Globalism as Social and Political Phenomenon: Experience of Analysis“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 12 (2011): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-12-98-109.
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The author proposes an investigation into the alter-globalization movement. The movement’s origin and development, its aims, organizational principles, participants and the role of Internet in its ascent are considered. The main ideological trends within the alter-globalization movement are also analyzed in the article. A conclusion is made that the alter-globalization is a new social and political phenomenon. It essentially differs from the XXth century political parties and movements. The article also considers the causes of the present crisis of the alter-globalization movement.
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Takovski, Aleksandar. „Coloring social change: Humor, politics, and social movements“. HUMOR 33, Nr. 4 (11.09.2019): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2019-0037.
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AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.
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Staggenborg, Suzanne, und Verta Taylor. „Whatever Happened to The Women's Movement?“ Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, Nr. 1 (01.02.2005): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.1.46245r7082613312.
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Analyses of the women's movement that focus on its "waves" and theories of social movements that focus on contentious politics have encouraged the view that the women's movement is in decline. Employing alternative perspectives on social movements, we show that the women's movement continues to thrive. This is evidenced by organizational maintenance and growth, including the international expansion of women's movement organizations; feminism within institutions and other social movements; the spread of feminist culture and collective identity; and the variety of the movement's tactical repertoires. Moreover, the movement remains capable of contentious collective action. We argue for research based on broader conceptions of social movements as well as the contentious politics approach.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Social and Political movements"
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Mui, Michelle S. „Chinese movements and social controls“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FMui.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Anna Simons, Christopher Twomey. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.61-63). Also available in print.
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J, Haddadian Afsaneh. „Social Movements' Emergence and Form: The Green Movement in Iran“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1334502194.
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GOMEZ, RIBAS CARLOS. „DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS“. Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/575150.
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I partiti politici e i movimenti sociali sono due degli attori più rilevanti della politica, nonostante ciò, le loro relazioni hanno attratto un moderato interesse tra gli studiosi. Così, in un momento in cui i partiti politici cercano nuovi modi di connettersi con i cittadini che non li affidano più, mentre i movimenti sociali stanno avvicinando alla politica istituzionale, il loro rapporto è ancora più importante che mai per comprendere i prossimi eventi politici e sociali. Pertanto, questa tesi esplora la relazione tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali. In particolare, si concentra sulle dinamiche degli elementi in grado di alterare il tipo di relazione esistente tra di loro. Usando il metodo conosciuto come “analytic narratives”, esamina la storia delle interazioni tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali nelle città di Milano e Barcellona. In primo luogo dà una forma coerente agli eventi accaduti nelle elezioni locali di entrambe città ed evidenzia gli attori chiavi e gli elementi cruciali per queste interazioni. In secondo luogo, attraverso gli strumenti di teoria dei giochi, analizza questi elementi per osservare il loro ruolo nella definizione del tipo di relazione che si stabilisce tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali.Political parties and social movements are two of the most relevant actors in politics, despite this, their relations have attracted a moderate interest among the scholars. Thus, in a time when political parties look for new ways to connect with the citizens that do not trust them anymore, while social movements are approaching to institutional politics, their relationship is even more relevant than ever to understand upcoming political and social events. Therefore, this thesis explores the relationship between political parties and social movements. In particular, it focuses in the dynamics of the elements capable of altering the type of relationship existing between them. Using the method known as “analytic narratives” it investigates the story of the interactions between political parties and social movements in the cities of Milan and Barcelona. First it gives a coherent form to the events occurred around the local elections of both cities, and highlights the key actors and some crucial elements for those interactions. Secondly, through game theory tools it analyses these elements to observe their role in shaping the type of relationship that is establish between political parties and social movements.
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van, Vliet Luc. „“Beyond Politics”? A Post-political Discourse Analysis of Extinction Rebellion“. Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27369.
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Extinction Rebellion (XR) is a social movement committed to non-violent civil disobedience to persuade governments to act on climate change. As part of this aim, it approaches climate change as a non-partisan and unifying issue. At the same time, environmental political theorists have identified climate change as a distinct site of post-politics. They problematise the widespread understanding of climate change as a catastrophic force of ‘nature’ that must be managed to protect humanity. This discursive representation de-emphasises the systemic drivers of climate change to justify addressing the issue within the existing parameters of the prevailing political order that perpetuates it. In this context, this thesis aims to analyse XR from a post-political perspective. It argues that the group’s apolitical framing of climate change reflects dominant climate discourse, which undermines the movement’s political effectiveness. Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, the thesis conducted a discourse analysis of XR’s framing of climate change, focusing on its implications for the group’s argument for political change. The analysis revealed two primary ways that XR reproduces dominant post-political climate discourse, as well as an emphasis on a moral, rather than explicitly political, justification for political action. Together, these findings illuminate how XR’s representation of climate change is post-political, limiting the group’s capacity to build a diverse social movement that embraces the conflict inherent to political demands for a better social and environmental future.
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Hofstedt, Brandon. „Arenas of social movement outcomes accounting for political, cultural, and social outcomes of three land-use social movements /“. [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009.
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Kolb, Felix. „Protest and opportunities : the political outcomes of social movements /“. Frankfurt : Campus Verl, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41250227k.
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Texte remanié de: Thesis Ph. D.--Berlin--Free university, 2006. Titre de soutenance : Protest, opportunities, and mechanisms : a theory of social movements and political change.Bibliogr. p. 295-329.
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Sengupta, Manashi. „Social and political movements of North Bengal (1911-1969)“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2016. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2679.
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Zheng, Xiaowei. „The making of modern Chinese politics political culture, protest repertoires, and nationalism in the Sichuan Railway Protection Movement /“. Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3379109.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed November 17, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 431-440).
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Yun, Seongyi. „Politics of democratization in South Korea social movements and their political opportunity structures /“. The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596004.html.
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Lamble, Sarah R. „Epistemologies of possibility: social movements, knowledge production and political transformation“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.594232.
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Urgent global problems-whether military conflicts, economic insecu rities, immigration controls or mass inca rceration-not only call for new modes of po litical action but also demand new forms of knowledge. For if knowledge frameworks both shape the horizons of social intelli gi bil ity and chart t he realms of political possibility, then epistemological interventions constitute a crucial part of social change. Social movements play a key role in th is work by engaging in dissident knowledge practices that open up space for political transformation. But what are the processes and conditions through which social movements generate new ways of knowing?'What is politically at sta~e in the various knowledge strategies that activists use to generate social change? Despite a growing lite ratu re on the role of epistemological dimensions of protest, social movement studies tend to neglect specific questions of epistemological change. Often treating knowledge as a resource or object rather than a power relation and a socia l practice, social movement scholars tend to focus on content rather than production, frames rather than practices, taxonomies rather than processes. Missing is a more dynamic account of the conditions, means and power relations through which transformative knowledge practices come to be constituted and deployed. Seeking to better understand processes of epistemological transformation, this thesis explores the relationship between social movements, knowledge production and pol itical change. Starting from an assumption that knowledge not only represents the world, but also works to constitute it, th is thesis examines the role of social movement knowledge practices in shaping the conditions of political possi bility. Drawing from the context of grassroots queer, transgender and feminist organizing around issues of prisons and border controls in North America, the project explores how activists generate new forms of knowledge and forge new spaces of political possibility. Working through a series of concepts-transformation, resistance, exp_erience, co-optation, so lidarity and analogy-this thesis explores different ways of understanding processes of epistemological change with in social movement contexts. It considers processes that facil itate or enable epistemological change and those that lim it or prohibit such change. Bringing together a range of theoretical perspect ives, includ ing femin ist, queer, crit ica l race and post-structuralist analyses, and drawing on interviews with grassroots activists, the thesis explores what is politica lly at stake in the different ways we conceptua lise, imagine and engage in processes of epistemological change.
Bücher zum Thema "Social and Political movements"
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. Social and political movements. Los Angeles: SAGE Publications, 2011.
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus. Social and Political Movements. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road, London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781446263457.
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Ray, Spangenburg. Political and social movements. New York: Facts on File, 1998.
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Strauss, Claudia, und Jack R. Friedman, Hrsg. Political Sentiments and Social Movements. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72341-9.
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G, Coy Patrick, Hrsg. Political opportunities, social movements and democratization. Amsterdam: JAI, 2001.
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1948-, Costain Anne N., und McFarland Andrew S. 1940-, Hrsg. Social movements and American political institutions. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998.
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G, Coy Patrick, Hrsg. Political opportunities, social movements and democratization. New York: JAI, 2001.
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Klaus, Eder. The "new social movements": Moral crusades, political pressure groups, or social movements?. New York: New School for Social Research, Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science, 1985.
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Neera, Chandhoke, Ghosh Ashish, University of Delhi. Developing Countries Research Centre. und University of Delhi. Departmental Special Assistance Programme in Politics of Developing Countries., Hrsg. Grassroots movements and social change. Delhi: Developing Countries Research Centre and Departmental Special Assistance Programme in Politics of Developing Countries, 1995.
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Social movements. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Social and Political movements"
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut, und Rajendra K. Pandey. „Social Movements“. In Indian Political System, 267–82. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434726-18.
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Porta, Donatella della. „Social Movements“. In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 656–73. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n42.
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Koopman, Sara. „Social Movements“. In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Political Geography, 339–51. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118725771.ch25.
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. „Political Antecedents“. In Social Movements in Politics, 194–206. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983336_12.
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. „Political Antecedents“. In Social Movements in Politics, 34–48. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983336_3.
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. „Political Antecedents“. In Social Movements in Politics, 89–101. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983336_6.
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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. „Political Antecedents“. In Social Movements in Politics, 145–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983336_9.
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Stolte, Carolien. „Social and Political Movements“. In Explorations in History and Globalization, 94–109. London: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629377-8.
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Wathne, Sophia. „Social Movements Prefiguring Political Theory“. In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 171–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98798-5_8.
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AbstractAdding to the growing literature on social movements as knowledge and theory creators, this chapter wants more social movement research to focus on the content of the political theories created by social movements, as an outcome of their morality. This chapter argues that prefigurative social movements create political theory through the interplay of their internal and external communication, their organization, and in their discussions of how and why to change the world: They are prefiguring political theory through their cognitive praxis. The chapter demonstrates how the literature on prefigurative social movements and Ron Jamison and Andrew Eyerman’s concept of cognitive praxis, combined with a decolonial feminist approach to knowledge and theory, provides space for the political theory of social movements within social movement literature. This theory is inherently political as it is aimed to be a (temporary) guide toward the kind of world the movements want to see and argues why the world should look like that.The chapter briefly outlines how a Cartesian approach to science prevents us from viewing theory based on lived experience as theory, even though all theory is based on lived experience, and thereby explains why we have not taken the knowledge and theory created by social movements seriously for so long. To recognize social movements as political actors, we need to engage with the concepts, policy proposals, critiques, or new institutions that they are creating, and not only the mechanics around creating them. Consequently, we need to recognize social movements as the authors of the knowledge and theory they create and not take credit for “discovering” it. Lastly, from a decolonial approach, we should recognize that social movement research is relational and that the research process should involve the social movements themselves to make sure they also benefit from it, and view them as colleagues who are sharing their knowledge with us. Moving away from the more Cartesian view of science requires a decolonization of the entire research process, and in particular rethinking what this means in terms of authorship, ownership, and credit.
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Nulman, Eugene. „Political Opportunities“. In Climate Change and Social Movements, 87–106. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137468796_5.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Social and Political movements"
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Ismail, Ahmad, und Hardiyanti Munsi. „Field Activism Becomes Click Activism: A Concept Review of Old Social Movements and New Social Movements Become Online Social Movements“. In Proceedings of the 1st Hasanuddin International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, HICOSPOS 2019, 21-22 October 2019, Makassar, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2019.2291540.
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Sibarani, Rifka, und Stephen Miller. „Digital Humour and Oppositional Social Movements During the Trump Presidency“. In The 4th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007034600010001.
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Kilinc, Ramazan. „THE PATTERNS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN ISLAM AND LIBERALISM: THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qhfj3934.
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The unprecedented resurgence of religious organisations in the public sphere in recent years has given particular urgency to the old question of the compatibility of Islam and liberalism. Some scholars have argued that Islamic notions of social–political order are not hospitable to democracy and human rights. Others have argued that notions of democracy and human rights are firmly established in the Islamic political discourse but their expression depends on history, social structure and context. Although this debate has proved fruitful in framing the role of Islam in the public sphere, both sides have generally focused on essential sources of Islam. The debate needs to be extended to the empirical realm through study of particular Islamic movements and their responses to liberalisation trends. Such study should take into account local context, the organisational capabilities of the movement, and the Islamic repertoire that it deploys in mobilising its followers. This paper looks at the Gülen movement’s response to liberalisation processes in Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s. Since liberalism has radically transformed the economic and political system of the country over the last two decades, Turkey is a good example for our purposes. Furthermore, the increased influence of the Gülen movement in Turkey provides rich empiri- cal data of an Islamic movement engaging with liberalisation in civil society and politics. The paper concludes that, while the movement’s discourse and practice are compatible with liberalism, its Islamic ethos means that at some points it must engage liberalism critically.
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Maashi Marzouq Al Dhafir, Anwar. „Kuwait and The Liberation Movements in The Arab Maghreb 1953 - 1962“. In II. Alanya International Congress of Social Sciences. Rimar Academy, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/alanyacongress2-7.
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Kuwait is considered one of the small countries in terms of its geographical size and population, but it is one of the countries that has an effective influence on the international political system. Kuwait’s influence is due to its effective diplomacy at the international level, its economic potential, its historical connection to the Arab world, and its support for the issues of the Arab world, and among these issues is Kuwaiti support. of the Arab liberation movements in Morocco, and then this research focuses on studying Kuwait’s position on liberation issues in the Arab Maghreb and showing the forms of support that Kuwait provided to the liberation movements, starting with the national movement in Marrakesh, then passing through the national movement in Tunisia, then the Algerian liberation war, and the impact These positions affect Kuwait’s relationship with the Arab Maghreb countries.
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Roudbari, Shawhin, Joris Gjata und Matthew Rowe. „Contemporary Forms of Social Justice Activism in Architecture“. In 108th Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.108.133.
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The goal of this paper is to share a sociological framework for understanding social justice activism with the intention of improving efficacy of architects’ efforts in addressing contentious social issues. The paper draws on recent sociological scholarship on professions and social movements, which give us new ways of thinking about our agency in affecting social change within and beyond the profession. The paper presents emerging themes based on participant observation and unstructured interviews conducted over the past two years, focused on contemporary activism in architecture. We high-light how professionals use their material resources (design expertise and practice) and their symbolic resources (status in socio-economic, political, and cultural systems) in different forms of contentious political engagement. We offer a socio-logical framework for distinguishing between ways architects use their work and status in their efforts to achieve social and professional change. The analysis offered in this paper is intended to offer politically-engaged architects (professionals, educators, and students) a framework to assist in their efforts toward shaping equity and justice outcomes for the field and for society.
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Haryanti, Rina Herlina, und Kristina Setyowati. „Difabel, Social Movements and Digital Connectivity - Study About Typology of Network Advocacy in Digital Spaces“. In The 4th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007032300010001.
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Gurbuz, Mustafa. „PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.
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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Alford, Grant. „Arts & Crafts (and iPads): Digital Craft and Political Economy“. In 109th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.109.20.
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In discussions of craft since the digital revolution in architecture of the past twenty years it is common for an author to situate their position relative to the Arts and Crafts movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Scholars have repeatedly and rightly noticed striking parallels between reactions in design thinking to the industrial revolution and reactions to the digital revolution in architecture. Proponents of various digital schools invoke the likes of William Morris and John Ruskin as historical theoretical foils to visions of craft in the digital age. There is, however, a tendency to overlook or dismiss as naïve the socio-political ambitions that underwrite the better-known aesthetic styles of various craft movements. Revisiting the political economy of movements like the Arts and Crafts and its allies prompts questions about various contemporary formulations of digital craft. Reinterpreting, for example, Ruskin’s prescient critiques of the technological revolution of his time still suggest social, political, and economic implications for handicraft in our own digital age. To define these questions and potentials, this paper will review the historical moral imperative of craft; survey representative attitudes towards craft in several prominent digital schools of thought; and suggest alternative ways of engaging the socio-political possibilities of digital handicraft through architectural drawing with digital tablet computers, such as the iPad.
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Yuliarti, Monika Sri, und Likha Sari Anggreni. „Twitter and Social Movement - Analysis of Hyperpersonal Communication on Twitter and Social Movement“. In The 4th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007031600010001.
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10
Vicini, Fabio. „GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Social and Political movements"
1
Hicks, Jacqueline. Donor Support for ‘Informal Social Movements’. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.085.
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“Social movements” are by definition informal or semi-formal, as opposed to the formal structure of a stable association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. They are relatively long lasting over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing (Smelser et al., 2020). There is a substantial and growing body of work dedicated to social movements, encompassing a wide range of views about how to define them (Smelser et al., 2020). This is complicated by the use of other terms which shade into the idea of “social movements”, such as grass-roots mobilisation/ movements, non-traditional civil society organisations, voluntary organisations, civic space, new civic activism, active citizenship, to name a few. There is also an implied informality to the term “social movements”, so that the research for this rapid review used both “social movement” and “informal social movement”. Thus this rapid review seeks to find out what approaches do donors use to support “informal social movements” in their programming, and what evidence do they base their strategies on. The evidence found during the course of this rapid review was drawn from both the academic literature, and think-tank and donor reports. The academic literature found was extremely large and predominantly drawn from single case studies around the world, with few comparative studies. The literature on donor approaches found from both donors and think tanks was not consistently referenced to research evidence but tended to be based on interviews with experienced staff and recipients.
2
Hessini, Leila. Living on a Fault Line: Political Violence Against Women in Algeria. Population Council, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy1996.1005.
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This study raises three questions to better comprehend the crisis women face in Algeria today: how are the state and the opposition groups addressing and defining women’s contemporary status, what is the link between women’s status and violence against them, and what are the tactics both of resistance and accommodation that Algerian women are using to survive in such a context? Throughout this study, the term “Islamic Fundamentalists” refers to movements and people in Algeria who use the “recovery” of early principles of the Ideal Muslim Community to develop their idea of a future Islamic “social order,” with the ultimate desire of achieving political power, often using violent means. This study discusses the general characteristic of these movements and the surge of political Islam in post-independence Algeria. This study investigates how violence—or the threat thereof—has become acceptable as a legitimate instrument to control women and force them to conform to a vision of an “Ideal Islamic Society.” As this report states, this type of violence, unlike state violence, is exclusively perpetuated by members of militant Islamist movements.
3
Kallas, Diana. The Magic Potion of Austerity and Poverty Alleviation: Narratives of political capture and inequality in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxfam, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8298.
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Dominant narratives promoting economic growth at the expense of state institutions and basic social services have long underpinned a neoliberal model of spiralling debt and austerity in the MENA region. This exacerbates political capture and inequality and takes shape in an environment of media concentration and shrinking civic space. It is important for change movements to understand dominant narratives in order to challenge and shift them. With the right tools, civil society organizations, activists, influencers and alternative media can start changing the myths and beliefs which frame the socio-economic debate and predetermine which policy options are accepted as possible and legitimate, and which are not.
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Egeresi, Zoltán. Movement for Rights and Freedom: Bulgaria’s Turkish minority party. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.68.
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This paper describes the political trajectory of the Movement for Rights and Freedom (MRF) in Bulgaria. It outlines the history of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, as well as the social background enabling the emergence of the party. The paper also describes the political history of the party during the last thirty years and highlights its role in Bulgarian politics. It is argued that the MRF has built a solid electoral base by relying not only on the Turks living in Bulgaria but also on the Turks who live in Turkey but have a Bulgarian citizenship. Despite several attempts to break its political hegemony over the Turkish electorate, the party has managed to keep its primacy and resist any kind of counter-hegemonic attempts.
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Pédarros, Élie, Jeremy Allouche, Matiwos Bekele Oma, Priscilla Duboz, Amadou Hamath Diallo, Habtemariam Kassa, Chloé Laloi et al. The Great Green Wall as a Social-Technical Imaginary. Institute of Development Studies, April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2024.017.
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The Great Green Wall for the Sahara and the Sahel Initiative (GGWI), launched in 2007 by the African Union, is one of Africa’s most important green transformation projects. From a pan-African environmental movement to a mosaic of locally managed projects to its considerable funding from the international community, the GGWI is now seen as a ‘megaproject’. While this megaproject has been primarily studied along the lines of political ecology and critical development studies, both showing the material limits and effectiveness of the initiative, its impact on the ground remains important in that the Sahelian landscape is shaped by donor and development actors’ discourses and imaginaries. The conceptual debates around the notion of ‘future’ thus make it possible to capture and facilitate the emergence of endogenous practices and environmental knowledge which involve the population, their history, and their culture using specific methods. By implementing the relationship formulated by Jacques Lacan between symbolic, reality and imaginary, this project will make it possible to approach the GGWI project as a social-technical imaginary while considering the complex social-ecological processes that this project involves.
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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.
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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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Godenau, Dirk. Migration and the economy. Observatorio de la Inmigración de Tenerife. Departamento de Geografía e Historia. Universidad de La Laguna. Tenerife, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/r.obitfact.2020.02.
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Economic reasons are among the basic explanatory factors of migration, whether international or internally within a country. In turn, migratory movements have effects on the economy in terms of economic growth in general, but also in the different markets (work, housing, consumer goods, etc.) and public services (education, health, social services, etc.). The purpose of this document is to offer an overview of these interactions between migration and the economy in the case of the Canary Islands. To do this, certain conceptual clarifications will be made initially involving the mutual determination of both processes, before later providing specifics with evidence on the Canarian case for the main issues considered: the economic reasons for migration, and its impact on economic growth, the labour market and the living conditions of the immigrant population. The final section alludes to the importance of the institutional framework that regulates these relations between migration and the economy, which are far from being interpretable as a mechanical relationship and isolated from the political sphere.
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Bano, Masooda, und Zeena Oberoi. Embedding Innovation in State Systems: Lessons from Pratham in India. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), Dezember 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/058.
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The learning crisis in many developing countries has led to searches for innovative teaching models. Adoption of innovation, however, disrupts routine and breaks institutional inertia, requiring government employees to change their way of working. Introducing and embedding innovative methods for improving learning outcomes within state institutions is thus a major challenge. For NGO-led innovation to have largescale impact, we need to understand: (1) what factors facilitate its adoption by senior bureaucracy and political elites; and (2) how to incentivise district-level field staff and school principals and teachers, who have to change their ways of working, to implement the innovation? This paper presents an ethnographic study of Pratham, one of the most influential NGOs in the domain of education in India today, which has attracted growing attention for introducing an innovative teaching methodology— Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL) – with evidence of improved learning outcomes among primary-school students and adoption by a number of states in India. The case study suggests that while a combination of factors, including evidence of success, ease of method, the presence of a committed bureaucrat, and political opportunity are key to state adoption of an innovation, exposure to ground realities, hand holding and confidence building, informal interactions, provision of new teaching resources, and using existing lines of communication are core to ensuring the co-operation of those responsible for actual implementation. The Pratham case, however, also confirms existing concerns that even when NGO-led innovations are successfully implemented at a large scale, their replication across the state and their sustainability remain a challenge. Embedding good practice takes time; the political commitment leading to adoption of an innovation is often, however, tied to an immediate political opportunity being exploited by the political elites. Thus, when political opportunity rather than a genuine political will creates space for adoption of an innovation, state support for that innovation fades away before the new ways of working can replace the old habits. In contexts where states lack political will to improve learning outcomes, NGOs can only hope to make systematic change in state systems if, as in the case of Pratham, they operate as semi-social movements with large cadres of volunteers. The network of volunteers enables them to slow down and pick up again in response to changing political contexts, instead of quitting when state actors withdraw. Involving the community itself does not automatically lead to greater political accountability. Time-bound donor-funded NGO projects aiming to introduce innovation, however large in scale, simply cannot succeed in bringing about systematic change, because embedding change in state institutions lacking political will requires years of sustained engagement.
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Bebbington, Anthony, Martin Scurrah und Claudia Bielich. Mapping current Peruvian social movements. Unknown, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.35648/20.500.12413/11781/ii203.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, und Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Januar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.
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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.