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Sudrajat, Hendra. „Kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi Mengadili Perselisihan Hasil Pemilukada“. Jurnal Konstitusi 7, Nr. 4 (20.05.2016): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk748.
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This letters have a purpose to know and analyze authority basic of Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia to judging the dispute from the results of district leader and district proxy leader election, and then transferring background about the authority to judging the dispute from the Results of District Leader and District Proxy Leader Election from Appellate Court to Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia. So, to analyze basic of Constitution Lawcourt consideration that dispute objects of results of district leader and district proxy leader election don’t have the quantitative character only based on calculation voice results, but the qualitative character too, namely breaking the rules to general election principles, with the character likes ahead, general, free, secret, then downright and fairly that’s to influence the results of district leader and district proxy leader election. Analyze the election law is used by Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia to judging the dispute in Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No 24 Tahun 2003 about Constitution Lawcourt of Republic of Indonesia or Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No 12 Tahun 2008 about Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No 32 Tahun 2008 about District Governance, do not regulate punish the dispute event of district leader and district proxy leader election results.Result of letters indicate that massive and sistematic breaking is apart of the dispute from the results of district leader and district proxy leader election become legal consideration to sufficient the sense of public justice progressively cause from quantitative breaking aspect after candidate of district leader and district proxy leader has been elected based on recapitulation and calculation voice where their quantitative just with assessed breaking collision towards procedural and substantive justice both as siniquanom. Though attempt to accommodate overall of democracy aspects from sections and process district leader and district proxy leader election must be main essential to determine and set the results of recapitulation and calculation voice in district leader and district proxy leader election.As letters recommendation, needed regulation product ownself to regulate about mechanism of district leader and district proxy leader election where has been regulated in Undang-Undang Pemerintahan Daerah for all this time, so that affirmation that the district leader and district proxy leader election into the general election become less be clear. By conducting the ownself regulation, hence mechanism of district leader and district proxy leader election will be more clear, especially to overcome and solution the dispute from the results of district leader and district proxy leader election.
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Mantera, Dewa Putu. „Proses Demokrasi melalui Pilkada yang Berkualitas menuju Pemimpin Bali“. Jurnal Bali Membangun Bali 1, Nr. 2 (17.08.2018): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.51172/jbmb.v1i2.25.
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The general elections to choose regional leaders in the province of Bali is mandated by Undang-undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2016 tentang Pilkada (Law Number 10 Year 2016 about local leader election). Pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah) or the local leader election based on the principle of democracy, they are “direct, general, free and secret, honest, and fair (langsung, umum, bebas dan rahasia, jujur dan adil or luberjurdil)” based on Pancasila and the 1945 constitution. Pilkada is the responsibility of the central government and local government so that the community can actively exercise their suffrage and obtain comprehensive information on the stages, profiles or figures, and capacity of Paslon (pasangan calon, the candidates). Selection of regional heads simultaneously in 2018 in the Province of Bali has been running safely, orderly, and successful so it is expected to produce a good Bali leader. This year the election is to choose the Governor and Vice Governor of Bali, the Bupati and Wakil Bupati (the head and vice head of the regency) in Gianyar Regency and Klungkung Regency.
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Takdir, Takdir, und Devi Shinta Syahruni. „Studi Komparatif Tentang Sistem Pemilihan Presiden di Indonesia Dalam Undang-Undang dan Fiqh Siyasah“. Datuk Sulaiman Law Review (DaLRev) 3, Nr. 1 (31.03.2022): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/dalrev.v3i1.2586.
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This thesis discusses a comparative study of the presidential election system in Indonesia in Islamic law and law.This study aims: to find out the provisions of the presidential election in Islamic law, tofind out the provisions of the presidential election in Islamic law, to find out the provisions of the presidential election in Islamic law, to find ou the mechanism of the presidential election in Indonesia in Fiqh Siyasah. The type of research used is library research using a normative juridical approach. Data collection techniques in this study are data collection by means of searching, reading and recording activities from written works in the form of books or sources related to the discussion. The results of the research from this thesis that the presidential election system in Indonesia in the laws and Islamic law contained in Law No. 7 of 2017 explained that the presidential and vice presidential election system is a series with the general election of members of the people’s representative council which is held once every five years, the presidential andvice presidential election system is conducted in a direct, public, free, secret, honest and fair manner The election of the president obtains strong support from the people so that they are able to carry out the functions of state government power in the context of achieving national goals. It is also explained that general elections in Islam are contained in Q.S An-Nisa Verse 59, it is explained that Allah obliges Muslims to obey ulil amri from among them. Ulim amri is a leader and commands to obey a leader. So, this shows that the obligation to appoint a leader for Muslims is obligatory, even the basic principles used in general elections already exist and are recognized by Islam. In the rules of Islamic law, the election of a fair leader is the goal, while the general election of a fair leader is the goal, while the general election is wasilah. As for the mechanism of the presidential election system in Indonesia and Islamic law, boh use deliberation as a method to elect a president. If in Islam deliberation to elect a president. If in Islam deliberation to elect the President, in Indonesia the model of Presidential election by the DPR is replaced by direct election by the people. In Islam also when a. When the president is elected, all the people must make a promise.
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Anwar, Md Navid Bin, Afroza Nahar, Nashid Kamal Md. und Mehedi Hasan Shuvo. „A WAITING TIME-BASED BULLY ALGORITHM FOR LEADER NODE SELECTION IN DISTRIBUTED SYSTEMS“. Malaysian Journal of Science 41, Nr. 3 (31.10.2022): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjs.vol41no3.5.
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In distributed systems, a single node (referred to as a leader) coordinates all other nodes to ensure synchronization. If this node fails, another node in the system must adopt the role of leader. The classic bully algorithm suffers from some significant drawbacks, such as excessive message passing, a redundant number of election calls, and uncertainties over message delivery. The enhanced bully algorithm is one of the most recent improvements of this algorithm. However, this algorithm performs poorly in average- and worst-case scenarios. In this paper, a novel waiting time-based algorithm is proposed to improve the enhanced bully algorithm for electing a new leader during such critical scenarios. In this algorithm, if a single or multiple number of nodes discover that the leader has failed, it does not broadcast instantly. Rather, it waits for a certain period, and this waiting time is assigned to the nodes according to their load. After the timeout, the node sends its message and starts the election process. Moreover, it restricts nodes from unnecessary message passing and stops any redundant election calls. Accordingly, this algorithm detects the failure of the leader node more precisely and elects a new leader more quickly.
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Campaign For Social Democracy. „Sri Lanka: the choice of two terrors“. Race & Class 30, Nr. 3 (Januar 1989): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688903000306.
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While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.
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Desserud, Donald Anton, und Jeffery F. Collins. „The 2015 Provincial Election in Prince Edward Island“. Canadian Political Science Review 10, Nr. 1 (17.11.2016): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20161391.
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Prince Edward Island's 65th General Election was held 4 May 2015. The Prince Edward Island Liberal Party (Liberals) won 18 of the Island's 27 seats, capturing its third straight majority. The Progressive Conservative Party of Prince Edward Island (PCs) improved its standing to eight seats, once again forming the Official Opposition. The Green Party of Prince Edward Island (Greens) picked up a single seat - its party leader winning that party's first ever in a PEI election. The New Democratic Party of Prince Edward Island (NDP) did not win a seat, despite garnering slightly more votes island-wide than did the Greens. The surprise of the election may not have been the historic election of the leader of the Greens, but the fact that two candidates tied, resulting in a coin toss to determine the winner.
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KNESSL, CHARLES. „Asymptotic and numerical studies of the leader election algorithm“. European Journal of Applied Mathematics 12, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2001): 645–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956792501004508.
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A leader is to be elected from n people using the following algorithm. Each person flips a coin. Those people who wind up with tails (which occurs with probability p, 0 < p < 1) move on to the next stage. Those with heads are eliminated. Let Hn denote the number of stages needed until there is a single winner. We analyze the moments and the probability distribution of Hn. In the symmetric model we have an unbiased coin with p = 1/2; in the asymmetric model p ≠ 1/2. We analyze these models asymptotically, for n → ∞, using a variety of analytical and numerical approaches. This leads to simple derivations of some existing results, as well as some new results for the asymmetric case. Our analysis makes some assumptions about the forms of various asymptotic expansions as well as their asymptotic matching.
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Eva Susanti, Aldi Setiawan, Nabila Aisyah, Tia Oktafiani Putri, Vikka Rosdiana Nova und Opi Ismarita. „Pentingnya Menjadi Pemilih Cerdas Menuju Pemilu Berkualitas dan Berintegritas Pada Pemilu 2024“. Cakrawala: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Global 2, Nr. 3 (30.08.2023): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.30640/cakrawala.v2i3.1629.
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Elections are indicators or benchmarks in a democratic country. The means of sovereignty are realized in the form of citizens' voting rights, a general election that is based on direct, general, free, secret, honest and fair purposes to elect leaders who will continue the previous leadership relay with the aim of continuing, managing government administration and serving all levels of society. Voters have a big role in Indonesia's leadership in the upcoming 2024 election. If the wrong leader is chosen, it can result in the destruction of the nation and state. The method used in this socialization activity is as follows: (1) the lecture method is used to explain material related to "the importance of being an intelligent voter in realizing quality and integrity elections in the 2024 election. (2) the discussion method is used to deepen the discussion material with questions and answers delivered to socialization participants. (3) the method of pre-test and post-test questions to determine the increase in participants' understanding before and after socialization. This socialization activity was located in the UBR 31 classroom, the government science study program, the faculty of social sciences and political science. The result of this socialization activity is that students as socialization participants are more aware of the importance of being smart voters to realize elections of quality and integrity in the 2024 elections.
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BORDIM, J. L. „An Energy Efficient Leader Election Protocol for Radio Network with a Single Transceiver“. IEICE Transactions on Fundamentals of Electronics, Communications and Computer Sciences E89-A, Nr. 5 (01.05.2006): 1355–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ietfec/e89-a.5.1355.
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Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher, und Katherine Sawyer. „Conflict negotiations and rebel leader selection“. Journal of Peace Research 56, Nr. 5 (15.04.2019): 619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319829689.
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The international community often calls for negotiations in civil wars. Yet, we have limited understanding of when and why specific rebels enter into negotiations. The emergence of a new leader in a rebel group can provide an opportunity for the state seeking to end war, but this is conditional on how leaders take power. Rebel leaders who come to power through a local selection process (such as an election) provide information to the state about the likely cohesion of the rebel group. This affects state perceptions of the viability of a rebel group as a bargaining partner in civil war negotiations. Using original data on rebel leaders in civil wars, we show that new leaders coming to power through a local selection process are more likely to get to the negotiating table than leaders coming to power in other ways. We find that the election of a rebel group leader has a particularly strong and positive effect on the chance of getting to the table. Rebel leaders that founded their own group or brought together disparate rebels to create a single group are less likely to get to the negotiating table. This article advances our understanding of conflict dynamics by offering a novel argument of rebel leader ascension and its impact on conflict bargaining and has critical implications for parties external to the conflict interested in conflict resolution. External actors seeking to facilitate lasting peace may benefit from observing patterns of rebel leadership.
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Abels, Michael. „The Local Government Manager as a Transformational Leader“. Journal of Leadership Studies 3, Nr. 3 (Juli 1996): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107179199700300310.
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Local government managers fnd their organizations in an era of unparalleled political chaos. Accentuating this environment, an extremely angry public is the catalyst for the take over of policy making by radical minorities, and is precipitating the election of representatives who believe they must embrace a political philosophy oriented to satisfying the platform of single issue negative minorities. This vacuum of political leadership requires a new generation of managers. To counteract political negativity mangers must become transformational leaders. Transformational leadership will require that managers mobilize proactive citizen groups to perform legislative intervention with the policy making body.
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Pane, Musa Darwin, R. Ficry Sukmadiningrat und Maulana Nur Rasyid. „PENEGAKKAN UNDANG-UNDANG PILKADA DALAM RANGKA MENCEGAH DAN MENANGGULANGI TINDAK PIDANA POLITIK UANG (MONEY POLITIC) TERKAIT PILKADES SERENTAK 2019 DI DESA MEKAR SALUYU KECAMATAN CIMENYAN KABUPATEN BANDUNG“. SASI 26, Nr. 2 (04.06.2020): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v26i2.249.
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The general election does not always run smoothly where in some practices there is money politics carried out by prospective leaders by distributing some money to the public with the aim of electing the prospective leader at the time of voting. This research uses the empirical normative legal research method which is a merger of normative legal approaches with the addition of various empirical elements. Normative-empirical research methods regarding the implementation of normative legal provisions (laws) in every particular legal event that occurs in a society. The method of approach in this research uses secondary data consisting of primary legal materials (data obtained directly from people's lives by means of interviews), secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. Money politics activities carried out by prospective leaders become a habit in conducting general elections to attract the public so that they vote because most people do not believe or are not affected by the vision and mission and programs presented by the prospective leaders. Money politics has become a recognized practice at various levels of the general elections from the presidential election to the village head due to the lack of strict supervision and enforcement of general elections that should be free, safe, honest, fair, and secret.
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Oppelland, Torsten. „Die thüringische Landtagswahl vom 27. Oktober 2019: Das nächste Experiment – eine rot-rot-grüne Minderheitsregierung mit Verfallsdatum“. Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, Nr. 2 (2020): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-2-325.
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After a campaign, which was both polarized and poor in content, the state election failed to produce a clear majority in the Landtag . The winners of the election were The Left and the AfD, while the parties of the right and left center suffered losses; only the FDP gained a little and managed to pass the five percent threshold . The election outcome deemed it unlikely that a government could be formed since neither the previous red-red-green coalition nor a CDU-FDP coalition had a majority . As coalitions transcending the traditional coalition blocks or any agreements for the toleration of a minority government could not be reached either, the consequence was that in February 2020, the Thuringian FDP leader Thomas Kemmerich was elected state premier in the third ballot with votes from the FDP, CDU, and AfD . Of the latter party not a single member voted for their own candidate . The outrage in the general public led to FDP’s federal party leader Patrick Lindner to force Kemmerich to resign on the day after his election . Only then, during the „interregnum“ that followed, were CDU and the former coalition parties The Left, SPD, and Greens able to agree on a „stability mechanism“ which allowed Bodo Ramelow to be reelected as a state premier of a minority government, which is meant to stay in office for only a little more than one year .
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Rohman, Syaiful, und Biky Uthbek Mubarok. „SINGLE CANDIDATES AGAINST THE EMPTY BOX; ON REGIONAL HEAD ELECTIONS 2020 IN INDONESIA“. JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 7, Nr. 2 (30.10.2022): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v7i2.34730.
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Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) on 2020 have a positive effect on the implementation of a constitution and at least democracy for measuring political participation, the elections that were held after reform started from a Regional Head who was elected by the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD), then elected directly by the community (one man one vote). The direct election then became a simultaneous election in all parts of Indonesia. Until the latest development, namely the presence of a single candidate. The Single Candidate then implies the Empty Box as a companion because there are no candidates or no eligible candidates. This consequence must be accepted due to the Direct-Simultaneous Election system with the threshold record regulations as full of regional head nominations. This gave birth to various interests of political elites and party elites playing in it so that party elites inevitably intervened to whom the letter of recommendation would be given, or consolidation at the elite political level had agreed on a political dowry which then gave birth to a single candidate. This research uses qualitative methods with comprehensive analysis through data collected from the General Election Commission (KPU) and previous research. This paper examines the main factors that gave birth to a single candidate and the political elite’s role in compiling the party’s recommendation letter. The hypothesis that can be seen from the phenomenon of fighting empty boxes is the political dowry factor and the party cadre system’s ineffectiveness in producing leader candidates.
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Williams, Paul D. „Back from the brink: Labor's re-election at the 2017 Queensland state election“. Queensland Review 25, Nr. 1 (Juni 2018): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2018.3.
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AbstractHistory will record the 2017 Queensland state election not only for its series of firsts — Annastacia Palaszczuk is the first woman state premier to win two successive elections — but also because it defied expectations. Despite its own lack-lustre campaign, an inauspicious economic climate and the revival of Pauline Hanson's One Nation (PHON), Palaszczuk's Labor Government enjoyed a small after-preference swing to it (despite a small primary swing against it) to win four additional seats and, with it, its first majority in the Legislative Assembly. Conversely, the Liberal-National Party (LNP) lost three seats in a significant primary swing against it, while PHON, after a chaotic campaign, won a just single seat in a statewide primary vote that fell well below expectations. This article argues that these unexpected results can be attributed to a number of factors, ranging from Palaszczuk's relative popularity to voters’ desire for stable government to their disdain for an opposition (and opposition leader) many conflated with both PHON and former LNP Premier Campbell Newman. The article also suggests the election of the first majority government since 2012 could mark the stabilising of a hitherto volatile Queensland electorate as Palaszczuk appears to extend Labor's second electoral hegemony.
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FERNÁNDEZ-ZEPEDA, JOSÉ ALBERTO, und JUAN PAULO ALVARADO-MAGAÑA. „ANALYSIS OF THE AVERAGE EXECUTION TIME FOR A SELF-STABILIZING LEADER ELECTION ALGORITHM“. International Journal of Foundations of Computer Science 19, Nr. 06 (Dezember 2008): 1387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129054108006340.
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This paper focuses on the self-stabilizing leader election algorithm of Xu and Srimani [10] that finds a leader in a tree graph. The worst case execution time for this algorithm is O(N4), where N is the number of nodes in the tree. We show that the average execution time for this algorithm, assuming two different scenarios, is much lower than O(N4). In the first scenario, the algorithm assumes an equiprobable daemon and it only privileges a single node at a time. The average execution time for this case is O(N2). For the second case, the algorithm can privilege multiple nodes at a time. We eliminate the daemon from this algorithm by making random choices to avoid interference between neighboring nodes. The execution time for this case is O(N). We also show that for specific tree graphs, these results reduce even more.
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Sanjaya, Andreas Ryan, und Yohanes Thianika Budiarsa. „“MELAWAN KOTAK KOSONG”: ANALISIS MARKETING POLITIK ENAM PASANGAN CALON TUNGGAL PADA PILKADA 2020 DI JAWA TENGAH“. Interaksi: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 13, Nr. 1 (30.06.2024): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/interaksi.13.1.115-134.
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This study aims to understand the political marketing strategies implemented by campaign teams of single candidates in the contest of 2020 local election. Based on the literature review, there are only a few studies investigating the political marketing of single candidates in Indonesia’s local election. Given that, this study attempted to understand how the campaign teams of six electoral regencies in Central Java undertook their strategies to defeat the empty box. Data were collected by documenting the campaign materials uploaded on social media accounts that are officially registered to the General Election Commission (KPU). In addition, a series of interviews were administered to get data from several campaign team leaders. Afterward, the data analysis was done using the qualitative method. This study found that (1) the message formation process is very dependent on the characteristics of the prospective voters; 2) the campaign leader manages the cyber team to run campaigns through social media more effectively; 3) the campaign team integrates online and offline campaigns to build relationships with potential voters; and 4) the campaign team carries out a special strategy to deal with the power of the empty box movement.
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Desserud, Donald Anton. „The 2010 Provincial Election in New Brunswick“. Canadian Political Science Review 5, Nr. 1 (06.04.2011): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2011260.
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For the first time in New Brunswick history, a government was defeated after its first term in power. David Alward, leader of the Progressive Conservatives, defeated Shawn Graham and his Liberal government on 27 September 2010, winning 42 of 55 seats. The Liberals won the remaining 13. Despite boasting a small lead in the public opinion polls, the Liberals were in serious electoral trouble going into the election campaign. A series of misfires and policy reversals, culminating with the disastrous proposal to sell the province’s publicly-owned power utility NB Power to Hydro Quebec, had destroyed the Liberal government’s credibility. Indeed, its low credibility might well have been what motivated the Liberals to try to sell NB Power in the first place: running out of time in its four-year mandate, the Graham government was desperate to find a single “quick-fix” which would reverse party fortunes. However, the gamble backfired, and the 37th General Election provided the Liberals with its lowest vote percentage (34.4%) in their history.
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Wedanti, I. Gusti Ayu Jatiana Manik. „PENETAPAN SATU PASANGAN CALON DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM KEPALA DAERAH KABUPATEN BADUNG TAHUN 2020 SEBAGAI IMPLEMENTASI PEMILU BERINTEGRITAS“. VYAVAHARA DUTA 16, Nr. 1 (31.03.2021): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/vd.v16i1.2202.
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<p><em>The implementation of the regional head general election in the context of the election of the Regent and Deputy Regent in Badung Regency in 2020 then recorded the first history in the implementation of the regional head general election simultaneously in Bali Province, namely the determination of one candidate pair as the only participant participating in the regional head general election held in Badung Regency in 2020. This is certainly interesting to analyze so that in this paper it will be analyzed and described the relationship between elections with integrity and the determination of a single candidate in the general election for the regional head of Badung Regency in the simultaneous regional head elections in 2020. This writing uses normative legal research methods. Where in this paper, we use statutory studies and literature to analyze the determination of a single candidate in the regional head elections in Badung Regency in the context of the election of the Regent and Deputy Regent in 2020. The results of the analysis carried out were the determination of one candidate pair in the general election of the Regent and Deputy Regent in Badung Regency by the KPU of Badung Regency has been following the basic legal provisions of the implementation of regional head elections and the determination of one candidate pair in the regional head general election for the election of regents and deputy regents in Badung Regency in 2020 and has fulfilled the principles of elections with integrity, namely the general election of the head regions must continue to be implemented even though there is only one pair of participants participating in the regional head election competition so that the political rights of citizens to be able to elect their leaders based on the principles of democracy are fulfilled the elected leader is expected to be able to carry out the task us and its obligation to prosper and protect its people.</em></p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: <em>Election for regional heads, Election with Integrity, One Candidate Pair, Democracy</em></p>
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Ruparelia, Sanjay. „The BJP's Drive for Hegemony“. Dissent 71, Nr. 2 (März 2024): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2024.a929036.
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ABSTRACT: In 2014, the Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party captured national power in the world's largest democracy. Under its controversial new leader, Narendra Modi, the BJP established India's first single-party majority government since 1984 and became the only party besides the Indian National Congress to accomplish this feat since the country won independence, in 1947. In the 2019 general election, despite a disappointing economic record, growing communal strife, and disruptive policy decisions, the BJP increased its vote share and seats in Parliament. The victory emboldened the party to further its longstanding agenda to transform India's secular constitutional democracy into a de facto Hindu nation. Modi remained popular throughout India's terrible pandemic. Now, with a return of high economic growth and the unity of opposition parties in question, most observers expect him to win the 2024 general election, which concludes in June.
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Astuti, Puji, Sulistyowati Sulistyowati und Lusia Astrika. „Kontestasi Pasangan Suami Istri dalam Pilkades“. JPW (Jurnal Politik Walisongo) 1, Nr. 1 (10.05.2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jpw.v1i1.2338.
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The Act Number 6 of 2014 cause of a great implication especially on the election of village chief. More over regarding on Ministerial Regulation Number 112 Year of 2014, article 23, which prohibit the single candidate opposing with the empty of ballot box. Thus, prohibition emerging of interesting phenomenon where is 17 couples of husband and wife being contestant on the village chief election in Demak Regency in the year of 2016. The aims of the reserch is to comprehend the husband’s reason to choose his wife as associate candidate. Do thus fact be part of practicing of women subordination? How the influence of thus phenomenon to the villlage democracy itself? The research uses qualitative-descriptive method with depth interview as instrument in collecting data. The result show that there are two main husband’s reason choose his wife as a competitor. Fisrt, by choosing his wife mean that there is no cost for compensation and no hard worry about conflict of interest in the coming day after election. Second, becoming his wife as a competitor mean that the winning opportunity is greater because patriarchy and Islamic tradition (were more joy in placing men as a leader) in Demak Regency. Then, the emerging of husband and wife as a candidate would decrease of democracy because there no rivalry as a soul of democracy. To improve of village chief election as a source of village democracy, it is best to correct the regulation which prohibit of the a single canditate by completing with require that the village chief election should be follow by at least two candidate who both of them have no relation as nuclear family.
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Bagchi, Susmit, Hafizur Rahaman und Purnendu Das. „MDVM System Concept, Paging Latency and Round-2 Randomized Leader Election Algorithm in SG“. Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 10, Nr. 5 (20.09.2006): 752–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2006.p0752.
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The future trend in the computing paradigm is marked by mobile computing based on mobile-client/server architecture connected by wireless communication network. However, the mobile computing systems have limitations because of the resource-thin mobile clients operating on battery power. The MDVM system allows the mobile clients to utilize memory and CPU resources of Server-Groups (SG) to overcome the resource limitations of clients in order to support the high-end mobile applications such as, m-commerce and virtual organization (VO). In this paper the concept of MDVM system and the architecture of cellular network containing the SG are discussed. A round-2 randomized distributed algorithm is proposed to elect a unique leader and co-leader of the SG. The algorithm is free from any assumption about network topology, buffer space limitations and is based on dynamically elected coordinators eliminating single point of failure. The algorithm is implemented in distributed system setup and the network-paging latency values of wired and wireless networks are measured experimentally. The experimental results demonstrate that in most cases the algorithm successfully terminates in first round and the possibility of second round execution decreases significantly with the increase in the size of SG (|<I>Na</I>|). The overall message complexity of the algorithm is O(|<I>Na</I>|). The comparative study of network-paging latencies indicates that 3G/4G mobile communication systems would support the realization of MDVM system.
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Mtimka, Ongama, und Gary Prevost. „The Economic Freedom Fighters of South Africa:What do they Stand for, and who Votes for them?“ Africa Insight 51, Nr. 1 (22.03.2023): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ai.v51i1.2.
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The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) have emerged as a significant force in South African politics during the past eight years. Still, only a few scholarly studies have been published analysing its ideology, strategy, and tactics, who is voting for the party, and why. The authors argue that the EFF had emerged as a challenger to the African National Congress (ANC) by positioning itself to the left of the ruling party with a set of ideas and policy proposals that emerged from the ANC Youth League when current EFF leader Julius Malema led it. Survey and exit polling data analysed by the authors indicate that the EFF is gaining traction election by election with younger black voters in the townships on issues of land and jobs and, in the process, threatens the single-party dominance of the ANC in future South African elections. However, despite a good start, the party appears to have lost some momentum after the fall of former President Jacob Zuma and made some tactical mistakes.
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Habibi, Habibi. „IMPLIKASI CALON TUNGGAL PILKADA KABUPATEN TASIKMALAYA TERHADAP KUALITAS DEMOKRASI DAERAH“. Asy-Syari'ah 20, Nr. 2 (21.12.2018): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/as.v20i2.3017.
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AbstractThe general election is activities of citizens, which are held every five years. In this activity the General Election Commission (KPU) as the organizer prepares all the needs to run elections based on related regulations, which has been changed several times. In former regulation, there is no stipulation on independent candidate nor single-candidate local leader election. Political parties has roles to fulfil, two of them are political education and regeneration of political cadres. There are 17 political parties in Tasikmalaya but none of them nominate their best cadres. This article tries to describe the implications of single candidate in head of regency election to political parties. By applying qualitative research and empirical-juridical approach, it shows that there was an agreement between political parties in 2015 Tasikmalaya head of regency election to advocate single candidate, while independent candidates as alternative choice for people should fulfil various requirements that hindered their candidacies. Normatifly this phenomena has legal base with the Constitutional Court Decision No. 100/PUU/XIII/2015 that granted Effendi Ghazali’s plead, but substantially damaging democracy. It is feared to occur that a candidate who has strong financial backup influences political elite to support single candidacy. This condition can also discourage political partied to generate new cadres that has great capabilities to compete in general elections.Keywords:head of regency election, single candidate, political party Abstrak Pemilihan Umum adalah kegiatan warga Negara yang diselenggarakan setiap lima tahun sekali, dalam kegiatan ini KPU sebagai lembaga penyelenggara mempersiapkan segala kebutuhan untuk berjalannya pemilihan. Regulasi UU yang berkaitan dengan pemilihan kepala daerah sudah mengalami beberapa perubahan. UU sebelumnya tidak mengatur calon tunggal dalam konstestasi pilkada. Munculnya fenemona calon tunggal mendorong Mahkamah Konstitusi mengeluarkan putusan untuk dipersilahkannya calon tunggal. Uniknya salah satu tugas peran dan fungsi partai politik adalah edukasi politik, kaderisasi, lembaga yang kompetitif dalam pilkada, tidak mau mencalonkan dari kader-kader terbaiknya, padahal jumlah partai saat ini di Kabupaten Tasikmalaya sudah mencapai 17 partai. Tujuan tulisan ini adalah untuk memaparkanimplikasi calon tunggal kepala daerah Kabupaten Tasikmalaya terhadap partai politik. Dengan pendekatan yuridis empiris, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat kesepakatan antar parpol pada masa pemilu tahun 2015 di Kabupaten Tasikmalaya untuk mengusung satu pasangan saja. Adapun calon perseorangan sebagai pilihan alternatif dihadapkan pada persyaratan yang menghambat proses pencalonan. Secara normatif hal tersebut tidak menjadi masalah dengan munculnya Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 100/PUU/XIII /2015, namun secara substansi demokrasi hal tersebut berdampak buruk. Dikhawatirkan muncul kecenderungan pasangan calon yang mempunyai modal besar untuk membayar elit-elit politik agar dapat mempengaruhi munculnya calon tunggal serta mengurangi kemampuan organisasi dalam mencetak kader dan pemimpin yang mampu bersaing di arena pemilu.Kata kunci: Pemilihan Kepala Daerah, kandidat tunggal, partai politik.
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Maharani, Putu Eka Putri, Deli Bunga Saravistha und I. Gusti Ngurah Aristiawan. „Peranan Hukum Dalam Menanggulangi dan Mencegah Money Politic dalam Pemilihan Umum“. AL-DALIL: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik, dan Hukum 2, Nr. 1 (03.05.2024): 70–75. https://doi.org/10.58707/aldalil.v2i1.743.
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In general, elections are actions carried out by a legitimate state to elect a leader or political position. Although positive laws regulate the holding of elections, general election participants sometimes engage in money politics to win the competition. All aspects of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia are strictly regulated by the provisions of the legislation, including the rules for the general election. By recognizing the state as the law and placing the law as the highest command in the maintenance of the state, every state action and operation is carried out through the mechanism of the law itself. A state is an organization that requires officials authorized by law to manage its governance. Success in combating corruption in Indonesia depends on an integrated electoral policy. But unfortunately, research shows that the agenda for improving our electoral political integrity is hampered by the abundance of money politics. The existence of democracy is a means for the people to control the government and a means to hold public officials accountable. This accountability changes direction if politicians have bought votes, there is a foundation that must be run well, that is, a direct foundation, general, free, secret, honest and fair. The author thinks the five foundations have the same position in producing high-integrity officers. The research focus of this article is political practice involving money in legislative elections involving voters and politicians. Monetary politics has become a new norm in post-New Order elections. Institutional design, especially an open proportional system, has proven to contribute to the plethora of monetary political incidents. In order to prevent the use of political money from becoming a habit in future elections in Indonesia, this paper recommends a thorough review of the open proportional system.
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Sabtiana, Rela, und Otto V. Siregar. „AN ANALYSIS OF ILLOCUTIONARY ACTS IN VLADIMIR PUTIN’S ELECTION VICTORY SPEECH“. Celtic : A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature and Linguistics 11, Nr. 2 (26.12.2024): 582–95. https://doi.org/10.22219/celtic.v11i2.37801.
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Illocutionary acts are a key category of speech acts, frequently analyzed in pragmatic studies to investigate the conveyed meaning of a speaker’s words. These acts are particularly intriguing because of their significant impact on the interpretation of utterances. This study aims to conduct an in-depth examination of the various classifications of illocutionary acts employed in spoken discourse, focusing on a speech delivered by a world leader. Specifically, the analysis draws on Vladimir Putin’s 2024 election victory speech, meticulously studied through qualitative analytical methods. The research employed Searle’s framework to categorize and interpret the speech’s illocutionary acts. The analysis identifies five distinct classifications: assertive (or representatives), commissive, expressive, directive, and declarative. The findings highlight a dominance of assertive/representatives with 20 instances, followed by expressive acts with 10 instances, commissive acts with 5 instances, and a single instance, each of directives and declaratives. This comprehensive analysis sheds light on the intricate linguistic strategies employed in the speech, demonstrating how illocutionary acts contribute to meaning-making and rhetorical effectiveness. The study offers insightful information about how these activities are applied in contemporary political discourse, enriching our understanding of the interplay between language, intent, and influence.
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Saifuddin, Karur Mohammed, und Geetha D. Devangavi. „Integrated energy-efficient and location-aware routing in wireless sensor networks“. Indonesian Journal of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science 34, Nr. 3 (01.06.2024): 1708. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijeecs.v34.i3.pp1708-1717.
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Sensor nodes in wireless sensor networks are commonly distributed randomly across a given landscape, and their placement may be randomized for specific applications, even extending to national deployments. The energy consumption associated with data transmission and reception by the cluster’s leader is notably higher compared to other nodes. To address this issue, it is recommended that wireless sensor networks adopt a more energy-efficient routing technique. This proposed technique assumes a spatial separation between different node types. Elevating the threshold enhances the likelihood that nodes with ample remaining power will endure as cluster leaders. Ultimately, a hybrid data transfer strategy is formulated, wherein data is directly exchanged between the base station and cluster heads among the super nodes containing advanced nodes. Most nodes employ a combination of single-hop and multi-hop approaches for data transport, aiming to minimize the power required for transmission between the cluster’s control node and the base station. According to simulation results, this proposed method surpasses the stable election protocol (SEP), demonstrating superiority over the improved threshold-sensitive stable election protocol in terms of the operational duration of a wireless sensor network.
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Diningrat, A. A. A. Putri Dwi, Deli Bunga Saravistha und I. Wayan Darmika Suputra. „Akibat Hukum Money Politic dalam Hukum Positif“. AL-DALIL: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik, dan Hukum 2, Nr. 1 (30.03.2024): 36–41. https://doi.org/10.58707/aldalil.v2i1.736.
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In general, general elections are conducted by a legitimate state in order to select a leader for the nation (a political position). Legislative regulations govern the procedures for holding elections, but some candidates use money politics to gain an advantage over their rivals. To genuinely be in line with the essence of money politics, money politics actions need to be carefully thought out. Legal studies must substantiate the practice of substituting transportation, fatigue, and food funds for voter mobilization in public campaigns. The use of criminal law as a last resort must be thoroughly examined, as well as the legal tools for preventing money politics. A number of additional strategies can. The recognition and assertion of the rule of law, along with the placement of the law as the supreme command in state administration, imply that all facets of government administration, including the regulation of general elections (Elections), are subject to stringent legal frameworks and legislative regulations. Election procedures must adhere to certain principles, including those of direct, general, free, secret, honest, and fair. Though in this instance the author focuses more on the application of the principles of honesty and fairness, the author believes that these five values have a similar role in developing officials with high integrity. Since it is commonly known that throughout the several elections that have taken place since they were first conducted in 1955 till the present Money politics is the area where election violations occur most frequently. Money politics is prohibited by legal instruments (criminal legal instruments), and there are two ways to deal with political violations: the police can impose administrative sanctions or criminal penalties. The issues brought up in this article are as follows, based on the introduction: first, how is money politics regulated by positive law? Secondly, how successful are the legal tools available to stop money politics, and what cultural countermeasures are there?
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Hussain, Sajjad, und Dr Muhammad Aziz. „The Concept of Eligibility and Competence in the Light of Islamic Teachings“. Fahm-i-Islam 2, Nr. 1 (30.06.2019): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37605/fahm-i-islam.2.1.4.
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Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW) has practically guided the Muslims in all spheres of life including faith, jurisprudence, economics, politics and social circles. Muslims’ ruled the world as long as they followed the Prophet and the Islamic teachings. As soon as they started ignoring the rules of Shari’ah, they fell into a political failure and economic deprivation. Leadership is such an important aspect in which lies the secret of national, political and social development. Leadership is given such importance in Islam that Prophet (SAW) has given special instructions about the eligibility to be the leader of Muslim society. According to Islamic Jurisprudence and the teachings of the Holy Prophet (SAW), leadership can only be given to the eligible and efficient figures. If authority and control is given to some ineligible or incapable people, it is not only unsuitable but a cruelty. Muslim Ummah in general and the public of Pakistan in particular had never so intensely desired for a noble leadership possessing high qualities as they need it today. Pakistani nation has reached the verge of chaos and destruction which is leading to fatal and horrible consequences. The ideology of standard and capability has clearly been interpreted in Qur’an and Sunnah. This is further supported by the practices of the Muslims in the past. This research has focused on gathering the data about ideology of standard and eligibility for the selection/election of individuals according to the Seerah of the Prophet (SAW).
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Burhanuddin, Burhanuddin. „KOLOM KOSONG DALAM REZIM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH“. Jurisprudentie : Jurusan Ilmu Hukum Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum 5, Nr. 1 (08.06.2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/jurisprudentie.v5i2.5400.
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AbstractElection of regional leader is confession form of democracy. empty Column Eksistensi in pilkada is at a time viewed as by people alternative choice form which concurrently enabling of carried out by pilkada with only 1 (candidate couple). MK Number 100/PUU-XIII/2015 becoming road street opener of empty column legality. Besides decision of MK, empty column is later;then mentioned in UU No. 10 Year 2016 so that by yuridis domicile empty column is validity. But that way, leaving over matter internal issue there is no tech reference manual him arranging in detail as for empty column as equivalent choice with single candidate couple. Keyword : Empty Column, Election of Regional Leader AbstrakPemilihan kepala daerah adalah wujud pengakuan atas kedaulatan rakyat. Eksistensi kolom kosong dalam pilkada serentak dipandang sebagai bentuk pilihan alternatif rakyat yang secara bersamaan dibolehkannya diselenggarakan pilkada dengan hanya 1 (satu) pasangan calon. Putuhan MK Nomor 100/PUU-XIII/2015 menjadi jalan pembuka legalitas kolom kosong. Selain putusan MK, kolom kosong kemudian disebutkan dalam UU No. 10 Tahun 2016 sehingga secara yuridis kedudukan kolom kosong adalah sah. Namun demikian, menyisakan masalah dalam hal belum adanya pedoman teknis yang mengatur secara rinci perihal kolom kosong sebagai pilihan yang setara dengan pasangan calon tunggal.Kata Kunci : Kolom Kosong, Pemilihan Kepala Daerah
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CHATURVEDY, RAJEEV RANJAN. „Modi’s Neighborhood Policy and China’s Response“. Issues & Studies 55, Nr. 02 (Juni 2019): 1940001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119400010.
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The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) election victory in May 2014 under the leadership of Narendra Modi saw the first parliamentary majority achieved by a single party in three decades. Both Indian and foreign observers of India’s foreign policy knew a little of Modi and the BJP’s approach to India’s external engagements. Modi’s image as a nationalist and strong leader led to the speculation that he would substantially change the direction of India’s foreign policy. This may be most visible in India’s “Neighborhood-First” Initiative (NFI). This study focuses on Modi’s neighborhood policy. It gives an overview of how the Modi government is redefining India’s neighborhood policy and considers the new vision and approach that the Modi government is pursuing with India’s neighborhood. It is followed by an assessment of difficulties in putting the policy into practice. Finally, it discusses responses from China and summarizes key points in the concluding section.
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Kandel, Ishwori Prasad. „Nepal–India Relationship After The Rise of Modi“. Historical Journal 11, Nr. 1 (01.08.2020): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hj.v11i1.34630.
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This paper has attempted to define Nepal, being a sovereign country would like to deal with India on an equitable basis. Geographically, culturally and economically, Nepal is closer to India. Nepal also realizes that it can’t ignore its southern neighbor India. The Republic of India and the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal initiated their relationship with the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and accompanying secret letters that defined security relations between the two countries, and an agreement governing both bilateral trade and trade transiting Indian territory. The Indo-Nepal border is open; Nepalese and Indian nationals may move freely across the border without passports or visas and may live and work in either country. However, Indians aren't allowed to own land-properties or work in government institutions in Nepal, while Nepalese nationals in India are allowed to work in Indian government institutions (except in some states and some civil services the IFS, IAS, and IPS). After years of dissatisfaction by the Nepalese government, India in 2014, agreed to revise and adjust the treaty to reflect the current realities, however, the modality of adjustment hasn't been made clear by either side. Due to geographical proximity, socio-cultural affinity and economic dependence of Nepal, India has strong influence on Nepal and its policy decisions.
Modi’s first visit to Nepal in August 2014 as part of his ‘neighbourhood first’ policy was highly successful. He was the first foreign leader to address the Constituent Assembly - the body tasked with drafting Nepal’s new constitution. His remarks drew widespread praise from all Nepalese political parties and seemed to promise a new beginning in India–Nepal relations. Minister Narendra Modi had expressed its displeasure at Nepal’s constitution, a position made clear in a series of statements issued by Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in New Delhi. Citing MEA sources, Indian Express even circulated a seven-point demand for amendments to the constitution, within days of its promulgation. With the election of nationalistic leader K P Oli as prime minister in Nepal, the rift between Delhi and Kathmandu was widened, and lead to a massive humanitarian crisis, as shortages of fuel, medicines, and essential supplies become acute across Nepal, with no sign of reconciliation in sight.
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Masalha, Nur. „From Propaganda to Scholarship: Dr Joseph Schechtman and the Origins of Israeli Polemics on the Palestinian Refugees“. Holy Land Studies 2, Nr. 2 (März 2004): 188–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.0006.
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In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.
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VERSARI, CRISTIAN, NADIA BUSI und ROBERTO GORRIERI. „An expressiveness study of priority in process calculi“. Mathematical Structures in Computer Science 19, Nr. 6 (Dezember 2009): 1161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960129509990168.
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Priority is a frequently used feature of many computational systems. In this paper we study the expressiveness of two process algebras enriched with different priority mechanisms. In particular, we consider a finite (that is, recursion-free) fragment of asynchronous CCS with global priority (FAP, for short) and Phillips' CPG (CCS with local priority), and contrast their expressive power with that of two non-prioritised calculi, namely the π-calculus and its broadcast-based version, called bπ. We prove, by means of leader-election-based separation results, that, under certain conditions, there exists no encoding of FAP in π-Calculus or CPG. Moreover, we single out another problem in distributed computing, which we call the last man standing problem (LMS for short), that better reveals the gap between the two prioritised calculi above and the two non-prioritised ones, by proving that there exists no parallel-preserving encoding of the prioritised calculi in the non-prioritised calculi retaining any sincere (complete but partially correct, that is, admitting divergence or premature termination) semantics.
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Raila, Egidijus. „Lithuanian boyairs attitude towards the reforms of the Four years diet (in accordance with the directions of local diets)“. Lietuvos istorijos studijos 3 (30.12.1996): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.1996.37475.
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The political and economical destruction in the Commonwealth was beginning to increase during the second part of the eighteenth century. The rather vague activity of the political structures was not able to restrain the arrogance of the boyars. On the other hand, the boyars themselves were not very keen on sacrificing their own interests for the sake of a strong centralized authority. August of 1788 brought election time to the local diets. The Lithuanian boyars had not a single leader at that time. Moreover, no one nobleman, during the local diets of 1788, had any kind of political program to introduce. The class requirements were predominant in the directions of these diets. The directions of the diets of 1790 did not change the real situation, although quite a large part of the Lithuanian boyars were already put up with the idea of the inevitable new laws, which were still hidden in numerous projects. The encouragement to introduce a new law about running the state could be found in many directions, without, however, making any visible changes in the existing liberty of the boyars.
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Ng, Suit Yan, und Rozlina Mohamed. „Feasibility Study on using MCDM for E-Voting“. International Journal of Software Engineering and Computer Systems 8, Nr. 2 (01.07.2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15282/ijsecs.8.2.2022.1.0098.
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An online voting system is an election system that manages the election process. This is a medium for the voters to cast their votes. It is also being used to calculate the votes collected from the voters to choose the representative for their own faculty. A typical voting system is based on a single attempt for each candidate being voted. The voting does not reflect the criteria implies to the characteristic of the candidate that going to be the student leader. To be a student leader, the student should fulfil the requirement such as good academic results, interpersonal skills with society, involving in activities of university and etc. Although the current voting system is able to maximize the participation of the voters, the voters may blindly vote the ballots casually due to they do not know the details of the candidates and the result is low quality and low public’s trust in the selected candidate. In this study, the aim is to develop an interactive online voting system that have ranking feature with MCDM method which allow online voting system to collect high-quality results from the voters. The Multiple Criteria Decision Making (MCDM) method is used in the voting system while choosing the candidate. MCDM can let the voters make decision making or selecting the candidate based on the criteria that suit the position. The study starts with the literature study on implementing MCDM for a voting system. Then, a survey will be made to get the users’ views on the with and without implementation of the MCDM method in an online voting system. The expected result of the study is to investigate the current implementation of MCDM as a tool for decision making, then identify the possibility of adopting MCDM for the online voting system while choosing the representative for faculty students’ society. As a conclusion from the survey from the users’ views, it shown that most of the users thinks that the system with the implementation with MCDM method is less time consuming and able to produce high quality result compare to the current online voting system. Most of the respondents also stated that they are more preferring to use the online voting system with MCDM method in the future.
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Mastilović, Draga. „Political elites in Sarajevo and the introduction of the January 6 dictatorship in 1929“. Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, Nr. 1 (2022): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-36023.
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The introduction of the personal regime of King Alexander on January 6, 1929 caused different reactions among Serbian, Croatian, and Muslim political elites in Sarajevo, but there was no open resistance towards the regime. On the basis of available archival sources, it can be concluded that the introduction of the dictatorship in the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in the region of Sarajevo, was approved by the majority of population and a certain number of political and public workers, regardless of their religion, nationality or political orientation. On the other hand, the leading figure of Yugoslav Muslim Organisation, Mehmed Spaho, officially approved the new regime, but also unofficially used every single opportunity to express his dissatisfaction with it. But unlike him, Dr Juraj Šutejex-member of Parliament and member of Croatian Peasant Party, who was considered a leader of that party in Bosnia and Herzegovina-was openly sceptical towards a new political state in the country. At about the same time, he was actively leading secret political action in consultation with the party leadership in Zagreb. When it comes to Serbian political elites in Sarajevo, they honestly supported the new regime and some of them even actively took part in the new political system.
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Shishelina, Lyubov. „2022 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN HUNGARY“. Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, Nr. 2 (01.04.2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220227179.
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The Hungarian parliamentary elections of 2022 for the fifth time in the recent history of the country brought victory to the FIDESZ party, including the fourth with a constitutional majority of 2 /3 of parliamentary mandates. At the same time, during the current election campaign in Hungary, the system of preliminary election of a single candidate (by the type of primaries) among opposition parties and movements was tested for the first time. However, this did not save the multi-party coalition from another failure. Nevertheless, the recent elections have further strengthened the trend towards the formation in Hungary, as in a number of other Central European countries, of a two-party political system with a small layer of a «third force». The surprise of the elections was the passage to Parliament of the extreme nationalist party «Our Fatherland», which partially broke away from the Jobbik party after the 2018 elections. Now, within the walls of parliament, former right-wing radical party members will meet with the renewed Jobbik party, which performed in the last elections in a coalition with left-liberal forces. This campaign took place against a very unfavorable international background – the war in Ukraine and increased pressure on Hungary from Brussels and from neighboring states that do not agree with the aspirations of the Orban cabinet to prevent the use of Hungarian territory for military purposes. This circumstance made the task extremely difficult for Viktor Orban, the permanent leader of the FIDESZ party since its foundation, and at the same time played in favor of the opposition, as another reason for criticism of the foreign policy pursued by the Prime Minister, a significant element of which since 2011 has been the strengthening of pragmatic relations with Russia.
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Yusyanti, Diana. „DINAMIKA HUKUM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH MENUJU PROSES DEMOKRASI DALAM OTONOMI DAERAH“. Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 4, Nr. 1 (30.04.2015): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v4i1.49.
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Dinamika hukum pemilihan Kepala diawali pada masa orde baru dengan model demokrasi perwakilan (DPRD) yang dilaksanakan berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1974. Pada masa orde baru pemerintahan Daerah lebih bersifat sentralistik, sehingga demokrasi tidak berkembang. Pada masa reformasi, Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah dipilih secara langsung yang mulanya diatur oleh Undang-Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 1999 sebagai awal Otonomi Daerah diberlakukan secara luas, kemudian diteruskan dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 sehingga Otonomi Daerah menjadi desentralistik dan demokrasipun mulai berkembang meskipun dalam pelaksanaan pemilihan Kepala Daerah masih banyak terjadi konflik di beberapa daerah. Pada saat ini sudah ada Undang-Undang yang terbaru yaitu Undang- Undang 23 Tahun 2014 dimana Kepala Daerah dipilih secara langsung tapi tidak satu paket dengan Wakil Kepala Daerah yang dipilih oleh Kepala Daerah. Dengan metode yuridis normatif, penulis akan menguraikan dinamika pemilihan Kepala Daerah sebelum maupun sesudah diberlakukannya Undang-undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 dan mengapa banyak terjadi konflik. Pada prinsipnya Pemilihan Kepala Daerah secara langsung merupakan jalan masuk bagi demokrasi politik di daerah dan memberikan kesempatan kepada rakyat memilih pimpinan daerah secara objektif. Dengan perbaikan pada penyelenggaraan pemilihan Kepala Daerah dan perlunya pendekatan sosial, budaya politik dan budaya hukum yang bertujuan untuk mengurangi konflik yang seringkali terjadi.<p>Dynamic of law on local election for regional leaders began in the ’Orde Baru’ era with the model of representative democracy (parliament) which was implemented by Law No. 5 of 1974. In the ’Orde Baru’ era, Regional government is more centralized, so that the democracy did not thrive. In the Reform Era, the electoral system for regional leaders and vice of regional leaders changed to direct election according to Law No. 22 of 1999 as the beginning of the Regional Autonomy System widely implemented, and continued with the Law No. 32 of 2004 so the Regional Autonomy System become decentralized and that democracy began to flourish despite there are still a lot of conflicts in some areas refering to the implementation of the local election for regional leaders. Now there is Law No. 23 of 2014 which said that Regional Leaders are elected directly but not as a single package with vice of regional leaders whom they will be chosen by the Regional Leaders itself. Using a normative juridical approach the writer would like to elaborate the dynamic process in the electoral system of regional leaders before and after the implementation of Law No.32 of 2004 and why there are some conflicts. It can be said that the direct local election of regional leaders is an entry point for democracy politics in regions and it also gives people a chance to vote their own leader. The improvement in the conduct of local election for regional leaders and the approach in social, cultural politics and legal culture are needed in order to reduce conflicts in some areas.</p>
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Koc-Michalska, Karolina, Bruce Bimber, Daniel Gomez, Matthew Jenkins und Shelley Boulianne. „Public Beliefs about Falsehoods in News“. International Journal of Press/Politics 25, Nr. 3 (08.04.2020): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220912693.
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The circulation of misinformation, lies, propaganda, and other kinds of falsehood has, to varying degrees, become a challenge to democratic publics. We are interested in the question of what publics believe about their own exposure to falsehoods in news, and about what contributes to similarities and differences in these beliefs across countries. We are also interested in the question of whether publics report attempting to verify news that is suspect to them. Here we report on a comparative election survey in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. We find three key predictors of publics’ beliefs that they have been exposed to falsehoods: discussion of news, use of social media for political purposes, and exposure to counter-attitudinal information. The nexus between these three predictors and beliefs about falsehoods exists in all three countries, as we anticipate that it likely exists elsewhere. We do not find voters on the right to be different from those on the left in the United Kingdom and France, but do find a substantial difference in the United States, which is likely due to the 2016 Trump campaign. We conclude with concerns about the imbalance in beliefs about exposure to falsehoods in the United States and the apparent capacity of a single leader, in the right context, to shape public beliefs about what is to be believed.
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Emerson, Peter. „Good Governance“. International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 21 (Februar 2014): 132–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.21.132.
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In many countries, „free and fair‟ parliament elections precede a process of cabinet selection which, in contrast, is often far from transparent. In single party majority rule, the party which wins the election then forms the government, its leader becomes the premier, and he/she then has the power to hire and fire ministers, as it pleases. Where elections result in a number of parties being represented in parliament, none of which has a majority, there invariably follows a very opaque part of the democratic process: inter-party meetings, wherein various parties try to form a majority coalition, with ministries allocated to party functionaries in deals perhaps shady or worse. A third structure relates primarily to conflict zones, all-party power-sharing; in these situations, any negotiations by which a government is formed can be both problematic and protracted. It need not be so. In either a single-party majority rule, a majority or grand coalition, or a unity government, the parliamentary party or parties concerned could use a transparent voting procedure, a tabular mechanism by which every mp can vote, not only for those whom they wish to see in government, but also for each nominee‟s ministerial post. It is called a matrix vote. This article will examine different government structures – one-party, two-party and multi-party states; it will examine the assumptions on which democracy is based, with particular regard to the fact that the right of a majority to rule is often interpreted to mean that political decisions can best be resolved by binary votes; it will consider a hypothetical example of the matrix vote; and finally, it will discuss the feasibility of an inclusive, all-party political structure.
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Мєлєкєсцев, Кирило. „TENSIONS ON THE TOPIC OF HISTORY IN POLISH-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AS A RESULT OF INFORMATION WARFARE“. Litopys Volyni, Nr. 27 (08.12.2022): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2305-9389/2022.27.12.
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The article deals with today’s ethnic-cultural tensions and how they connect with the history of Poland and Ukraine and current diplomatic relations. The article overviews the problematic development of the current nationalist movement in Poland and its relationship with the “Center-Right” government, which was formed after the election of the President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda. On the example of the closure of the Polish consulates in Ukraine after the 2017 incident with a grenade launcher in Lutsk, the author shows how a single hooligan attack in an atmosphere of ethnic tensions can lead to a total knock-out of the diplomatic system of the country. The research reveals the causes, parties and goals of the conflict, as well as subjects interested in ethnic tensions. It is shown how the problems of Polish- Ukrainian relations related to the secret change in the foreign policy course of the Republic of Poland in 2008 created a “synergy” with the growth of nationalist sentiment in Europe and the expansion of Russian influence. The link between the strengthening of nationalist movements and ethno-cultural conflicts in Europe (including the appeal of patriotic youth to their memory of historical conflicts) with the proliferation of pro-Russian and anti-globalist conspiracy propaganda in popular corners of the Internet, including those directed against the processes of European integration and NATO enlargement, have been shown in the research. The research suggests ways to prevent the escalation of conflict using the examples of both the diplomacy of the President of Ukraine and initiatives of representatives of civil society. The topic of Internet propaganda as a factor of ethnic tensions and rising political movements, as well as the distortion of history in such propaganda, is proposed by the author for future research.
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Tošić, Aleksandar, Jernej Vičič, Michael Burnard und Michael Mrissa. „A Blockchain Protocol for Real-Time Application Migration on the Edge“. Sensors 23, Nr. 9 (02.05.2023): 4448. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s23094448.
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The Internet of Things (IoT) is experiencing widespread adoption across industry sectors ranging from supply chain management to smart cities, buildings, and health monitoring. However, most software architectures for the IoT deployment rely on centralized cloud computing infrastructures to provide storage and computing power, as cloud providers have high economic incentives to organize their infrastructure into clusters. Despite these incentives, there has been a recent shift from centralized to decentralized architectures that harness the potential of edge devices, reduce network latency, and lower infrastructure costs to support IoT applications. This shift has resulted in new edge computing architectures, but many still rely on centralized solutions for managing applications. A truly decentralized approach would offer interesting properties required for IoT use cases. In this paper, we introduce a decentralized architecture tailored for large-scale deployments of peer-to-peer IoT sensor networks and capable of run-time application migration. We propose a leader election consensus protocol for permissioned distributed networks that only requires one series of messages in order to commit to a change. The solution combines a blockchain consensus protocol using Verifiable Delay Functions (VDF) to achieve decentralized randomness, fault tolerance, transparency, and no single point of failure. We validate our solution by testing and analyzing the performance of our reference implementation. Our results show that nodes are able to reach consensus consistently, and the VDF proofs can be used as an entropy pool for decentralized randomness. We show that our system can perform autonomous real-time application migrations. Finally, we conclude that the implementation is scalable by testing it on 100 consensus nodes running 200 applications.
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Kashin, V., und T. Shaumyan. „Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Kandel, Pavel. „Montenegrin Miracle: Dismantling of the M. Djukanovic’s Regime“. Contemporary Europe 101, Nr. 1 (28.02.2021): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120214151.
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Theme of the paper: the confrontation between the government and opposition forces with regard to the parliamentary elections of August 30, 2020. The paper analyzes the factors behind the opposition's first victory through the prism of the thirty year-long period. The author gives credit to the MontenegrinPrimorye Metropolia of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which made a decisive contribution to the defeat of the incumbent authorities, i.e. the politically disoriented President and the government who entered into conflict with the hierarchs through their arrogant and short-sighted monopoly rule. It was precisely the Church circles led by the late Metropolitan Amphilochius who managed to consolidate the ever-quarreling opposition, give them a new promising leader and offer an effective political platform that made the unification of the proEuropean and Pro-Serbian parts of the opposition possible. The paper examines the international reaction to the transfer of power and its internal and foreign policy consequences. Chances of the new Cabinet of experts summoned by Zdravko Krivokapic to complete a full time are not too high. The trouble of the present coalition is not only its slim – by only one Assembly mandate – majority. The majority itself is extremely fragile, since the leaders of the Democratic Front, which forms the core of its pro-Serbian part, do not hide their feeling of being deceived and deprived of the division of trophies. Thereby they consider holding a snap parliamentary election almost a single task of the Cabinet. However, the government is already able to start dismantling the existing authoritarian regime of Milo Djukanovic. As far as its foreign policy is concerned it can be assumed that the new authorities would try to normalize relations with Serbia and Russia, deliberately damaged by Milo Djukanovic, but the fundamentals of the priority relations with the EU and NATO will remain unchanged.
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Kandel, Pavel. „GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SERBIA“. Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, Nr. 2 (01.04.2022): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220228089.
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This article deals with the general elections (presidential, parliamentary and partly local) held in Serbia on April 3, 2022 The main motive for the snap National Assembly elections was the intention to get the Parliament legitimized, since the existent body with no opposition discredited the country and its head applying for admission into the EU. The outcome of the elections – another win of President Alexandar Vučić and his ruling Serbian Progressive Party – was not a secret from the start for either observers or participants. The only thing to argue about was the score. However, the developments in Ukraine have made their own adjustments to the calculations of both the authorities and their opponents, and the results of voting along with their perception by winners and losers. The article also addresses the reasons for the persistent invincibility of the ruling «progressists», the long-term failures of the pro-Western «democratic» opposition and the unexpected success of the pro-Russian right-wing nationalist blocs, which previously miserably dragged out on the political margins. The mood of the Serbian electorate in relation to the party structure is also the object of special consideration. The logic of political behavior and the relationship between the external and internal political balancing of the President of Serbia are analyzed. An explanation of his seemingly strange post-election move is suggested: taking a time-out in the formation of the government, he took a step towards the defeated «democrats». It is concluded that A. Vučić is aiming at structuring the government in a way that will preserve both his central role in Serbian politics and free hand in further adaptation on the international arena, which in any case will not be single valued and straightforward. The general vector of the drift will be determined by the balance of forces in the confrontation between the West and the East at present at its climax.
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Medvedev, Aleksandr A. „“The Staff of Isaiah”: Catacomb Discourse in Arseny Tarkovsky’s Poetry“. Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, Nr. 4 (2022): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.4.072.
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This article analyses the work of A. Tarkovsky (1907–1989), for whom 1917 became a turning point which subsequently determined his “internal emigration”. The most important creative mission for Tarkovsky was the restoration of the interrupted cultural tradition of Russian modernism. As its representative, Akhmatova is a model of the creative and ethical behaviour of the artist for Tarkovsky. Tarkovsky’s poetry from the 1930s–1960s is considered from the point of view of the catacomb secret discourse (coding, subtext, background). Through images of the desert, sand, heat, and closed eyes, it expresses alienation from new culture and politics, a stoic opposition to oblivion, and desire to preserve cultural memory (Mandelstam, Tsvetaeva) that binds history into a single whole. In the situation of a cultural desert, such values as an individual’s dignity, Christian humility, and life are significant for Tarkovsky. In his model of the poet, Tarkovsky focuses on the biblical and early Christian tradition, in which the poet appears as a prophet, messiah, spiritual leader of the people (Isaiah, John the Baptist, Christ), emphasising not mystical or ritual but social ethics, characteristic of the Russian intelligentsia of the nineteenth century, with its moral uncompromisingness (“straight” ways). An important context for understanding Tarkovsky’s catacomb discourse and his image of the poet is the reflection on the people and the intelligentsia in L. Chukovskaya’s Notes on Anna Akhmatova (1938–1966). Polemising with the Narodism rejection of the intelligentsia in the Soviet period, Akhmatova and Chukovskaya express the key values of the Russian intelligentsia of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (personal dignity, freedom, ethical uncompromisingness, criticism of ethical relativism, truth and justice, prophetic ministry, sacrifice, and poverty). Tarkovsky’s poetic discourse and his image of a prophet poet also oppose Narodism simplification expressing the core values of the Russian intelligentsia and preserving the modernist complexity of poetics (openness and involvement in world culture, intertextuality, neomythologism, and associativity).
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Lia Susanthi, Nyoman, Ni Kadek Dwiyani und I. Kadek Puriartha. „Directing Of Documentary Bilingual “Lukisan Barong Gunarsa” In Exspository Style“. Mudra Jurnal Seni Budaya 33, Nr. 3 (27.09.2018): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.31091/mudra.v33i3.522.
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Latha Mahosadhi Museum of ISI Denpasar is a memorial place for displaying art objects. But the function of the museum as a center of art information cannot be realized because the information provided is only verbal information and not specific. So that information media is created in museum, namely bilingual documentary film. One of the interesting a film to be researched is “Lukisan Barong Gunarsa” by Nyoman Lia Susanthi as a director. The aim of this study is to determine the process of creating a documentary film that shows the side of Gunarsa as famous person and secret element that have never been published before. Based on it, documentary bilingual can be applied to other 127 objects collection. The method used qualitative. The data were obtained through observation, interview, and literature study. The result of this study was the director observed in three roles, such as: a leader, an artist and a technical advisor. The pre-production, the director created in the form of production concept, technical concept and story line. The concept of film was expository style with television documentary format using narrator as a single speaker. The director as a leader directed the cameraperson in taking pictures. In editing, director was involved directly in the process of arranging the images. The resulting visual beauty cannot be separated from the director’s firmness that directed the taking of beauty shot. The director as a technical advisor was able to take over the role of cinematography, sound and editing.Museum Lata Mahosadhi ISI Denpasar adalah tempat pemajangan benda seni baik dari Bali maupun luar Bali. Namun fungsi museum sebagai pusat informasi seni belum bisa terwujud karena informasinya hanya berupa verbal dalam Bahasa Indonesia dan tidak spesifik. Untuk itu dilakukan penelitian terkait media informasi efektif untuk museum yaitu bilingual dokumenter menggunakan 2 bahasa (Indonesia-Inggris). Salah satu bilingual dokumenter yang menarik untuk dikaji adalah film berjudul “Lukisan Barong Gunarsa” karya Nyoman Lia Susanthi sebagai sutradara. Alasan memilih konten ini karena terdapat elemen rahasia yang belum dipublikasikan yaitu makna dan deskripsi lukisan. Dalam proses pembuatan film maestro berpulang, sehingga film ini benilai informasi tinggi. Tujuan dari penelitian adalah mengetahui penyutradaraan film dokumenter yang menunjukkan sisi intim orang terkenal yaitu Gunarsa. Dengan mengetahui penyutradaraan film ini, maka dapat juga diterapkan penciptaan bilingual dokumenter pada 127 benda koleksi museum. Metode yang digunakan untuk mengetahui manajemen produksi film adalah kualitatif. Data diperoleh melalui observasi, wawancara, dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian ini adalah sutradara dalam melahirkan film diamati dalam tiga peran yaitu sebagai pemimpin, seniman dan penasehat teknis. Saat pra produksi sutradara berperan besar melahirkan konsep penciptaan berupa konsep karya, teknis serta story line. Konsep karya menggunakan gaya exspository, format dokumenter televisi dengan narator sebagai penutur tunggal. Peran sutradara sebagai pemimpin yaitu mengarahkan kameramen dalam mengambil gambar sesuai tuntutan cerita. Tahapan editing sutradara terlibat dalam proses penyusunan gambar. Keindahan visual yang dihasilkan juga peran sutradara yang turut mengarahkan pengambilan beauty shot. Sutradara sebagai penasehat teknis mampu mengambil alih peran teknis dalam sinematografi, tata suara dan editing.
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Imamah, Fardan Mahmudatul. „Discourse on Penistaan Agama of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s Blasphemy Trial in Twitter“. Religió: Jurnal Studi Agama-agama 7, Nr. 1 (20.03.2017): 84–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/religio.v7i1.880.
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This study was conducted to map and elaborate how blasphemy was understood in social media, mainly Twitter. Beginning with the origins of the blasphemy law and some conflicts triggered by the law, this paper will explain the chronology of Ahok’s case and how it becomes popular within netizen. The questions of the study are how the Indonesian netizen in social media understand the blasphemy case of Ahok and how they try to construct discourse with it. The findings are interrelated the hashtags that led in five issues, (1) the action of defending Islam, (2) defending ulama, (3) Muslim leader, (4) national security, (5) imprisoning Ahok, (6) election of the regional head. The network of actors is exposing the complexity of reactions of netizen. Indonesian netizen in social media understands blasphemy in two ways, using religious discourse and political discourse. The first constructs blasphemy as a threat for religion and state security. The second argues the religious discourse by proving blasphemy as a tool for achieving political power. Various issues are tried to identify “blasphemy” that at the same time used to identify certain groups/actors as enemies or allies. In the process of identification, there emerges similar solidarity in interpreting the “blasphemy” based on a single interpretation of the religious source. However, there also emerges the discussion of how religious interpretation of blasphemy should not be used for political reason.
[Studi ini bertujuan untuk memetakan dan menjelaskan bagaimana penistaan agama dipahami dalam media sosial, khususnya Twitter. Penelitian ini dimulai dengan menjelaskan hukum penistaan agama dan beberapa konflik yang terjadi di Indonesia terkait penistaan agama, yang kemudian secara khusus fokus pada kasus Gubernur DKI Basuki (Ahok) Tjahaya Purnama. Ahok dianggap telah memicu kemarahan Muslim Indonesia karena pernyataanya terkait ayat Al Maidah 51 di pertengahan September 2016. Rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana netizen Indonesia memahami penistaan agama dalam kasus Ahok dan bagaimana mereka membangun diskursus tentangnya. Dengan menggunakan analisis hashtag dalam Twitter, terdapat beberapa enam isu yang paling mendominasi terkait diskursus kasus Ahok, yakni (1) aksi bela Islam, (2) bela Ulama, (3) kepemimpinan muslim, (4) keamanan nasional, (5) memenjarakan Ahok, (6) pemilihan kepala daerah. Jejaring aktor dalam diskursus ini menunjukkan kompleksitas reaksi netizen. Secara, terdapat dua cara dalam memahami penistaan agama, yakni dengan menggunakan diskursus agama dan diskursus politik. Diskursus yang pertama memahami penistaan agama sebagai ancaman terhadap agama dan negara. Sedangkan diskursus yang kedua memahami penistaan agama sebagai alat politik. Berbagai isu digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi penistaan agama, yang secara bersamaan juga digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi seseorang atau kelompok tertentu sebagai musuh atau sekutu. Dalam proses mengidentifikasi, muncul cara memahami bahwa penistaan agama terjadi karena rendahnya toleransi terhadap pemahaman berbeda atas penafsiran agama yang tunggal. Meskipun, terdapat juga diskusi tentang interpretasi sumber agama yang seharusnya tidak digunakan untuk kepentingan politik.]
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Zhiltsov, S. S. „History of the Ukrainian State Formation (Prior to the USSR Breakup)“. Post-Soviet Issues 5, Nr. 3 (24.08.2018): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-3-309-328.
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The changeover of the ruling of the modern Ukrainian territory between East and West had lasted for around 800 years beginning from the Mongol-Tatar invasion. It was that time when Batu Khan defeated Ancient Rus that the present territory of Ukraine came under complete and absolute ruling of the Tatar East. In the 16th century as a part of Lithuania Ukraine was included into the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and then passed under the rule of the Polish magnates, under the yoke of the Western Polish civilization. In 1569 the Union of Lublin was signed that formalized the accession of the Ukrainian territory to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the period from the 10th to the 19th centuries there was no such state as Ukraine on the world political map. In the 10th century some part of the territory of present Ukraine was taken by Kievan Rus, in the 13th century — by Golden Horde, in the 14th-15th centuries — by Lithuania, Golden Horde and Russia. In the next centuries the territory of Ukraine was controlled by the Ottoman Empire, Poland and Russia. And only in 1918 the state of Ukraine appeared on the political map.Single Soviet Ukraine created by Bolsheviks did not present any internal cultural and language unity as it was always shared by different empires being the hostile and irreconcilable centers of force in Europe — the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russian Empire and Austro-Hungarian Empire.In 1917-1920 about dozens of different republics were established in the territory of Ukraine. They were isolated within the borders of their formations. Accordingly, it may be said that in 1917-1920 Ukraine presented a mosaic of different formations which were often formed due to ambitions of some scoundrels and political adventurers striving to get to power and to become the leader of a state. But only the tough policy of Bolsheviks aimed to prevent the disintegration process permitted Ukraine to preserve its territory. After its election the Supreme Council started preparation of the Draft Declaration of Ukraine State Sovereignty simultaneously with the Draft Law on Ukraine State Sovereignty. Both drafts were considered in May 1990. After their discussion it was decided to develop the Draft Declaration of State Sovereignty.On July 16, 1990 the Ukrainian Parliament after long discussions adopted the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine by majority voting. This declaration which did not change and substitute the Constitution of Ukrainian SSR became a very important document for establishment of the Ukrainian statehood having laid the basis for the future Constitution of Ukraine.The concept of the new Constitution of Ukraine envisaged the establishment of the presidential republic. As a result, in June 1991 the laws «On Establishment of the Office of President of Ukrainian SSR with Making Alterations and Additions in the Constitution», «On President of Ukrainian SSR” and “On Election of President of Ukrainian SSR». The office of president was established to strengthen the vertical of executive power and to make it in the future independent of executive power of union bodies. The law assigned broad authorities to the president. Thus, the president acquired the right to cancel the decisions of the USSR bodies of executive power in the territory of Ukrainian SSR if they contradicted its constitution.By mid-1991 the legislative base was created in Ukraine which, in fact, made it an independent state as the laws adopted in 1990 and in the first half of 1991 brought out Ukraine from subordination to the USSR powers. The single economic, political and military space of the USSR practically ceased to exist. By this time Ukraine subordinated only nominally to union authorities. On August 24 the Extraordinary Meeting of Supreme Rada passed the Act on Declaration of Independence of Ukraine. That time it was also decided to conduct on December 01 the republican referendum to confirm the Act of Independence. This was done with a view to demonstrate to the union authorities that the Ukrainian people were endeavoring to become independent, thus, making legitimate the Act of Independence. After becoming independent in 1991 Ukraine entered the new stage of its development. The regional system of Ukraine revealed two clear poles — Donbass and Galichina which determined the country’s development for decades ahead.