Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Self-determination, national – kosovo (republic)“

The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situation has not stabilized. The political decisions of the representatives of the international community were framed in the paradigm of “absolute independence” of Kosovo and Metohija, despite the dissatisfaction of the then top officials of the Republic of Serbia. The illegal attempt to secede from Kosovo and Metohija through the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 2008 by representatives of the Albanian national minority raised a number of political, economic and social questions about the strategy of the subjects and forces of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. It is indicated that the ongoing dialogue between representatives of the Provisional Kosovo Institutions and representatives of the Republic of Serbia contributed to the signing of agreements in various fields. However, their implementation has a negative impact on the sovereignty, i.e. the jurisdiction of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia. The international administration created to date has failed to ensure the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1244. The article analyzes the dynamics of events that led to the unilateral declaration of independence in violation of all norms of international law, including the right to political self-determination. The results of the work indicate an uneven interpretation of some norms regulating the status of national minorities (in this case, Albanians), as well as an attempt by Western countries to impose a solution to the Kosovo problem on the Republic of Serbia exclusively through various forms of recognition of the so-called independence.

All 15 former Soviet Republics share a unique federal history with a particular understanding of the right to self-determination. Moreover, seven of them were federalised during the Soviet era, amounting to a major challenge to their territorial integrity after independence. While these states confronted their minorities in different ways, the Russian solution to its inherited national question has been the most comprehensive. This has made Russian understanding on self-determination essentially different from the mainstream of the international community, which in turn explains Russian persistent objections over the Kosovo independence (2008) and partly clarifies the events in Georgia (2008) and Crimea (2014). This article analyses how the former Soviet Republics coped with the transformation from the ethnofederal state to independence. The focus will be on Russia as the most affected of them and on the persistent Soviet legacy in its interpretations of self-determination and, consequently, its policies towards its post-Soviet neighbours.

After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.

The article is dedicated to review of laws of countries of the so-called Yugoslav criminal law group, which originated in the former Yugoslav territory. The article describes the concept of the former Yugoslav territory as the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), consisting of 10 entities: the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Slovenia, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Montenegro, the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Srpska, the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the partially recognized Republic of Kosovo, each of which has adopted its own criminal laws. The mentioned states follow the SFRY criminal law traditions to a greater or lesser extent, which largely ensures similarity of criminal laws of these states and gives a possibility to unite them in the Yugoslav criminal law group. All of the states recognize the criminal liability of legal entities. The author points out the common historical, international and political roots of such liability; reviews options of establishment of liability of legal entities by inclusion of the corresponding provisions in the national criminal codes or adoption of specific criminal laws on liability of legal entities as well as statutory resolutions making it possible to consider a legal entity as a criminal liability subject; gives a scope of legal entities, which cannot be brought to criminal liability; emphasizes the differences in the determination of crimes, which can lead to bringing legal entities to criminal liability; notes that in some countries of the reviewed group legal entities may be brought to criminal liability only for specifically indicated crimes while other countries have no such limitation; analyzes the bases of liability of legal entities stipulated by criminal laws and the models of criminal liability of legal entities implemented in the states of the Yugoslav group: an identification model and an extended identification model; states application of articles of the general parts of national criminal codes for bringing of legal entities to criminal liability.

Aim: The aim of this study is to compare the differences in breast cancer therapy, health-care service practices, and their availability in ten European countries—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Kosovo, Montenegro, Republic of North Macedonia, Croatia, Romania, Slovenia, and Republic of Serbia. Methods: An inquire survey was conducted among oncologists in the participating countries. The questionnaire was of qualitative character and focused on several key areas as screening practices, diagnosing, treatment, and health-care procedures utilization. The results were processed through comparative and percentage analysis. Results: All of the observed countries have national registries for breast cancer, but only in five, a mechanism of controlled action of early detection is implemented. Ninety percent of the countries have implemented in the national guidelines the European Society of Medical Oncology recommendations, while National Comprehensive Cancer Network is considered in only 50%. In all countries, digital mammography is a universal diagnostic method. Pathohistological analysis, including HER2 receptor expression and determination of the level of progesterone and estrogen receptors, is routinely performed in all countries prior to therapy. Some differences are observed in terms of FISH/CISH methods, determination of Ki-67 volume, and prognostic molecular assays. Trastuzumab is used as neo-adjuvant therapy in HER2-positive disease in all countries, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, only pertuzumab is used. Psychological support is integrated into the professional guidelines for treatment and monitoring in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, and Serbia. Conclusions: The international guidelines should be followed strictly, and some improvements in the health policies should be made in order to decrease the differences and inequalities in the availability of the breast cancer (BC) health services in the Central and Eastern European countries.

AbstractThe aim of this study was to determine the prevalence of alcohol consumption among adolescents in Serbia and its association with sociodemographic characteristics. This paper is based on data from a national health survey of the population of Serbia in 2013 (no data for Kosovo and Metohija), conducted by the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Serbia. For the purposes of this study, data on households and individuals over 15 years of age were used; thus, the final sample for analysis included 858 patients (aged 15 to 19 years). Researchers used demographic characteristics (age, gender, type of home, region) and socio-economic characteristics (income per household member, the index of well-being, self-assessment of health, cigarette smoking, tendency towards psychological and physical violence) as the independent variables. A χ2 test was applied to test the differences in the frequencies of categorical variables. The correlations between alcohol consumption, as the dependent variable, and the independent variables (mentioned above) were tested by logistic regression. All results less than or equal to 5% probability (p ≤ 0.05) were considered statistically significant. The prevalence of alcohol consumption among adolescents in Serbia is 51.6%. Alcohol consumption is significantly associated with sex, type of home and the index of well-being (p < 0.05). The prevalence of alcohol consumption is higher in males (57.1%), in adolescents who come from urban areas (59.3%) and in adolescents who, according to the index of well-being, belong to the wealthiest financial category (23.9%).

State is society’s need for the existence of an organized power, equipped with the right equipments of coercion and able to run the society, by imposing the choices that seem reasonable to them, through legal norms. State is an organization of state power; it is an organized power which imposes its will to all the society and has a whole mechanism to execute this will. The state realizes its functions through power, which is a mechanism to accomplish its relevant functions. The power’s concept is a social concept, which can be understood only as a relation between two subjects, between two wills. Power is the ability to impose an order, a rule and other’s behavior in case that he doesn’t apply voluntary the relevant norm, respectively the right. Using state power is related to creation and application, respectively the implementation of law. To understand state power better, we have to start from its overall character. So, we notice that in practice we encounter different kinds of powers: the family’s one, the school’s one, the health’s one, the religion’s, culture’s etc. The notion of powers can be understood as a report between two subjects, two wills. Power is an order for other’s behavior. Every power is some kind of liability, dependence from others. In the legal aspect, supremacy of state presents the constitutive – legislative form upon the powers that follow after it. Supremacy, respectively the prevalence, is stronger upon other powers in its territory. For example we take the highest state body, the parliament as a legislative body, where all other powers that come after it, like the executive and court’s one, are dependable on state’s central power. We can’t avoid the carriage of state’s sovereignty in the competences of different international organizations. Republic, based on ratified agreements for certain cases can overstep state’s power on international organizations. The people legitimate power and its bodies, by giving their votes for a mandate of governance (people’s verdict). It is true that we understand people’s sovereignty only as a quality of people, where with the word people we understand the entirety of citizens that live in a state. The sovereignty’s case actualizes especially to prove people’s right for self-determination until the disconnection that can be seen as national – state sovereignty. National sovereignty is the right of a nation for self-determination. Sovereignty’s cease happens when the monopoly of physical strength ceases as well, and this monopoly is won by another organization. A state can be ceased with the voluntary union of two or more states in a mutual state, or a state can be ceased from a federative state, where federal units win their independence. In this context we have to do with former USSR’s units, separated in some independent states, like Czechoslovakia unit that was separated in two independent states: in Czech Republic and Slovakia. Former Yugoslavia was separated from eight federal units, today from these federal units seven of them have won their independence and their international recognition, and the Republic of Kosovo is one amongst them. Every state power’s activity has legal effect inside the borders of a certain territory and inside this territory the people come under the relevant state’s power. Territorial expansion of state power is three dimensional. The first dimension includes the land inside a state’s borders, the second dimension includes the airspace upon the land and the third dimension includes water space. The airspace upon inside territorial waters is also a power upon people and the power is not universal, meaning that it doesn’t include all mankind. State territory is the space that’s under state’s sovereignty. It is an essential element for its existence. According to the author Juaraj Andrassy, state territory lies in land and water space inside the borders, land and water under this space and the air upon it. Coastal waters and air are considered as parts that belong to land area, because in every case they share her destiny. Exceptionally, according to the international right or international treaties, it is possible that in one certain state’s territory another state’s power can be used. In this case we have to do with the extraterritoriality of state power. The state extraterritoriality’s institute is connected to the concept of another state’s territory, where we have to do with diplomatic representatives of a foreign country, where in the buildings of these diplomatic representatives, the power of the current state is not used. These buildings, according to the international right, the diplomatic right, have territorial immunity and the relevant host state bodies don’t have any power. Regarding to inviolability, respectively within this case, we have two groups to mention: the real immunity and the personal immunity, which are connected with the extraterritoriality’s institute. Key words: Independence, Sovereignty, Preponderance, Prevalence, Territorial Expansion.

Recognition of regional features, outlining of the contours of regions, tendency to regionalize ethnic, economic, cultural and state-administrative space, and strengthening the ideology of regionalism in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, that is Serbia and Montenegro, appear as a practical and political but also as a theoretical problem which includes and combines several scientific disciplines. The phenomenon of regionalism is not contradictory although it is primarily expressed through the numerous conflicts of interests rivalry and antagonisms of political subjects. The problematic side of the phenomenon of regionalism includes the result of an extremely negative and existentially tragic experience of the several years-long disintegration of the complex Yugoslav state. During the partition and disintegration of the second Yugoslavia, there also happened the disintegration of the Serbian ethnic area Growth, support and instigation of regional tendencies occurred in the historical circumstances of secession and did not stop in the post-secession period. Particularization and segmentation of political area, as well as the disintegration of the former state, did not occur in accordance with the norms of internal and international law. Legality was late and was achieved within the transformation of power reflected in the changed territorial policy of the dominant alliance of great powers. The entire past decade was characterized by an extraordinary metamorphosis of political space. Secession trend had the territorial features which included the change of borders and had been long in the focus of the global geopolitical attention. Territories were divided and made smaller. Intensive territorial dynamics within the external silhouette of the de-stated SFR of Yugoslavia resulted in the creation of several state and quasi-state political formations. Former republics became semi-sovereign states. Dispersed and displaced Serbian ethnos was configured in the three territories: in the Republic of Serbia - from which Kosovo and Metohia were amputated and placed under the UN protectorate - in the entire Republic of Montenegro and in the Republic Srpska, located in one part of the former Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demopolitical result of the geopolitical destruction of the Serbian ethnos was a great movement of the Serbian population from the west to the east, and its concentration in the territory of the Republic of Serbia this implied that the Serbs were expelled from their millennia-long abodes in Croatia, parts of Bosnia and from Kosmet. The geo-economic result of the same process was the devastation of the national economic strength west of the Drina and in the southern province. Economic regression occurred also in the national parent-land state. Balkan re-arrangement of the spheres of interest in the post-bipolar period was in 1995. fixed by the interest arrangement of the great powers known under the name Dayton Peace Agreement. Redistribution of the territories from the destroyed state occurred in the post-communist period with the expansion of west-civilization structures to the European east Westernization of the eastern part of Europe, or entire Europe as the other pole of the global West, could be characterized as a dual mega-regionality. Namely, the west is composed of Europe and America; on the other side, there is the global East or its hybrid variation Eurasia. With the disappearance of their common state and its framework, south Slavs found themselves in the seemingly independent, and actually client states. Western delimitation of the south Slavic area moved from the Yugoslav borders towards a wider Balkan demarcation. One could say that the revitalized notion of the Balkans became a new, in many aspects obligatory framework for regional thinking. The Balkan macroregion is further determined by the intentions to expand the European Union. One of the Euro-centric concepts, which is being experimentally employed precisely in the Balkans, is the establishment of the so-called Europe of regions in the peripheral areas. On the other hand, even though the process of the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation appears to be irreversible, the superordinate Euro-American factor does not give up the possibility of the mezzo-regional initiatives, cooperations, associations and integrations. This "middle" level of dealing with the specificities of the Yugoslav region is related to the states and nations from the former Yugoslavia, or the so-called West Balkans. Naturally, it is not the tendency to revive the silhouette of the previous state, but certainly there is a noticeable intention to achieve a regional linking of the related, now semi-sovereign territories which sometimes belonged to the same state framework. The fourth level deals with microregionalism, that is the relation between the different areas in the newly-created states. It is interesting that the regionalist discourse is mostly cherished exactly in the ethno-heterogeneous Serbian area, although other Yugoslav states also have or had regional tradition and mixed population, like, for example, Slovenia and Croatia Nevertheless, these former Yugo-republics are structured as mono-national states, so the regional policy and ideology of regionalism are still not in the first plane. Regionalism within the newly-formed states could be supplemented with the micron level implying specific sub-regionalism of the highest degree, within the larger regions in the same state. This could be illustrated with Backa, Banat and Srem inside Vojvodina, understood as the northern Serbian region, or Kosovo and Metohia in the south of Serbia, in the province with the same name. In the part of Serbia outside the provinces, similar things could be said for Belgrade with its surroundings, Macva, Podrinje, Sumadija, Raska District etc. Thus, when it comes to the present FR of Yugoslavia, all five levels of regional dynamics have a principled, but insufficiently studied significance. Mega-regional level is related to the mark denoting the global belonging to the West. Macroregional level deals with the European loyalty, that is inclusion of the FR of Yugoslavia into the continental European trends. This trans-continental and continental direction of inclusion implies a historical teleology of the relative eastern belonging to the absolute West, that is Euro-America, and the entrance into the full structure of the European Union. All the mentioned problems of recognition and characterization of the regional phenomenology in the political topography of the world are motivated by the tendency to achieve as clear as possible spatial-temporal national and state orientation The direction is related to the so-called safety dilemma of the nation and the country faced with the change of size and essence of one's own state, with the different geopolitical position and redefined foreign-policy priorities. It is also the case of the changed alliance policy, and the innovated strategy of integration into the old and new global and regional political structures. On the basis of the indicated components of geopolitical context, one could say that the phenomenon of regions and their cognate correlates {regionally regionalization and regionalism) should not be understood exclusively through the legal categories of international law and the so-called constitutional solutions, that is administrative division of the state territory. Actually in the analysis of regions and regionalism in Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia it is necessary first to discuss the pre-normative or meta-le-gal factors in the creation of the regional issue within the national and state issue, which have the form of the unsolved political problem. Meta-legality is located within the domain of the international relations and geopolitic. Meta-legal or pre-normative factors of the formation or recognition of regions and regionalisms deal with the possibility of the political constitution of the Serbian, that is Serbian / Montenegrin (still Yugoslav) society. Since the unique state area was destroyed in the four-year secession wars and there occurred significant demopolitical changes, war migrations, forceful displacements and expulsion of the population - the ethnic character of many areas was also drastically changed. At the same time, the post-secession existence of the FR of Yugoslavia could be also viewed through the optics of the state residuum. The remaining Serbia or Serbia (temporarily) without Kosovo is certainly not an equivalent for the Serbian ethnic space, nor for the entire Serbian lands. It is not even the FR of Yugoslavia, as a dual con federation of the Serbian / Montenegrin nation. Geopolitical reduction of the SFR of Yugoslavia to a residual creation of the FR of Yugoslavia was not deduced from the legality sui generis, but resulted from a conflict, the defeat of integralism and the victory of separatism, as well as from a new triumphal configuration of power. The impulse implying the statism of the collective rights from the former complex federal necessarily-multinational level was transferred to a lower mononational level. Therefore, the regionalist ideology in the post-secession reality of the residual state almost inevitably, as a tendency, nears the separatory particularism. Even the lost national state and the state entirety are openly denied within the requests for the territorization of the collective rights of various minorities. Naturally these requests do not carry the primary features of the development of democracy. On the contrary, in the majority of cases this implies the rise of parish and tribal consciousness prone to narrow-minded separation. Thus the post-secession requests for the regionalization are often just a slight rhetorical mask for real separatism. For example, they are expressed through the pseudo-national separation of Vojvodina from Serbia, as well as Montenegro from Serbia, or through the establishment of state-like entities in the territorial tissue of Serbia Alleged arguments are found in the unfinished disintegration of the SFR of Yugoslavia on the one hand, and in the prevention of the creation of the so-called Greater Serbia, even within the diminished Serbia That way, even in the post-secession, reduced Serbia one could easily recognize the tendencies of federalization and confederalization, even the amputation of its remaining state space. Additional arguments for the crawling secession and prolonged territorial destruction are found in the ideology of globalization and world trends of relativizing territorial integrity and state sovereignty. On the other hand, the idea about the principled insignificance of borders in Europe without borders, as well as Europe of regions, is emphasized. Thus, it is obvious that the new state and regional delimitations and demarcations are in contradiction with the vision of the trans-statal and trans-national integrity of the European continent. In Serbia itself, me problem of the restructuring of regions is determined by the inherited and unchanged triple division of its territory into the central part and two autonomous provinces in the north and south. Thus every idea for regionalization (expert, party, leader's, NGO and the like) faces the inherited, too narrow constitutional framework and easily slides to the federalization or confederalization of the Republic, and in extreme cases to the independence and sovereignty of ethnic, religious, linguistic and other minorities. Roughly put, the tendencies for territorial separation from the Republic of Serbia still exist in several neuralgic and unstable areas or regions. In Vojvodina, the presented tendencies have the character of a meaningless internal - Serbian autonomy, autonomism, latent separatism. Authentic Serbian autonomy lost its original character long ago and deteriorated into an internal national re-statism. On the other hand, in the furthest south of Serbia, in Kosmet, the UN protectorate is established, but the region is actually occupied and thus the status of the Province is "frozen". In the three municipalities in the south of Serbia, with the relative Albanian majority, Albanian separatism smolders within the platform of the so-called east Kosovo. In the Raska region (Sandzak) there are also strong tendencies for separateness on the religious-ecclesiastical, so-called Bosniac platform, with religious solidarity, and ethnic and territorial unity of all Bosniacs. In the meta-legal or pre-normative situation - which most often denotes political and geopolitical context implying interests, power and force - the inclinations for territorial design are faced with the conflicting ideology of regionalism. Therefore, the constitutional-legal solutions of the former, present and future regions, generated within the self-created legality which does not respect meta-legal, political and geopolitical impulses regardless of how aestheticized and "humanized" they may be - at the end face the practical impossibility of realization.

The paper attempts to analyze the principle of self-determination in the international agenda focusing on Moscow´s foreign policy since Gorbachev´s rejection of the Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region constitutional request to separate from the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan in February 1988 through the successive crises in the Kosovo, the Caucasus and Ukraine. The central argument sustains that the apparent rejection to the principle of self-determination must be understood in the context of Moscow´s continued drive for hegemony in the geopolitical space of Eurasia, and more specifically, in the ex-Soviet space.

Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb – two most important universities in Serbia and Croatia. The results presented in the paper are based on the survey carried out by the author in 2013.

In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island, Nicosia has not recognized Turkish republic of Northern Cyprus, which caused that this secessionist creation does not become a member of the UN. Its independence is not full from the perspective of international law, and this fact that cannot be disputed in spite of the factual occupation of the northern part of island by Turkey. On the other side, Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh and forever lost half of its population and state territory. In return, half of its foreign debt was written off, 90,000 prisoners were released and 13,000 square kilometers of territory in western part of Pakistan, controlled by India, were returned. However, no one is offering anything similar to Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo. Debts of Kosovo towards IMF and World Bank are paid by Serbia. In addition, if Serbia recognized the independence of Kosovo, Serbia would lose about 100,000 Serbs living on that territory and about 1,200 square kilometers of territory in the northern part of Kosovo which is not controlled by Pristina. In that context, it is clear that principles of territorial integrity are still stronger in international law then right to self-determination. Postmodernist theories have a goal to hide that fact. Key of the independence of so-called ?Kosovo? is still in hands of Belgrade. That is why there are so many persistent attempts and strong pressures from the West to recognize the independence of ?Kosovo?. Example of Cyprus shows how to resist those attempts within the framework of public international law (by applying the principles of territorial integrity). However, if in the future Serbia chooses the same approach as Pakistan in the case of Bangladesh, Kosovo will be lost forever. At that moment, it would be clear that the relations of great powers in the world have changed.

Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.

Crimea’s secession from Ukraine and its annexation to the Russian Federation invoked Kosovo precedent, in its declaration of independence, as an argument for secession. The territorial referendum in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, only five days after the declaration of independence, was an attempt to justify the secession based on the right to selfdetermination of the people of Crimea. It is overwhelmingly considered illegal and its outcome has not been accepted and recognized by states, regional and international organizations. The comparative elements of statehood and secession between Kosovo and Crimea are reflected through analyzing the declarations of independence, international recognition and Russia’s role as a third-state factor in external selfdetermination. Essential distinctions are highlighted. Kosovo is widely acknowledged and accepted a sui generis case. Its declaration of independence came as result of a long monitored comprehensive process; not to legitimize the right for self-determination but as the final option for stability and peace in the region. Crimea seceded in violation of international law through the use of force. While Kosovo is a democratic, multi-ethnic new state and recognized by 107 states, the secession of Crimea and its annexation to the Russian Federation is considered illegal and endangers the existing international order.

This paper revisits the status prospects for Taiwan in light of recent events in Kosovo and Tibet. In both cases, and certainly in Taiwan itself, the long standing contest between claims for self determination and the tenacious defence of the principle of the territorial integrity of states has emerged once again to dominate the analysis of these cases. This contest is particularly dramatic in the divided international response to the independence of Kosovo. In the case of Tibet, widespread international support for Tibet is in sharp contrast to the furious and determined resistance of China. Taiwan’s anomalous status remains that of a legal sovereign state, the Republic of China, enjoying some measure of recognition and formal diplomacy and a de facto state whose international relations are confined to paradiplomatic channels, extensive though they are. The paper considers the prospects for changes in the current anomalous status of the island state.

The paper presents the structural elements of the concepts of integration and disintegration. The second part analyzes the Serbian disintegration in the SFRY. With the disintegration of the SFRY, one issue particularly affected the Serbs, actually the parts of the Serbian people who lived in the former Yugoslav republics. The unconstitutional, violent separatist political movements in Slovenia, Croatia, BiH, Montenegro and the self-proclaimed NATO states of Kosovo and Metohija had to confront the Serbs who remained in these newly created states with a choice: be committed to national integration or remain loyal to the new national separatist authorities? The issue of treason as the ultimate form of national disintegration is considered. In the third part, the basic causes of national disintegration in the Serbian people during the 6th century are pointed out.

The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.

After decades of sanguineous struggle for political and economic self-determination, the peoples of South Sudan eventually voted en masse for the emergence of the newest African state: the Republic of Southern Sudan. Beyond the euphoria of national liberation, however, this article traces similar experi-ences in the assertion of self-determination and how their dynamics could relate to post-liberation Southern Sudan. It is argued that beneath the broadly unifying theme of ‘national’ resistance to northern oppression lies more complex and ongoing struggles over the ownership and control of core historical narratives, identities, symbols and resources. Despite the pervasive ambience of fear, scepticism and caution in which Southern Sudan will ultimately emerge as a full-fledged sovereign state in July 2011, this article highlights certain variables that could turn out to be the lessons for and from this embryonic state. While not failing to point to the inherent frailties of this new state, this article strongly canvasses the collaboration of internal and external forces in turning Southern Sudan’s challenges and opportunities into veritable vehicles for making this entity a successful African story in post-independence nation-building and development as well as a unique contribution to self-determination discourses in an atmos-phere of sustainable peace and prosperity.

Having in mind the number of countries that have recognized the independently proclaimed state of Kosovo, contrary to the principles of international law that does not recognize self-determination and secession, as well as those countries that have not recognized it, it can be concluded that the area of Kosovo and Metohija, as an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Serbia, has no status of an internationally recognized country. On the other hand, taking into account the natural resources in the area of the Kosovo-Metohija basin, especially mineral wealth, Kosovo and Metohija with its geoeconomic potential has not accidentally found itself in the global geopolitical pattern defined by the US. By aggression on the FRY, that is, the RS, NATO forces led by the US brought the area of Kosovo and Metohija under control in the form of a protectorate of the already instrumentalized UN. Namely, in line with Joseph Nye's theory of "hard and soft power", the Kosovo-Metohija region, or the southern Serbian province, was placed under "hard occupation", i.e. the patronage of NATO forces called KFOR. The "elasticity" of international law that characterizes political relations among the existing powers and power centres on a global scale produces a high level of mutual competition for resources, security and economic prestige, increasing the potential for escalating conflicts. Therefore, in addition to the increasingly pronounced security and crisis aspects, it is necessary to look at the geoeconomic and geopolitical place, importance and role of Kosovo and Metohija, as one of the currently greatest NATO bases in Europe and as an imperialist reflection of the US and/or a perspective expression of the RS.

Sustainable development is the concept of a relationship between economic growth and the environment and especially when it comes to a new born country, such as Kosovo. It is naturally important for Kosovo as country, which used to be for a long time with no adequate attention in terms of the economic development under the Yugoslavian political, legal and economic development. Republic of Kosovo is among the richest countries in Europe and wider, seen on the perspective of natural and human resources as well as for geographical position. Nevertheless, the country never had the opportunity to develop itself, using its own resources. Internationally, based on Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights as well as the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, when speaking for self-determination, apart from politics, these documents include the exclusive rights of nations to develop research as well as to orient its country economic resources and economic agenda. Therefore paper aims to present facts on the implication of domestic and international politics in relation to the economic development of a new born country. The analysis will be focused on the policies of Kosovo, as well as activities undertaken in the direction of building an attracting environment in Kosovo for Foreign Direct and Indirect Investments as well as to incite local and international initiatives for business, aiming the general economic growth and the economical sustainability of the state.

The main stages of the implementation of a scientific project on the formation of professional self-determination of students with special educational needs are discussed in the article. The project "Formation of professional self-determination of students with special educational needs (SEN) as a national strategy for inclusive education in the Republic of Kazakhstan" was launched in 2022. The purpose of the project: scientific substantiation and practical implementation of the program-methodical support of psychological and pedagogical accompaniment for the process of forming the readiness of students with special educational needs for professional self-determination, taking into account the strategy of inclusive education in the Republic of Kazakhstan. The project involves lecturers of the Department of Pedagogy and Educational Management and the Department of General and Applied Psychology of the Faculty of Philosophy and Political Science of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University. The article was prepared as a part of the funding of the Project: ИРН АР 14872130 "Formation of professional self-determination of students with special educational needs (SEN) as a national strategy in the field of inclusive education in the Republic of Kazakhstan", which won the Grant following the results of the Competition of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan for grant funding of scientific and ( or) scientific and technical projects for 2022-2024, as well as the goal of the sustainable development goals (“Sustainable Development Goals”, 2023), i.e. education, where among the indicators is ensuring access to inclusive education, within the framework of the concept of lifelong education. Keywords: advanced training courses, professional self-determination, students with special educational needs

The 1980s caught Albanians in Kosova in interesting social, political, and psychological circumstances. Two diametrically opposed dogmatic dilemmas took shape: “illegal groups” – considerably supported by students – demanded the proclamation of the Republic of Kosova and/or Kosova's unification with Albania. On the other side of the spectrum, “modernists” – gathering, among others, the political and academic elites – pushed for the improvement of rights of Kosovars guaranteed under the “brotherhood and unity” concept advocated within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This paper outlines the nature of demonstrations that took place in March and April 1981 and the corresponding responses of political and academic elites. Stretching beyond symbolic academic reasons – demands for better food and dormitory conditions – the study points to the intense commitment of the students to their demands, often articulated in nationalistic terms. Was it inevitable that the structure of the SFRY would lead to those living in Kosova as a non-Slavic majority in a federation of “Southern Slavs” to articulate demands for national self-rule? It is necessary to highlight these political and social complexities through analytical approaches in order to track the students' goals and to reexamine assumptions behind the “modernist” agenda. In that vein, the paper analyzes the conceptual connections and differences between student reactions and modernists' positions during the historical period under discussion here.

This article discusses the history of the formation of an autonomous democratic republic in Turkestan, which went down in history under the name Turkiston Mukhtoriyati. It also highlights the development of the ideology of the national liberation movement, socio-political changes in Turkestan after February 1917, the ideological views and activities of progressives for the creation of national democratic statehood, the desire of Turkestans to self-determination of their fate, the formation of the idea of autonomy, and the involvement of the peoples of Turkestan in the autonomist movement.

The study investigates the phenomena of national-cultural self-determination of Kabardino-Balkarian Republic ethnic communities in the framework of Russian civic identity. The main di-rections of scientific research devoted to national-cultural self-determination and its relationship with civil identity are examined, as well as how the wide diversity of the ethnic composition of the country’s population or its individual region necessarily places the task of maintaining stabil-ity in the sphere of interethnic relations on the shoulders of the leadership. The Kabardino-Balkarian Republic’s legal backing and control of national relations, as well as the operation of national cultural centers, are discussed. Particular emphasis is placed on the activities of the Ka-bardino-Balkarian Republic’s Ministry of National Affairs and public projects aimed at achieving civil, interethnic, and interfaith harmony in the region.

In the paper, the author attempted to reveal the influence of the idea of self-determination on the emerging (in the historical and legal context) world order, taking into account the rapidly developing political and legal processes in the 18th-21st centuries. Attention is given to the use of the relevant law by certain states in their national interests, which, in the conditions of instability of the international system, makes self-determination an object of numerous influences, interpretations and restrictions. Considering cases from international practice and documents, the author concludes that over the centuries the concept of self-determination has undergone many transformations and was considered as a tool for redrawing the borders of Europe in the early and middle of the 19th century, after the end of the First World War and before the collapse of the USSR and Yugoslavia. As a mechanism of decolonization, and at the turn of the 20th–21st centuries — as a tool for fragmenting the political map of the world using the ethnic factor as a basis. Quite interesting are the conclusions about the impact of the institution of human rights, remedial secession, external and internal forms of self-determination, globalization processes on the development of the relevant law. The paper, along with other examples, examines the impact of real politics and the existence of double standards when considering issues of international legal recognition of Kosovo in the event of secession from Serbia and the annexation of Crimea to the Russian Federation.

The article “Fundamental politico-legal principles for self-determination rights of nations and nationalities” provides description of principles for self-determination rights of nations and nationalities during different epochs. The principles for self-determination rights of nations and nationalities was formulated during the Age of Enlightenment and French Revolution as a theoretical weapon against Feudal State laws and against the Tsar regime and serfdom in Russia during the first quarter of XIX century. The Democratic movements in Russia, USA and European countries were mostly interested in overthrowing monarchies rather than in rights of nations. Soviet government required class and dialectic approach serving to the interest of Bolsheviks. When speaking about “rights of nations” or “rights of nationalities” W. Wilson intentionally forgot the “rights” of the native minor nations and nationalities and national minorities. So the issue of self-determination right for nations and nationalities remained unsettled. In early XX century Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and now Azerbaijan İndependent Republic provided the nations and nationalities living in the territory with the free space for development “regardless their sex, race, nationality, religious belief, social origin, political belief and other circumstances. In this case each nation, nationality and ethnic group must implement the level of their quality characteristics: steps and extent of development, number, occupied territory etc

The issue of subjects of the right to self-determination is one of the most controversial issues in the theory of international law. The author, researching etymology, as well as cases of application of concepts “people” and “nation”, pays attention to their interchangeability and sometimes identification. The author proposes to view people (in a narrow sense) as a spatial, related to a particular socio-economic, linguistic, cultural and spiritual way of life, of individuals. Broadly speaking, a people is characterized as a social community that acquires a political identity and thereby becomes a nation, under certain circumstances, a State. The article proposed criteria for the self-determination of peoples and nations in accordance with the current international order and architecture. The research focuses on institutions such as uti possidetis juris and remedial secession. The author’s analysis of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on Kosovo is of some interest. In considering the problem of indigenous and small-numbered peoples and national minorities, the author proceeds from the possibility that they may exercise their right to self-determination in the form of territorial autonomy or self-organization (self-government), depending on their number, characteristics of resettlement and other circumstances. Both models (territorial and extraterritorial) are designed to give indigenous peoples their identity, based, inter alia, on established traditions and customs, Development in accordance with the fundamental laws of the State and the norms of international law, while preserving the stability and territorial integrity of the State. On the basis of the jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee, various aspects of the legal personality of individuals in the exercise of the right to self-determination have been examined.

The article analyzes the process of transformation in the projects of national self-determination of the Chuvash people from a national cultural autonomy and labor commune to autonomous region and subsequent transformation into a republic. On the basis of archival documents and scientific research, it is concluded that creation of an autonomous region was the first and the most important stage in the formation of national statehood. The choice of autonomy became the best option for national and state building compared to associations based solely on cultural community. Transformation of the Chuvash Autonomous Region into the Chuvash ASSR completed the formation of the main contours in political development and strengthened the national culture. The Republic was granted with its own authorities, the right to its own Constitution and development of other state acts on the internal life of Chuvashia, as well as the right to independently decide local issues, related to the identity of the ethnic group.

It is relevant for the further progress and development of Ukraine to study the ascending legal foundations that laid the foundations of the constituent power of the people as the source, bearer and sovereign subject of power. The first stage of the Ukrainian people’s sovereignty process was completed during the National Liberation War of 1648–1657 with the formation and legalization of the institutions of the Ukrainian Cossack state, which was recognized as a subject of international relations. The next stage of the sovereignty of the Ukrainian people, as asocial subject of Ukrainian state-building, began in Western Ukrainian lands with the “Spring of Nations” in 1848 and ended with the formation of its own sovereign state-the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic. In Trans-Dnieper Ukraine, this stage began at the end of the 19th century. and ended in the period of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of 1917–1921 with the restoration of national statehood. The state sovereignty of the Ukrainian People’s Republic was realized through a dialectical combination of the right of nations to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity of the state. After the announcement by the Russian Soviet party leadership of the date of formation of the USSR on December 30, 1922, the Ukrainian SSR actually lost the opportunity to exercise the sovereign rights of the Ukrainian people and the state. During the dismantling of the Union of the SSR, the Ukrainian people used the right to self-determination, which is enshrined in the provisions of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine dated July 16, 1990. A detailed analysis of legal acts that regulated the issues of external and internal sovereignty and legal personality of the Ukrainian people (nation) and the state in different historical periods will make it possible to objectively assess the formality and reality of Ukraine’s sovereignty in different historical periods. Key words: Ukraine, people’s sovereignty, nation-state self-determination, people’s right to self-determination, sovereignty, Cossack-Hetman era, UNR, Directory, ZUNR,Ukrainian SSR, juridification of Ukraine’s sovereignty, normative and legal component,historical significance

This article examines the education strategy of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), the state-in-exile with partial sovereignty on “borrowed territory” in Algeria. The article, which opens with a historical glance at the conflict, argues that SADR’s education program not only succeeded in fostering self-reliance by developing skilled human resources, but was forward looking, using education as a vehicle to instill “new traditions of citizenship” and a new imagined national community, in preparation for future repatriation. In managing refugee camps as provinces of a state, the boundaries between the “refugee” as status and the “citizen” as a political identity were blurred. However,the stalled decolonization process and prolonged exile produced new challenges and consequences. Rather than using the skilled human resources in an independent stat eof Western Sahara, the state-in-limbo forced SADR andthe refugees to adapt to a deadlocked conflict, but not necessarily with negative outcomes to the national project.

The aim of this article is to expand upon the considerations initiated in the first part of the article on the manifestations of the progressive sovietization of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the early 1930s. The article addresses a thesis according to which the sovietization of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the years in question prevented the implementation of Ukrainian national liberation slogans. It was also an unfavorable direction in the broader context of Poland’s security in regard to the policy pursued by Moscow as well as the proximity of the Second Polish Republic to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The presented arguments have led to the conclusion that the sovietization of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the early 1930s nullified the chance for implementing Ukrainian national liberation slogans. The policy pursued by the Soviet Union led to full integration of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the structures of the Soviet state. The sovietization methods limited the right to self-determination of the Ukrainian people. The diversity of methods and spheres covered by the phenomenon of sovietization in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was one of the most important determinants of the effectiveness of this process in the early 1930s.

This article discusses the modern world as the kind of ethnic explosion, the concrete manifestations of which are the growth of the significance of ethnic identity, increasing people’s interest in their roots, traditions, culture and history. The demand for social balance related to ethnic and cultural specifics has noticeably revived. We can say that ethnic communities are real, stable historical formations, and ethnicity is an important, constantly acting factor of the social development. At different times it manifests in different ways, in the situation of serious social transformations that we are currently experiencing, there is the surge in ethnicity. These contradictions are reflected in the Republic of Kazakhstan due to its multinational composition. On the one hand, there are processes of forming the single identity instead of the national identity, based on the citizenship, and on the other hand, there is growing interest in the national culture and traditions. In the modern society people have the right to choose their ethnic self-determination and freedom of self-identification with the particular ethnic and national community, which is guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

The objective of this article is to challenge the widespread interpretation of interwar East Central Europe as a hotbed of excessive nationalism, by establishing a longue durée of federalist thinking in Estonia in the first half of the twentieth century. By focusing on personal continuities from the founding years of the Estonian Republic into the 1940s, it is possible to detect a remarkable persistence of ‘idealist’ visions about intra and interstate federalism that had been internalized by Estonian statesmen before and during the First World War and earlier. Apart from establishing the continuity of federalist thought the article analyzes the political discourse in which the concept of national self-determination was picked up. The primary framework for Estonian thinkers on nationality was the debate that developed within the all-Russian socialist movement in the context of the nationality problems of the multinational Western provinces and Congress Poland. The discourse on territorial and cultural autonomy within a federative Russia, demands that came to the fore in 1905, developed only after the idea of self-determination entered the thinking of Estonian radicals. Until late 1917, asserting the right to self-determination by no means meant separation from Russia. Even after 1917 Estonian politicians imagined the future republic as part of a regional league or union relinquishing part of its sovereignty to a supranational authority, plans that foundered on the incompatibility of national interests by 1920. Although the experience had not been encouraging, Baltic politicians resuscitated federalist concepts in the early period of the Second World War, as they tried to envisage a new structure for a cooperative and autonomous East Central Europe, within a restored Europe.

The article outlines the 1914-1918 discussion on establishing national autonomies in the nonRussian regions of the Empire when the First World War made the national question extremely urgentboth for the central government and national elite; analyses the activity of Latvian nationaldemocratic leaders for solving the national question in their respective regions. Many representativesof the Latvian elite chose to Russify, but others, nationally oriented, became carries of the emerging national identity of their people, leading the national movement for self-determination. The electedNational Land Councils started corresponding reforms, while the Bolsheviks who were also present in these Councils made efforts to undermine the creation of autonomies. The dissolution of theConstituent Assembly in January, 1918 marked the end of the hopes for national autonomies within the Russian Democratic Federal Republic.

The study outlines the problems of the “national school” concept formation in content of the “old school” (to 1918) conditions, and discusses how its understanding significant changes after the founding of the Latvian Republic, how this concept revealing in the new options of democracy and national self-determination. The study is looking for a meaning that included in the LSS concept of “national education” and LNSS concept of “education on the national - cultural grounds”. In Latvia from the 1918th to the 1934th the concept of "National school" in activities of lead teacher’s professional organizations (LSS and LNSS) are not developed in a holistic approach. Idea of “National school” in this time is active, it formed in a new discourse of integrated democratic nation – try to include all national minorities.

Florynka Republic 1918-1921The main part of the article is a synthesis of the issues discussed by the author in his book Działalność polityczna Łemków na Łemkowszczyźnie 1918‑1921 [Political activity of the Lemkos in the Lemko Region in 1918‑1921]. The author presents successive phases of the activity of the Lemko elites who were inspired by the message expressed by Woodrow Wilson in his speech about the nations’ right to self-determination. The article quotes the demands formulated at national councils, reconstructs the structure of administration and government and demonstrates the connections between and the political agenda of the leaders who comprised the Ruthenian National Republic of the Lemkos. Furthermore, the author emphasizes the mutual attitudes between the Poles and the Lemkos in that period, as well as the restrictions imposed on the Lemko population and discusses how the Lemko Republic ended after its leaders were arrested and then acquitted several months later at a court trial. This synthesis is preceded by a contemporary introduction whose primary goal is to present the state of research that has been carried out since 1997.

The process of creating the Albanian Federation, respectively the acceleration level, is combined with the EU integration process, respectively disintegration process. Certainly, the process of creating the Albanian Federation, as a political project does not face with the challenges the European Political Union project is facing, but the approach to the EU challenges will make us more clear the process from where could be outlined the creation of Albanian Federation. Divergences between the new and older EU members, but also between the EU member states that have national heterogeneity and as consequence were not allowed to pass the Rubicon of internal self-determination, different ethnicities within national borders ( Spain, Romania, Cyprus, Slovakia and Greece ) with those who present the type of homogeneous state ( Germany, Italy, Sweden, Slovenia, etc.. ), are reflected in the attitude towards Kosovo and, generally, the right to self-determination. Comparative overview of theses of Applied Policy Research Center ( CAP, Muenchen ) on possible trends in the development of European integration processes, in relation to the process of creating Albanian Federation to the first and fifth scenario results to be small, while to the fourth scenario this possibility seems to be big. The fourth scenario, combined with elements of the second scenario, it seems to be exactly that, in current circumstances is considered the most probable to be realized, but that goes in favour of the creation process of the Albanian Federation. Creation of the Albanian Federation should be regarded as a contribution to sustainable peace in the region. Albanian Federation could play a positive role in deepening the transatlantic relationship

This paper has studied the issue of agitations for self-determination in Nigeria from an African philosophical point of view. It studied these agitations in the light of the amalgamation treaty of 1914, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and most importantly, extant international laws. The beauty of this piece is that it focused on major issues which constitute the basis for the agitations for self-determination in Nigeria namely religious marginalization, ethnic marginalization, economic marginalization and political marginalization. The burden of this piece is the issue of the problem of co-existence in Nigeria. This paper articulated its position based on Igwebuike philosophy as a theoretical framework, which emphasizes dialogue, justice and inclusive leadership as indispensable pathways to integration and national unity. For the purpose of this study, the historical and analytical methods of inquiry were patronized given that historical events were studied and the outcome of such events analysed. It submits that, rather than using force to quell the agitation for self-determination, the path of justice, dialogue and inclusive leadership should be explored as most cases of cessation are responses to the absence of these state ideals.

The formation of the ideology and leadership role of the Korean Communist Party took place in the conditions of overcoming the negative influence of the Yoshida doctrine. Korean communists attributed the failure of both the Korean national liberation movement and the early communist movement to the influence of the Yoshida Doctrine. Bourgeois nationalists concentrated their efforts on searching for a “powerful power” that they could rely on in the struggle for independence. However, they did not consider the Korean people as a subject in this struggle. This fact determined the defeat of the bourgeois nationalist movement and contributed to the preservation of foreign domination. Korean communists waged an ideological struggle against the Yoshida Doctrine, striving for an ideological theory of self-determination. This became the source and foundation of the future “Juche ideology” – the basic principle of North Korean socialism associated with political independence and economic self-sufficiency. Only under the leadership of the working class and its political parties was it possible to formulate the correct strategies and tactics, carry out the armed struggle for independence in an organized manner, overcome the fragmentation and spontaneity of the struggle and achieve victory in the struggle for national independence. In the process of fighting for the complete elimination of the “Yoshida Doctrine” in their minds, the Korean communists, represented by Kim Il Sung, created their own political party and determined the main principle of the struggle: to consider the people as the main force of it. The creation of a political party and the determination of the status of the people as the main subject became the main and direct sources of the Korean “Juche ideology”.

This paper presents the key moments in the develpment of socialist Yugoslavia, including its disingegration, that is post-socialist transition or the period when the etno-nationalist elites took over ruling power and broke apart not only Yugoslavia but socialist system that created it. The politics of socialist Yugoslavia itself oscilated between: authoritative one-party politics and democratic tendencies expressed through self-management politics; state unitarism and national separatism; priciples of equality and liberty; international socialist cosmopolitanism and antiimperial national self-determination; bolshevik exlusiveness and restrictivity and socialdemocratic openess; politics of the West and the East... It was depending on historical context that one tendency was dominant over the other. But in any case, the politics of socialist Yugoslavia was directed towards finding its own path of development of the state and socialist society, which—regardless of its internal controversies— managed to create a new political community at the same time maintain the exhisting one. In the context of development of DFJ (Democratic Federal Yugoslavia), but also FNRJ (Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia), and then SFRJ (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), Bosnia and Herzegovina had a very important role. Bosnia and Herzegovina was constituted through the decisions of ZAVNOBiH (the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) presented on its founding meeting on November 25, 1943 in Mrkonjić Grad and recognized as one of the Republics within State Federation of Yugoslavia that same year on the Second Session of AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) which took place on November 29 in Jajce. The author focuses on the significance of anti-fascism, which recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina and was based on the notion that this republic acts as a bridge that connects South Slavic community in political and symbolic sense.

The aim of the article is to cover the process of formation of the idea and determine the stages of legalization of the sovereignty of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, and to prevent falsifi cation of history, mythmaking and manipulation of facts that are means of Russia’s information war against Ukraine. According to Jackson’s concept, sovereignty is an objective reality that does not require anyone’s approval, but involves its use as the basis of other state and legal phenomena. Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that in October-November 1918 the sovereignty of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic (ZUNR) was legalized in the western Ukrainian lands that were part of Austria-Hungary, which was the result of development and self-determination of the Ukrainian people of Eastern Galicia. Transcarpathia. We can distinguish the main stages of the legalization of the sovereignty of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic: the fi rst - the conclusion of a secret Brest agreement of the Ukrainian Central Council with Austria-Hungary from February 9 (January 27), 1918; the second - the National Chamber on October 19, 1918 in Lviv, which proclaimed an independent Ukrainian state in the lands of Austria-Hungary; third – the transfer of all power by the representatives of the Austro-Hungarian government by the governors of Galicia to the Ukrainian National Council in accordance with the imperial manifesto of Charles I and the rules of international law; fourth - the adoption by the Ukrainian National Council at a meeting on November 13, 1918 of the Constitution of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic - «Temporary Basic Law on State Independence of the Ukrainian lands of the former Austro-Hungarian monarchy.» Key words: history of law, sovereignty, legalization of sovereignty, Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, people’s sovereignty, state sovereignty.

This article is devoted to the signs of the manifestation of ethnic revival through national symbols in the elements of clothing of modern Kazakh society. The object of the study is Kazakhstanis living in the city of Astana, the age of the study participants: 16 - 30 years, which corresponds to the age qualification of the youth of the republic in the law on youth. The purpose of the study: to study the semantic features of the use of national symbols in the clothes of modern Kazakh youth. To achieve the purpose of the study, an applied empirical study was conducted using the Google Forms. Based on the theoretical analysis and analysis of the data obtained on this study, it was concluded that the ethnic revival of modern Kazakh society manifests itself vividly through the use of national symbols in the clothes of Kazakhstanis, for self-identification, self-manifestation and the construction of their own image with distinctive characteristics. This phenomenon of self-determination and demonstration of one's ethnic uniqueness is a transformation of Kazakh society due to changes in the standards of successful socialization of young people through the adoption of ethnic characteristics, new ideas and an increase in the importance of ethno-cultural values, ethnic self-identification manifested in interaction, the choice of external attributes emphasizing uniqueness and ethnicity. The analysis of the manifestation of ethnic revival through symbolic images used in clothing today is one of the important elements of the study of the peculiarities of social interaction in the country, not only for Kazakhstani researchers but also for foreign colleagues focused on the peculiarities of the development and change of social groups.

Problems of building a new democratic Russia based on federative principles and the region's long-refractory “national question,” forming a knotty tangle of complicated issues, have steadily remained in the political limelight. In a number of regions worldwide dramatic changes have occurred, related in one way or the other to the processes of national-territorial self-determination. As a result of this, the Eurasian political landscape has been marked by the emergence of some twenty newly independent states. Suffice it to say that the Soviet Union, a preponderant superpower feared by all, collapsed; and in Europe the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia ceased to exist, bringing on a long-term national conflict threatening not only regional but even global security. In East Central Europe binational Czechoslovakia split up into two independent nation states. Elsewhere, even in the absence of militarized national conflict, political processes have dramatically intensified. In Asia, for example, the multinational Chinese Republic with its Tibetan and Uighur problems, and ethnically heterogeneous India with its population speaking more than 400 languages and dialects have long attracted public attention as sources of potential instability in the region. The “Sikh issue” alone, for instance, continues to pose a threat to India. Even the North American continent, a peaceful region in terms of its political and ethnic stability, is confronted with similar problems. The integrity of Canada is still in question with the franco-lingual province of Quebec striving for independence.

Introduction. National autonomies arose during the period of nation-building as a form of overcoming the backwardness of non-Russian peoples. The article examines the features of the formation of the Mordovian autonomy, as well as the nature and results of the transformation of the region during its existence. Materials and Methods. The tasks of the article are realized through the analysis of documents from the Central State Archive of the Republic of Mordovia. Results. The Mordovian autonomy was formed in a decade later than the rest, in the context of a paradigm shift in the national policy of the USSR from national self-determination to centralization. The Union Center was interested in measures to support the Mordovian national culture, languages, printing, book publishing and the involvement of the Mordovian population in socialist transformations. Significant progress in the development of the region’s industry was achieved through centralized investments and was accompanied by an increase in the urban population of the republic and an increase in the importance of the Russian language. Discussion and Conclusion. The Mordovian autonomy was formed at a time when the national periphery turned from subjects into objects of the center’s policy. Providing support for the national school, languages and culture, the center blocked the nativization of the bureaucracy and the translation of office work into Mordovian languages, trying to prevent ethnonationalism. In the second half of the 20th century, high rates of industrial development of Mordovia and universal bilingualism of the Mordovian population were ensured. Against the background of these achievements, the 1978 Constitution confirmed the status of the republic as an object of the center’s transformative activities, without forming mechanisms to realize the interests of the local population. Having played the role of the most important instrument of modernization, the Mordovian autonomy ensured the development of the republic’s productive forces, the formation of bilingualism of the Mordovian population, and the involvement of the Mordovians in the union-wide socio-political context. Since the population of the republic was considered by the authorities not as a subject, but as an object of transformation, the results of the policy were not only intensive modernization processes, but also serious social and infrastructural imbalances, causing a crisis of Soviet national policy.

O College dear, we praise theeFor pointing to the starsWith faith and hope unswervingWhich no weak vision marsThy service unrestrictedBy race or class or creed;Thy love so freely offered,Its only claim-our need.-Anthem of the American College for Girls, IstanbulHalide Edib (1883-1964) was one of modern Turkey's most celebrated women. Author, feminist, nationalist, modernist, educator, and member of the National Assembly, she identified her person and career with the transformation of Turkey into a modern secular republic. Educated in the internationalist spirit of the American College for Girls in Istanbul, she was, throughout her life, a cosmopolitan intellectual with an international audience. Edib's personal transition from Ottoman society to the new nationalist elite, and her homeland's transition from empire to republic, posed no insurmountable historical, social, and cultural discontinuities; hers was a nationalism that, although grounded in Western notions of emancipation and self-determination, asserted with confidence its distinct identity and autonomy from the West.

The Holodomor in Melitopol region was a fragment of a long hybrid battle between the Russian- Bolshevik authorities and the Ukrainian people. Stalin's genocide by means of the Holodomor, terror, and deportations was aimed at destroying the conscious part of the Ukrainian political nation in order to undermine its ability to self-determination. The "devastating blow" of the famine was inflicted, first of all, on the rural periphery of the USSR, where ethnic Ukrainians made up about 90% of the population. However, the Holodomor did not choose according to nationality - Bulgarian, German, Russian, and Czech villages were also affected in the Melitopol region. It was the common Calvary of the people and its deadly cathedral. Our calculations of the victims of famine in Melitopol region need to be clarified, but they testify to many times greater losses in this "quiet war" than in other pre-war years. The Moscow Center committed the crime of genocide both in Melitopol region and throughout Ukraine. The leadership of the colonial republic, in fact, admitted to complicity in the genocide, when the first secretary of the Central Committee of the CP(b)U V. Kosior reported to Stalin on March 15, 1933, that the "starvation" was a means of teaching unruly collective farm workers mind. Stalin's genocide was a deliberate implementation of Lenin's strategic plan to liberate fertile lands from the "surplus" population and at the same time tame the rebellious Ukrainian peasants with hunger. A pre-emptive strike was made against the republic, which, according to Stalin, threatened imperial integrity with separatism and undermined the power of Moscow. Russian's new attempt to defeat Ukraine in an existential war and the latest genocide of the people, in particular, in the temporarily occupied multinational Melitopol region, convinces that the process of increasing knowledge about the Holodomor at the regional level is receiving new momentum and actualization.

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.

This article deals with the problems of the formation of the predecessor of the modern Donetsk People’s Republic - Donetsk province and traces its incorporation into the RSFSR, and then the transition to the Ukrainian SSR. April 26, 1920 should be recognized as the date of the entry of Donbass into the Russian Soviet Republic, when the RSFSR recognized the decision of the Soviet government on the allocation of the new province borders. Nowadays, archival data allow us to conclude that there is no legal transfer of the Donetsk province of the Ukrainian SSR. At the end of 1920, the territory of Donetsk province was politically recognized by the Bolsheviks as Soviet Ukraine, without observing the constitutional procedure for the region’s withdrawal from the Russian Federation. The Ukrainian SSR received its political recognition as a national republic - the Ukrainian people exercised their right to secede. Donbass emerged on the basis of self-determination of the workers of this region, who fought for independence and Soviet power. The author shows which variants of the borders of the Donetsk province were originally intended and on what principles the inclusion of individual territories in its composition was based.

Between the years 1949 and 1953 the leaders of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia embarked on a series of radical social and economic reforms that restructured state–society relations in line with a decentralized, participatory model of socialism. “Self-management socialism,” as this system became known, served to harmonize local revolutionary ambitions with the embedded liberalism of the postwar international order into which Yugoslavia sought to integrate. During the early reform period Yugoslav intellectuals reorganized socialist ideology around new understandings of autonomy and creativity in ways that resonated with liberal traditions and diverged sharply from the Soviet paradigm. These concepts informed Yugoslav ideas of social self-management and national self-determination and facilitated the country's orientation to the postcolonial world. They also underpinned the new realm of cultural production, where reformers such as Miroslav Krleža and Marko Ristić mobilized this new concern with autonomous creativity to revive previously discarded aesthetic theories of interwar modernism.

The article deals with the problem of women’s rights and a perception of their role in society via a prism of two Ukrainian-language newspapers of interwar Poland in the context of socio-political-realities of that period. The article aims to present a perception of role and rights of a Ukrainian woman in the interwar society by the West Ukrainian press. The text shows both the image of a Ukrainian woman as a devoted wife and mother, family pillar, as well as the person responsible for maintaining both the national identity of future generations and celebrating national and religious traditions. The role in the self-determination of women, their attempts to emancipate in the lower social classes of the Second Polish Republic in the environment of the Ukrainian national minority were also highlighted, specifically through the process of creating specific features and the image of a woman by the Ukrainianlanguage press. We elucidated that the image created by the mentioned periodicals was significantly different from the trend prevailing among the citizens of the Second Polish Republic (Rzecz Pospolita). The article concludes that for the «Ukrainskyi Holos» and «Nash Lemko» newspapers the role of women did not end with the reproductive function and future generations’ education, but also in the freely scientific and professional activities of women. Keywords: Western Ukrainian press, feminism, emancipation, women’s rights, interwar period.