Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Segregation in education – kosovo (republic)“

After the war in Kosovo (1999) many powers concentrated in school were drawn out the former Department of Education, led by UNMIK. Many responsibilities were transferred from central to local level in the period from 2003 until 2010, but there was no assignment at school. Obviously, the return of powers to schools is having many difficulties. The Ministry of Education, Science and Technology in Republic of Kosovo has still no clear strategy on how to make the decentralization of educational system. This paperwork deals with analysis of the existence of capacities for successful implementation of decentralization process of school system. It also identifies the challenges and difficulties faced by principals and teachers in meeting the school needs because of a lack of competencies in school management. The study uses survey data generated from 29 primary and secondary school principals and 172 primary and secondary school teachers in Republic of Kosovo. According to the survey and interview results, schools in Kosovo do not enjoy autonomy. Their needs are addressed at the municipal level. Key words: decentralization, capacities, roles, legal infrastructure, pre- university education.

This paper discusses gender equality concerns within higher education, politics and examines the gender related policies introduced in Kosovo. Gender differences emerge in primary and secondary education partly because traditional gender roles and stereotypes tend to be reproduced in schools. These differences are then reflected in and further strengthened by the choices made and opportunities open to women and men at the higher levels of education and vocational training. Therefore, it is important to examine whether and how Kosovo attempt to combat these inequalities. Kosovo have designed policy and have supported projects targeting gender inequalities in education and incorporate specific gender equality provisions in legislation or in governmental strategies and make it compulsory for political parties to create their own gender equality policies. In politics are obliged 30% quotas for female places in Assembly, but in other Higher management positions are mostly males, for example in 6 public Universities all rectors and most deans are male. In Higher Education Institutions are two main concerns in Kosovo with respect to gender inequality in higher or tertiary education: horizontal and vertical segregation. Firstly, it is concerned about horizontal segregation, that is, the problem that women and men choose different fields of study in higher education, with women being under-represented in engineering and science. Secondly, it is also concerned about vertical segregation. This problem is related to the currently existing 'glass ceiling' in tertiary education: while women outnumber men amongst higher education graduates. They participation in Higher Education its slightly increased at the doctoral level, and there are even fewer women amongst academic staff in universities, or none of them as Rector but few of them as Vice-Rector at the managerial level in universities. These two issues and the policies intended to deal with them will be discussed in this paper. 1)University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina” since 1970, University “Ukshin Hoti” Prizren since 2010, University “Haxhi Zeka” Peja, University “Isa Boletini” Mitrovica, University “Kadri Zeka” Gjilan und University “Fehmi Agani” Gjakova since 2011

This study aims to assess the impact of the application of formative assessment on student success in the Republic of Kosovo and to highlight the differences in assessment between teachers and students. The research included 217 teachers and 245 students from 34 lower secondary schools, from different cities and villages of the Republic of Kosovo. Separate questionnaires were prepared for both groups, while 5-point Likert questions were used to measure the evaluation of the effects of formative assessment. The non-parametric one-sample Wilcoxon signed rank test and Mann–Whitney U test methods were used to analyse the results and test the hypothesis. The results of the Wilcoxon test with 95% confidence level show that both teachers and students evaluate positively the effects of formative assessment, while the Mann–Whitney U test results show that for particular aspects there are significant differences in assessment between these two groups for the formative assessment method. Keywords: Formative assessment, learning outcomes, teaching practice, curriculum, non-parametric methods, Kosovo.

The Republic of Kosovo is a country that observes all the rights and obligations of its subjects with no discrimination in national, racial, linguistic sense. Even though we have these rights in place, in practice the situation is different and not very positive. This is since the non-majority communities Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian in Kosovo face several problems in different areas, especially when it comes to their right on integration to education. This paper will address and evaluate current policies and legislation of Kosovo for inclusion in education as a condition for completion of the education system. This paper will be developed by considering the assessment of the Constitution and relevant legislation referring to the right to education for non-majority communities. Given all this legislation, it will be assessed in harmony with the practical problems that exist regarding access to the education system for non-majority communities. Therefore, this paper aims to bring innovation in this field of research aiming to identify how much the Republic of Kosovo is keeping a pace with the standards for inclusion in the education system, what are the reasons that in current state of play we do not have a satisfactory inclusion in the education by category of children from non-majority communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian in pre-university education. Key wordS: Inclusion, Children from Non-Majority Communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian, Education Policy, Pre-University Education.

The study outlines labor market considerations for the Republic of Kosovo’s higher education institutions related to (1) the employment of doctoral degree holders and (2) maintaining program accreditation. It then identifies how discourses of accreditation at the national and supranational levels influence the anticipatory socialization of students to doctoral study in Kosovo. Future analysis willinvestigate popular discourses that contribute to graduate student anticipatory socialization, such as debates over degree quality or perceptions that higher education in Kosovo misaligns with the national labor market.

Contemporary states take a variety of measures, ranging from economic, social, cultural, and health to legal ones, to ensure the protection of the individual and the family. Social protection is substantially a form or a field of fulfilment of human needs. Economic assistance, social services and social care are considered social programs which aim to alleviate poverty, eliminate social exclusion, provide social care, enable the reintegration of all individuals, families and groups in need. The Republic of Kosovo, through positive law, has undertaken a series of economic and social measures which ensure the protection of the individual and the family. Social protection in the Republic of Kosovo is not defined by a special law, but it is defined by a package of laws. Thus, currently, in Kosovo there is necessary legal infrastructure for social protection beneficiaries, although not complete in the desired form and quality.

The application of the concept of asymmetry in the domain of security enables a comprehensive overview of the strategic relations between the opposing parties, as well as the methods used by the adversaries in an effort to turn this type of inequality into a permanent strategic advantage. As a process, asymmetry can most often be reduced to the creation or exploitation of power inequality between adversaries, with the ultimate goal of generating strategic or political asymmetry. By skilfully exploiting the political and security asymmetry that arose after the NATO aggression in 1999, Pristina and its allies constantly constantly built statehood of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". At the same time, they undertook various political, security and economic activities in order to reduce the effectiveness of the instruments of power of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija and neutralize Serbia's influence in the southern Serbian province. In addition to building institutions and developing various instruments of power, the Albanian political elite in Kosovo and Metohija worked intensively on building internal and external legitimacy. The key results of such activities of Pristina certainly represent: the extortion of the international community foreign policy attitude on the irreversibility of Kosovo's independence, the support of the USA, the EU and NATO members to the self-proclaimed independence, the relocation of Belgrade-Pristina negotiations outside the UN and the mediation of the European Union, the pressure of its international allies on Belgrade to "normalize" relations and stop the "de-recognition" campaign, in order to maintain the foreign policy asymmetry in international relations. In the domain of internal politics, Prishtina constantly exploits Serbia's key weakness, which is its inability to ensure security and normal living conditions for the local Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. A large part of the concessions that the Albanian side received, through a series of agreements with Belgrade, were achieved with combination of US and EU pressure on Serbia and internal political, security and socio-economic pressure on the Serbian population in the southern Serbian province. The above-mentioned activities of Pristina were especially intensified after the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Increasingly frequent instrumentalization of violence and demonstration of force and the undertaking of unilateral and provocative moves are evident. The authorities in Pristina are obviously counting on the preoccupation of the USA, the EU and NATO with the war in Ukraine. Albanian political elite from Kosovo and Metohija are actively exploiting US and EU efforts to prevent the aforementioned conflict from spilling over into the Balkan region. The analysis of Prishtina's actions so far, shows the implementation of the their's attrition strategy towards the USA, the European Union and Belgrade. At the same time they are gradually strengthening the institutions of the new Albanian state and establishing the new political order in the entire territory of the Kosovo and Metohija, with intention to strengthen the internal and build external legitimacy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In this long-term process, violence is skilfully used to exploit the weaknesses of the policies of the European Union and the USA in the region and to reduce and neutralize the influence of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija. The strategy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" is not basically different from the rebel strategies of other non-state actors. The longterm goal of Pristina's strategy is to gradually build its own legitimacy and state institutions, while at the same time reducing the legitimacy and destroying political order of its opponents. In the last phase of this strategy, from the second half of 2023, the so-called "Kosovo Government", following Western counterinsurgency models, openly engaged on the complete dismantling of the "parallel" political system in the north of Kosovo and Metohija, using various instruments of political, security and economic coercion. Considering the weak reaction of the USA and the European Union, even more robust and energetic action by the government of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" can be expected in order to completely remove any presence and influence of Serbia in the north of Kosovo. On the other hand, in the short term, Prishtina strives to make the concessions to the Serbian side as small and symbolic as possible. The formation of the Community/Association of Serbian Municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija with symbolic powers and responsibilities for them is a condition for the de-facto recognition of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In the long term, the constant and irreversible outflow of the Serbian population from Kosovo and Metohija, indicates that the actions of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" on the ground are gradual assimilation, constant segregation and narrowing of the socio-economic and cultural space for Serbs, so that they would "voluntarily" leave Kosovo and Metohija and thus solve the Serbian problem according to the "Croatian model".

The purpose of my research is to measure the relationship between school conditions and economic growth in the Republic of Kosovo. The research was conducted with vocational high schools during the period 2020-2021. The research was conducted through a closed-ended questionnaire of students and teachers of vocational schools in Kosovo, while the data were analyzed through the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) program (version 25). Descriptive analysis, Alpha Cronbach's reliability test, and normality analysis were first performed by Kolmogorov Smirnov and Shapiro Wilk. The results are presented in descriptive form through frequency and percentage, while the verification of hypotheses is performed through Spearman Correlation. I Can conclude that Kosovo is progressing well in terms of the implementation of vocational education, thus providing a link between vocational education and practice in business or economic development. The research was conducted over two years, during the time of the pandemic, and can be considered as a barrier to investment in school conditions. The research was conducted through questionnaires that I administered, and the data are relevant to the research issue. Research is of great importance in improving the school conditions of vocational high schools in the Republic of Kosovo.

For a long time, in Albanian customary law, parental responsibilities were an exclusive competency of fathers. In positive law, especially with the reform of the legal system in the Republic of Kosovo, now both parents are fully equal in exercising parental responsibilities. Children are the future of any society, and therefore, their upraising, education and proper welfare of children is an objective and responsibility not only for the parents, but also of societal and state institutions. Although parent-child relations incorporate moral, biological and legal elements, the absolute power of parents must be shared between parents and proper social and educational policies, in the heart of which are always the best interests of the child.Kosovo has already adopted a complete legal framework, approximated to the standards of the European Union and international instruments which clearly provide on the rights of the child and responsibilities of parents and institutions in enjoying such rights. Within the range of this new legal framework, we make an effort of addressing parental responsibilities, which are exercised in terms of personality of children, and derive as a result of personal non-material relations. Our work is focused on a study of parental responsibilities in terms of giving a personal name, healthy development, education and upraising. We have also analysed several court rulings related to the rights of the child and responsibilities of parents in enjoying such rights, which we believe are to enrich and render the paper more interesting.

Following the American Revolution, it was a cliché that the new republic's future depended on widespread, informed citizenship. However, instead of immediately creating the common schools--accessible, elementary education--that seemed necessary to create such a citizenry, the Federalists in power founded one of the most ubiquitous but forgotten institutions of early American life: academies, privately run but state-chartered secondary schools that offered European-style education primarily for elites. By 1800, academies had become the most widely incorporated institutions besides churches and transportation projects in nearly every state.In this book, Mark Boonshoft shows how many Americans saw the academy as a caricature of aristocratic European education and how their political reaction against the academy led to a first era of school reform in the United States, helping transform education from a tool of elite privilege into a key component of self-government and citizenship. And yet the very anti-aristocratic critique that propelled democratic education was conspicuously silent on the persistence of racial and gender inequality in public schooling. By tracing the history of academies in the revolutionary era, Boonshoft offers a new understanding of political power and the origins of public education and segregation in the United States.

Sesame Street has a global reach, with more than thirty co-productions that are viewed in over 150 countries. In recent years, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided funding to the New York-based Sesame Workshop to create international versions of Sesame Street. Many of these programs teach children to respect diversity and tolerate others, which some hope will ultimately help to build peace in conflict-affected societies. In fact, the U.S. government has funded local versions of the show in several countries enmeshed in conflict, including Afghanistan, Kosovo, Pakistan, Jordan, and Nigeria. Can Big Bird Fight Terrorism? takes an in-depth look at the Nigerian version, Sesame Square, which began airing in 2011. In addition to teaching preschool-level academic skills, Sesame Square seeks to promote peaceful coexistence-a daunting task in Nigeria, where escalating ethno-religious tensions and terrorism threaten to fracture the nation. After a year of interviewing Sesame creators, observing their production processes, conducting episode analysis, and talking to local educators who use the program in classrooms, Naomi Moland found that this child-focused use of soft power raised complex questions about how multicultural ideals translate into different settings. In Nigeria, where segregation, state fragility, and escalating conflict raise the stakes of peacebuilding efforts, multicultural education may be ineffective at best, and possibly even divisive. This book offers rare insights into the complexities, challenges, and dilemmas inherent in soft power attempts to teach the ideals of diversity and tolerance in countries suffering from internal conflicts.

In the post-socialist period, there were many changes in the post-Yugoslav region. The dissolution of the state and the civil war were just some of the most important events. The successor states went through the post-socialist transition at a different pace. The political and economic transition had a significant impact on the social status of the population. According to numerous international urban studies, there is a causal relationship between the social status of the population and the housing situation. Looking at the social status of the population in Belgrade, it is obvious that the social status decreases from the centre to the periphery. The housing situation in Belgrade is very heterogeneous. First, there is a historical centre filled with buildings from different eras: from the pre-World War II period, from the socialist period and from the post-socialist period. Secondly, there are socialist neighbourhoods that surround the historic core of the city. Finally, there are the neighbourhoods on the periphery, which are mostly informally built. The withdrawal of the state and the reintroduction of market mechanisms in the housing sector, drastic proportions of owner-occupied housing, the expansion of illegal construction activity, international isolation during the 1990s and the subsequent reconnection to the global economy, albeit with extremely weakened institutions, characterised post-socialist housing and urban development in Belgrade. Added to this was another wave of demographic pressure from the former Yugoslav republics and Kosovo. Through the lens of social status and housing situation, we observe the patterns of residential segregation in the post-socialist period. Due to the incomparability of statistical data from different periods, we use a combination of sources and research approaches. The first two decades of the post-socialist period were analysed at the level of census units, using data on the education of the population as a proxy for their social status.