Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Saint“

(francuski) L?auteur de cet article revient a l??tude du personnage de l?archev?que Constantin Cabasilas et de ses portraits dans le cadre de ses nouvelles d?couvertes (ZLU, 2, Novi Sad 1966) et dans la lumi?re des ?tudes d?autres auteurs. Dans cet article, on souligne particuli?rement le fait que la figure de saint Nicolas de Myre appartient au groupe d?hi?rarques peint sur le mur nord de l??glise Sainte-Vierge-Perivleptos a Ohrid, en commun avec saint Clement et saint Constantin Cabasilas, ce qui m?ne a la conclusion que ce groupe n?est pas le seul groupe th?matique de saints d?Ohrid. L?auteur s?attarde a l?inscription portant le nom de Cabasilas grav?e sur le pilier de la galerie de Gregoire de 1313/14 et ?met l?hypoth?se que la m?moire de Cabasilas ?tait ?galement pr?sente dans l?annexe sud de l??glise Sainte-Sophie, r?cemment fouill?e. L?annexe de Sainte-Sophie occupe une surface ?norme, elle a ?t? peinte dans la deuxi?me moitie du 13e si?cle, ce que l?on peut d?duire gr?ce au grand nombre de fragments trouves ou conserves in situ. L?auteur exprime sa r?serve quant a l?opinion exprim?e ant?rieurement que saint Constantin Cabasilas a ?t? peint dans le narthex de l??glise Sainte-Vierge- -Perivleptos a la t?te du cort?ge d?hi?rarques dans la Stychire de Noel de Jean Damasc?ne, et il consid?re qu?il s?agit de la figure de saint Jean Chrysostome avec lequel Cabasilas a des ressemblances physionomiques. Plus exactement, dans ce premier cort?g? a cote du tr?n? avec la Vierge, l?auteur reconnait saint Basile le Grand, saint Jean Chrysostome saint Gr?goire le Th?ologien et partiellement la figure de saint Athanase le Grand. Derri?re eux vient le cort?ge des saints empereurs chretiens avec saint Constantin et sainte Helene en t?te. On suppose que derri?re eux sont peints les empereurs de la dynastie des Pal?ologues. Puisque la figure du Protaton montre Cabasilas en tant que vieil homme (a la diff?rence de ses portraits a Ohrid et a Staro Nagoricino), on ?met l?hypoth?se que saint Cabasilas, saint Erasme, saint Theophilacte et saint Cl?ment du Protaton (chapelle de Saint-Jean le Pr?curseur, 1526) ont ?t? peints selon l?original d?Ohrid qui n?est plus conserve vu la destruction de Sainte-Sophie et de Saint-Panteleimon de Cl?ment sous la domination turque. La cr?ation de l?ensemble au Protaton qui ?tait ?tudie par G. Subotic en tant que donation de l?archipr?tr? Gabriel, est particuli?rement mis en relief aussi en rapport avec la peinture des saints d?Ohrid mentionnes dans la chapelle de Saint-Jean le Pr?curseur. L?auteur de cet article attire une attention particuli?re sur la d?couverte de la vie et de l?office de Constantin Cabasilas ou on fait mention du jour de sa mort (le 18 octobre), ce qui signifie qu?il a ?t? canonise. Ensuite, on indique les copies des canons des Quinze martyrs de Strumica, publi?es plus tard (en grec et en slave), de la Biblioth?que nationale de Belgrade et de Sofia, ainsi que celles de l??parchie de Strumica. On souligne l?importance des canons de Cabasilas consacres a saint Cl?ment et a saint Naum dans lesquels, selon les notes de K. Nichoritis l?auteur parle des souffrances et des peines injustes subies dans la prison de Nic?e, ?galement mentionn?es dans la vie r?dig?e par son disciple inconnu d?Ohrid. Au sujet du culte de saint C. Cabasilas, on signale que sa canonisation est due a sa popularit? dans le dioc?se d?Ohrid ou il a travaille pendant plus de 40 ans en tant qu?hi?rarque de Strumica et de Durres et en tant qu?archev?que d?Ohrid. En m?me temps, on souligne sa collaboration avec Michel VIII Pal?ologue, c?est-a-dire avec son fr?re Jean lors de la prise d?Ohrid par les Nic?ens, ce qui repr?sentait en quelque sorte sa r?habilitation durant le long r?gne d?Andronique II Pal?ologue. L?auteur signale que les donn?es relatives a la date de la mort de C. Cabasilas, ainsi que celles concernant son h?ritier sur le tr?ne d?Ohrid ne sont pas connues.

In the church of Saint George Sfakiotis, built on the outskirts of the settlement Diavaide in the Perfecture of Heraklion in Crete, narrative interest is focused on the large painting with the mounted figures of the military saints George and Demetrios. Saint George is shown together with the young pillion rider, whereas the element of water on the lower part of the scene establishes a connection between the episode of the slave?s release and a rarer variant according to which the liberator saint crosses the sea (?thalassoperatis?, trans. he who crosses the sea). The iconographic and stylistic analysis of the representation of Saint George as well that of Saint Demetrios at Diaviade reflects the artistic environment of the Eastern Mediterranean, possibly that of Cyprus, where images of equestrian military saints form part of the tradition of the island.

Une enquête séro-épidémiologique sur la cowdriose dans les Petites Antilles a été organisée en 1992, de la Grenade jusqu'à Saint-Martin. Un échantillon de 1 % des ruminants a été choisi au hasard et les sérums ont été analysés par ELISA indirect. Le pourcentage de sérums positifs était de 30 % à la Guadeloupe, 25 % à Antigua, 2,2 % à Saint-Martin, 1,3 % à St.Kitts et Nevis, 3,8 % à Montserrat, 1,7 % à Dominique, 1,5 % à Sainte-Lucie, 1,5 % à Saint-Vincent, 3,5 % à la Barbade, 2,9 % à la Grenade et de 7 % à la Martinique. On sait que la population de ruminants de la Guadeloupe et d'Antigua est infectée par la cowdriose. Le pourcentage faible de sérums positifs et l'absence de cas cliniques dans les autres îles suggèrent fortement que les sérums positifs dans ces îles sont probablement imputables à des réactions croisées non-spécifiques entre Cowdria et d'autres micro-organismes (peut-être Ehrlichia), qui restent à être identifiées. Cependant, il convient de porter une attention particulière aux pourcentages relativement élevés de moutons positifs à la Martinique (15 %) et à Montserrat (11 %).

The title of Robert Bartlett's book on saints,Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things?, comes from Saint Augustine, who thought of heaven as a preeminently social environment. It is thus easy to entertain a fantasy about a conversation among saints in heaven. One saint boasts that his feast day has a higher liturgical ranking than the others'. This provokes a second saint to point out that the first may have a grand feast day, but is not, like himself, the subject of a properly papal canonization. A third saint is proud of his artistic representations. A fourth points out that he is so important that he is mentioned in Robert Bartlett's latest book. But this boast backfires. All the saints burst into laughter. As one of them points out, “That's nothing special—we're all in Bartlett's book! He didn't miss any of us!”

(francuski) Plusieurs sources historiques nous sont parvenues qui attestent le r?le actif des cultes de saint Simeon et saint Sava, les premiers saints de l'Eglise Serbe. Tout en ?tant compl?mentaires, ces deux cultes diff?rent par leur fonction, notamment du fait que saint Simeon, fondateur de l'Etat et de la dynastie serbes, est c?l?br? comme un saint myroblite, alors que saint Sava, premier archev?que de l'Eglise serbe ind?pendante, est v?n?r? comme un saint thaumaturge. Leur fusion en un culte faisant l'objet d'une c?l?bration unique a eu lieu ? l'?poque du roi Milutin (1282-1321). Le pr?sent article ?tablit que la formation finale du nouveau programme monarchique de Milutin, probablement inspir? par la communaut? monastique de Chilandar, se situe entre 1314-1316 et 1321. Outre l'observation g?n?rale de la fonction de ce culte et de sa polys?mie, nous proc?dons ?galement ? une analyse du ph?nom?ne constitu? par les pri?res de saint Sim?on et saint Sava apparaissant dans les chartes de l'?poque du roi Milutin ? indice certain de l'efficacit? reconnue du nouveau culte ? et de ses implications politiques. Cependant, une image compl?te de la signification des pri?res de ces deux saints dans les chartes et de leur usage dans le domaine id?ologique, ne peut ?tre obtenue qu'en proc?dant ? une analyse des divers types de t?moignages ? chartes, fresques, offices, canons et apologies ? c?l?brant ces deux personnages. La plus ancienne repr?sentation conserv?e de ces deux saints sur des peintures murales se trouve dans l'?glise Saint-Nic?tas pr?s de Skoplje. Les portraits associ?s de saint Simeon et saint Sa va situ?s sur le mur nord du naos de l'?glise datent de la deuxi?me d?cennie du XIV?me si?cle (avant 1316). Leur ex?cution pouvant ?tre situ?e apr?s la conclusion d'une paix ayant mis fin ? des conflits int?rieurs. Au tout d?but, le motif ?des pri?res de saint Sim?on et saint Sa va? a en fait trouv? place dans les clauses p?nales des chartes de l'?poque. Le r?le de la pri?re y est d'assurer une protection ancestrale et sacrale aux dons pieux du souverain actuel. Sur un plan plus large, ces pri?res visent ?galement ? assurer une protection c?leste aux conqu?tes du roi et aux garanties formul?es dans les documents de donation, mais aussi la protection de la patrie dont la prosp?rit? est fond? sur la fonction sot?riologique rendue possible par les pri?res des saints protecteurs. La premi?re mention d'une telle invocation invitant les deux saints serbes ? anath?matiser celui qui violerait les dispositions de l'auteur d'une charte, appara?t dans une charte de confirmation d?livr?e par Milutin au monast?re de Chilandar au sujet de la donation d'une cellule de Sainte-Parasc?ve sise au village de Tmorani pr?s de Skopje (1299/1300 : Chil. si., n. 9, 1. 67). Les pri?res des deux saints dans leur fonction de protecteurs de l'Etat et de la dynastie apparaissent ?galement dans d'autres documents de souverains datant du d?but du XIV?me si?cle. La mention de Vladislav, cousin du roi Milutin, au nombre d'h?ritiers potentiels dans les clauses p?nales d'une charte du roi Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re de Chilandar (Chil. si., n. 11), rend possible une nouvelle datation, plus pr?cise, de ce document entre 1314 et 1316. Cette charte nous fournit donc un cadre chronologique pour l'?tablissement des pri?res des deux saints serbes, lequel cadre co?ncide avec l'apparition de leur repr?sentation associ?e sur les peintures du monast?re Saint-Nicolas dans la r?gion de Skoplje, que le roi a offert ? Chilandar, par le biais de la charte mentionn?e. A cette ?poque-l?, au cours des deux premi?res d?cennies du XIV?me si?cle, le moine Tedosije, inspir? par la communaut? monastique de Chilandar, fut charg? de proc?der, selon les go?ts litt?raires et les besoins id?ologiques de l'?poque, ? une r?daction monumentale de la litt?rature hagiographique jusqu'alors cr??e, et de jeter les fondements du nouveau culte des premiers saints nationaux comme principal vecteur de l'id?e d'origine charismatique de la dynastie. La synth?se ainsi obtenue vers les ann?es vingt du XVI?me si?cle r?unit les exploits spirituels et les r?sultats des efforts convergents d'une ?lite rattach?e tant ? la cour de Serbie qu'au centre religieux de Chilandar. La co?ncidence d?j? relev?e entre les chartes, la peinture murale et l'apparition d'un nouveau culte s'inscrivant dans un programme politique plus vaste, avec sa c?l?bration en litt?rature, ne saurait ?tre fortuite. L'approche du centenaire du royaume repr?senta, sans doute, un moment crucial pour placer les saints nationaux au centre d'un complexe de programmes sot?riologiques, d?j? effectif au moment o? l'Etat serbe s'est activement tourn? vers l'Orient orthodoxe. L'unit? fondamentale et fonctionnelle du nouveau culte se manifeste par des actes miraculeux s'inscrivant dans un cadre clairement ?tabli, d?fini dans le sens spatial et national, et refl?tant un type de saintet? ?galement pr?sent chez les autres peuples du Moyen Age. La phase de repr?sentation de la dynastie devant le Christ est remplac?e par une signification plus vaste et sot?riologique de la repr?sentation de l'Etat, induite par les pri?res des deux saints. Ceci a entre autre abouti ? la symbolique polys?mique de Chilandar comme ? le nouveau Sion ?. La mention de saint Simeon et saint Sava dans les chartes de Milutin, publi?es durant les derni?res ann?es de sa r?gence, appara?t ?galement dans les documents de l'empereur Dusan (1331-1355). Cette reprise s'inscrit probablement comme un ?l?ment du concept complexe faisant du roi Milutin un exemple de la nouvelle fa?on de r?gner, lequel concept ?tait li? aux plans entrant dans la politique ext?rieure de l'empereur Dusan ? ? savoir une offensive sur les contr?es orientales de l'Empire grec ? pr?sent?e comme une poursuite des conqu?tes du roi Milutin. Etant les saints les plus importants de l'id?ologie monarchique serbe, Simeon et Sava seront c?l?br?s m?me apr?s la chute de l'Empire (1371). Ils sont peints comme un couple de saints, ou plac?s comme deux pendants, c?l?br?s comme ? les deux saints ? dans les chants. Ils sont devenus, ? travers leurs cultes r?unis, le fondement de l'id?ologie de l'Etat et de l'Eglise au cours de l'histoire serbe ult?rieure. .

Saints are no strangers to Prof. Odgen who has already published a critical analysis of Wace s hagiography (2013), and a study of the representation of Saint Eufrosine in the genre of saints lives (2003). Here, she provides us with a most accessible and useful Old French edition with facing English translation of a poem about this transgender saint.

This article, which is part of social and religious relations, tries to study the sainthood and the cult of saints in Morocco. In order to achieve the objective of this work, we adopt an empirical method, which is based essentially on documentary research. To analyze the cult of saints in Morocco, this article presents, at first, the definitions of the words " sainthood " and " saint ". Then, the different appellations used byMoroccan people to designate a saint, and the types of existing saints in the Kingdom. Finally, the reasons for which these saints are created and venerated.

This article focuses on comparative characteristics of associative images of female and male saints. The study was aimed to reconstruct and compare associative representations. The respondents were 80 students of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. The methods used in the study included a “but-test” (X is A, but…) and a free association test. The data collected (received from respondents) for a saint-woman demonstrate that she is frequently attributed with features such as e.g., humble, merciful, virtuous/chaste, while a saint-man is typically presented as: strong, principal, adamant. The image of a female and male saint may strongly depend on the general image of a woman and man (respectively). According to the participants of the present study, both female and male saints have common attributes. Features of a saint include: goodness, altruism, helpfulness, devotion to God and faith, making miracles, courage, high-mindedness, serenity and humility.

This paper discusses the cult and iconography on frescoes of two St. Andrews developed within the Byzantine world, one being an archbishop of Crete and the other, his homonym, a saint from the same island, known as Saint Andrew ?in Crisi?. Those researches proved that both homonym saints were venerated not only through the entire medieval period but moreover, their cults developed equally, however St. Andrew, the archbishop of Crete, was more prominent figure than his homonym. Nevertheless, the same epithet and name brings to confusion in their later identification. After a thorough examination of iconography of two saints in certain representations of Crete?s archbishop, the other saint is identified, a homonym of the famous byzantine writer.

Saint Luke is the one commonly believed to be a patron saint of physicians. The less known are Cosmas and Damian, the only twin physicians to have been declared saints in the Catholic Church. In Poland, we have been recently observing a growing interest in these saint twins. This is mainly associated with a return to the tradition of the Apothecary Feast, celebrated on September 26, the day of Cosmas’ and Damian’s martyr death.

Hagiography is narrative material relating to the saints. This may take various forms, including poetry and prose tales, but most often it consists of the written Life of a saint. From the outset it is to be kept in mind that a ‘Life’ of a saint does not necessarily equate to a biography, though it may contain biographical information. Rather, it is useful to view hagiography as containing as much, if not more, information about those who composed it than it does about its subject saint. Saints’ Lives provide a useful window into concerns and issues important to the communities in which, or for which, they were produced. A Life composed in the twelfth century may therefore allow us great insight into the politics, policies, religious and world-views of the twelfth-century society in which the Life was composed, but tell us relatively little about the saint and society of the ...

This article is dedicated to the study of activity of the saints in the area of justice during the Late Antiquity, and is structured upon the examination of theirs hagiographical works. The period of Late Antiquity, with its peculiar attitude towards the questions of crime and punishment and their social meaning is virtually out of the field of regards of modern historians. This article places emphasis no so much on the legal issues as on the social aspects of the practice of saints. The object of this research is the phenomenon of the saint, which emerged on the East of the Late Roman in the early IV century with the advent of the Christian monasticism and asceticism. The subject of this research is the practical activity of the saints associated with dispute settlement, conflict resolution, and crime prevention. The conclusion is made that the judicial activity of the saint reflects the perspective on justice that differs from the traditional systems. The saint uses an informal mechanism of mediation for reconcilement of adversaries and bringing them to a compromise. It is based on the need for a new outlook upon the problem of aggression that existed in society of the Late Antiquity, as key source of criminality. The actions of the saint are aimed at alleviation of human aggressiveness and rejection of violence and policy of frightening that were typical at that time, thereby preventing the offender from committing an offence. The main instrument in activity of the saint is the ability to accomplish a miracle, which reflects the power of the saint to overcome the traditional principles of justice.

La tendance actuelle semble être de ne plus nommer de Docteur trop éloigné dans le temps des réalités présentes. La Congrégation pour les causes des saints a, en effet, décidé « d’éviter de rechercher les candidats parmi les saints des époques passées, sans exclure pour autant ceux qui le mériteraient vraiment ». Mais ce n’est pas un critère intangible, la norme le précise elle-même. Une confirmation officielle provient de la nomination de sainte Hiledegarde de Bingen (1098-1179) et de saint Jean d’Avila (1499-1569) par le pape Benoît XVI, le 7 octobre 2012. Le critère de l’éminence de la doctrine est compris en ce sens qu’elle « se révèle toujours actuelle, et qu’elle est donc assumée par l’Église comme une aide pour l’accomplissement de sa mission à l’instant même où elle déclare Docteur de titulaire de ladite doctrine ». Il ne nous appartient pas de porter un jugement sur un éventuel doctorat en faveur de saint Césaire d’Arles. Nous nous sommes contentés d’apporter des éléments de jugement dans deux domaines : d’une part, celui du droit canonique, avec les différents conciles qu’il a présidés ou qui sont tributaires de ceux-ci et en indiquant leur contribution plus particulière au domaine liturgique ; et, d’autre part, celui des critères en vigueur pour étudier toute demande d’attribution du titre de Docteur de l’Église. Dans le même état d’esprit, nous n’avons pas voulu nous prononcer sur le fait que notre saint répond à tel ou tel critère. Encore une fois, tel n’est pas notre rôle. Il reste à souhaiter que des spécialistes se penchent sur l’œuvre de l’Arlésien – l’Association « Aux sources de la Provence » mentionnée in limine s’y emploie – et que ces études portent sur une éventail le plus large possible de disciplines. La traduction en français des nombreux sermons de saint Césaire que l’Association a entrepris constituera aussi une contribution majeure à la connaissance de la pensée arlésienne et à son actualité sur bien des points.

Au cours de son long épiscopat de 1840 à 1876, le second évêque de Montréal, Mgr Ignace Bourget, s’est illustré en particulier par son engagement social. Il s’intéressa à toutes les formes de misères physique et morale : les malades, les indigents, les orphelins, les délinquants, les prisonniers, les personnes âgées et infirmes. Il travailla, à cette fin, à la fondation de plusieurs associations de charité dont l’Association diocésaine de Charité, l’Association de Sainte-Blandine et la Société de Saint-Vincent de Paul. Il forma avec Mère Gamelin, sur le modèles des Filles de la Charité de Saint-Vincent de Paul, l’Institut des Soeurs de Charité-de-la-Providence. Il prit une part active à la fondation des Soeurs des Saints-Noms de Jésus et de Marie et de Sainte-Anne. Il encouragea la venue des Soeurs du Bon-Pasteur d’Angers pour s’occuper de la réhabilitation des femmes dépravées. Il combattit également l’ivrognerie, « le vice du siècle », en établissant la Société de Tempérance et de Charité et en prodiguant son encouragement aux campagnes de tempérance. Il véhicula enfin certaines idées reliées au Catholicisme social, s’intéressant notamment à l’épargne dans les masses ouvrières, à l’agriculture et à la colonisation. Mgr Bourget fut un grand évêque, fortement engagé au plan social.

Cet article cherche à retracer l’itinéraire d’une dévotion aujourd’hui complètement oubliée. De 1845 à 2005, de nombreux catholiques montréalais vénérèrent dans la cathédrale de leur ville les reliques de saint Zotique. Les ossements de ce mystérieux saint provenaient des catacombes de Rome. Encouragée par le clergé, la dévotion à saint Zotique ne demeura pas restreinte au domaine des dévotions publiques mais fut également adoptée comme partie intégrante de l’univers dévotionnel privé de nombreux fidèles. En considérant le cas particulier de saint Zotique, cet article cherche à mettre en lumière l’engouement qui caractérisa les reliques de saints catacombaires au Québec. La ferveur religieuse entourant ces reliques a constitué l’une des expressions caractéristiques de la piété ultramontaine.

The passage of time has not been kind to materials related to the cathedral of Saint David's in Wales. In particular, few medieval liturgical texts used in the commemoration of Welsh saints have survived the vicissitudes of time and the ardor of Reformation zealots. In 1940 Silas Harris lamented the “complete destruction of the Menevian [Saint David's] service books,” and noted that “the almost total destruction of Welsh MSS and service books in the course of the centuries leaves a woeful gap” in our knowledge of the liturgical celebration of the feasts of Welsh saints. So thorough was the destruction of Welsh service books, according to Harris, that our current knowledge of the liturgy for Saint David derives largely from texts preserved outside of Wales. The destruction was nowhere more thorough than at the cathedral of Saint David's itself, two of whose bishops, William Barlow (1536–48) and Robert Ferrar (1548–53), were willing participants in the destruction. On 31 March 1538, Barlow wrote to Thomas Cromwell for instructions on how to dispose of certain of the cathedral's relics and “a worm-eaten book covered with silver plate” which he had confiscated. Some twelve years later, Barlow's successor, Bishop Robert Ferrar, following the king's command, “burnt all ye Martyrologies, portiforiums, & antient Mis-sales of ye Cathedral Church of Saint David, with their calenders, wherein were entered ye names of ye Bishops & ye days and years of their entrance & death or translation.” Later, in 1571, “certain ungodly popish books: as masse books, hympnals, Grailes, Antiphons, and suche lik” belonging to the cathedral, but which had been hidden away by a church sexton named Elis ap Howel, were seized by a “Mr. Chanter” (= the Precentor, Thomas Huett?), who “caused the said ungodly books to be canceled and torn in pieces in the Vestrie before his face.” Not everything was lost however. Owain Tudor Edwards's publication in 1990 of the services for Saint David's feast in the Penpont Antiphonal did much to close the “woeful gap” in our knowledge of the liturgical celebration of the feast of Saint David. Two more texts connected with Saint David's cathedral have recently come to light, preserved in BL MS Royal 13 C.i. The first of these, five lecciones (lessons or readings) based on episodes in the life of Saint Nonita, the mother of Saint David (sixth century), the patron saint of Wales, was intended to be read at a service for Saint Nonita (or Non) on her feast day. These five lecciones Sancte Nonite, consisting of a heading and thirty-eight lines of text, provide the only surviving material from an office for the feast of Saint Nonita. The second text, consisting of eleven accounts of posthumous miracles effected by Saint David between about 1215–29 and 1405, is the subject of this study.

RÉSUMÉ Trois nouvelles unités, d'origine glaciaire et glaciolacustre, antérieures aux Sédiments de Saint-Pierre, sont définies sur la rive nord du Saint-Laurent, entre Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pérade et Grondines. Le Till de Portneuf repose entre le substratum ordovicien et sous des varves de déglaciation ou Varves de Deschambault, qui représentent une sédimentation d'au moins 1000 ans. Le Till de Portneuf est un till de fond dont la matrice est sableuse ou silto-argileuse et contient de 2 % à 30 % de carbonates. Les indices d'écoulement glaciaire indiquent un mouvement NNW-SSE. L'âge du Till de Portneuf est incertain. Il pourrait dater de l'un des stades isotopiques 4, 5b, 5d ou être plus vieux que le 5e. Le diamicton de Sainte-Anne est intercalé entre les Varves de Deschambault (ou des sables qui les tronquent) et une séquence sus-jacente constituée de silts stratifiés-Argile de La Pérade-Sédiments de Saint-Pierre. Ce diamicton contient des concrétions carbonatées discoïdales identiques à celles des varves sous-jacentes; les fabriques mesurées révèlent une distribution aléatoire des cailloux. La séquence sédimentaire Till de Portneuf-Varves de Deschambault-diamicton de Sainte-Anne représente soit deux épisodes glaciaires distincts, soit un épisode majeur avec une réavancée glaciaire tardive. La séquence Till de Portneuf-Varves de Deschambault est analogue à celle du cap Lévrard et de la rivière aux Vaches, sur la rive sud du Saint-Laurent. La corrélation de ces séquences reste cependant à démontrer. Le Till de Portneuf étant lithologiquement distinct du Till de Bécancour, il représente, avec les Varves de Deschambault, une séquence stratigraphique de référence sur la rive nord du Saint-Laurent.

Nous avons présenté les points principaux de l’enseignement de Didyme d’Alexandrie sur l’opération commune de la Sainte Trinité ad extra. Puisque le traité de cet auteur De Trinitate ne s’est pas conservé qu’en fragments, nous avons pris comme base son traité De Spiritu Sancto bien conservé, mais uniquement en traduction latine de Jérôme. Didyme a publié ce livre dans le contexte des controverses avec les tropiques, qui niaient la divinité de l’Esprit Saint. Ils voulaient le ranger parmi les créatures. Saint Athanase, informé sur les tropiques par Sérapion, évêque de Thmuis, a écrit quatre lettres à cet évêque pour réfuter leurs erreurs. On remarque que Didyme a suivi les lignes principales de l’enseignement d’Athanase sur l’Esprit Saint. Si nous comparons les œuvres de ces deux théologiens, Athanase et Didyme, nous serons obligés de constater que le livre de Didyme est plus élaboré que les lettres d’Athanase. Les lettres d’Athanase sont marquées par l’esprit de polémique. L’ouvrage de Didyme a le caractère strictement académique ; son auteur a exploré les passages bibliques concernant l’Esprit Saint et les a soigneusement analysés. Le traité De Spiritu Sancto de Didyme a été bien apprécié par les théologiens de l’antiquité et même par le pape Damase. C’est cette œuvre qui a inspiré saint Ambroise dans sa doctrine sur l’Esprit Saint. Mais plus tard la valeur de ce livre précieux a diminué pour deux raisons : puisque Didyme était proche d’Origène, on le soupçonnait d’hérésie ; la traduction latine que nous possédons n’est pas totalement fidèle à l’original, car Jérôme a légèrement modifié la terminologie de Didyme pour l’adapter à la théologie postérieure. Dans cet article, nous avons signalé les qualités communes du Père et du Fils et de l’Esprit Saint comme la Sagesse et la Vérité ; nous avons évoqué les signes divins comme l’image de Dieu – attribuée au Fils et le sceau de Dieu – attribué à l’Esprit Saint. Nous avons montré, d’après les textes de Didyme, l’opération commune de la Sainte Trinité dans le baptême, dans la communauté ecclésiastique et dans les cœurs des fidèles pour les sanctifier. Nous avons terminé notre étude par la conclusion : puisque le Père et le Fils et l’Esprit Saint sont de la même substance, ils agissent ensemble, surtout dans l’Église, pour le salut des hommes.

AbstractTheology lives in the days of the frost. Postmodern philosophers question the very possbility of God-language. In response, Edith Wyschogrod's Saints and Postmodernism attempts to develop an ethics grounded in lives of saints. Her definition of “saint” as one devoted to the alleviation of pain is problematic; moreover, her definition does not in fact grow out of hagiography. Rather, it reduces saints' lives to didactic tales. Still, Wyschogrod points toward a more adequate description of the saint as one who sees the being of others as constituted by a lack. An emphasis on otherness is developed in the theologies of Mark Taylor and Charles Winquist. Using their insights and Wyschogrod's, I propose that Christianity turn to the “minor sun” of saints' lives to rethink theology in light of the postmodern critique.

This article discusses one aspect of the depiction of rulers’ sainthood in early Serbian and Old Bulgarian literature: the saints’ martial feats, which are most often displayed as victories over other religions through the power of Christ’s weapon, the Holy Cross. The post mortem miracles attributed to these ruler-saints create the image of the warrior saint descending to Earth to aid in battle.

This article discusses one aspect of the depiction of rulers’ sainthood in early Serbian and Old Bulgarian literature: the saints’ martial feats, which are most often displayed as victories over other religions through the power of Christ’s weapon, the Holy Cross. The post mortem miracles attributed to these ruler-saints create the image of the warrior saint descending to Earth to aid in battle.

This article discusses one aspect of the depiction of rulers’ sainthood in early Serbian and Old Bulgarian literature: the saints’ martial feats, which are most often displayed as victories over other religions through the power of Christ’s weapon, the Holy Cross. The post mortem miracles attributed to these ruler-saints create the image of the warrior saint descending to Earth to aid in battle.

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints possesses a subversive and fecund interpretation of the Christian creation narrative. This interpretation, denying creation ex nihilo, bespeaks a particular attention to and care for the living earth. However, Latter-day Saint praxis is wounded by a searing disconnect between the theopoetics of its conceptual creation and its lived practice. I argue that the Church must understand this disconnect as a wound and attend to it as such. I turn to theopoetics, arguing that it is in the lived practices of Latter-day Saints engaging somatically with the Earth that can restore our imaginative potential and move toward healing. I begin by exploring the Christian conception of creation ex nihilo and juxtapose this with the Latter-day Saint understanding of formareex materia. I then explore the implications of such a cosmology for environmental ethics and probe the disconnections between theory and practice in Mormonism broadly construed. I propose that the healing salve for disconnection is imagination, a salve found in the first heartbeat of the Latter-day Saint story. I speak with Latter-day Saint theopoetics and indigenous voices, proposing ultimately that is with them that the healing of theology and praxis must begin.

The paper deals with the development and settlement of female monasteries in the urban contexts of the early Middle Ages. Through a preliminary focus on the community founded by saint Cesarius in Arles during the 6th century, the article aims to identify some elements recognizable in this context and to investigate them in other towns. Important aspects like the liturgical organization of different oratoria, the placement of the burial church for the female community, and the role in the promotion of saints’ cult during the high Middle Ages represent an interesting possibility of comparison, in this case with the reality of Metz, specifically with Saint-Pierre-aux-Nonnains and Sainte-Glossinde. The last part of the paper is dedicated to a first analysis of the role and spatial organization of female monasteries in two Lombard towns: Milan and Pavia. Through a survey of the communities already existing in the 11th century and their position in the urban topography the paper opens to some remarks following the observations made for Arles and Metz, thus suggesting the necessity of an in-depth study of these north-Italian contexts.

RÉSUMÉ L'Argile de La Pérade témoigne d'un nouvel épisode marin dans la vallée du Saint-Laurent, antérieur à l'Interstade de Saint-Pierre. Le nom de Mer de Cartier est formellement proposé pour désigner cette transgression marine. La nouvelle unité marine a été identifiée sur deux ensembles de sites, au nord et au sud du Saint-Laurent. À Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pérade, l'argile contient une faune variée: des spicules de Démosponges de la famille des Stellettidae; des foraminifères benthiques (Elphidium clavatum Cushman et Elphidium incertum (Williamson); des ostracodes marins (entre autres, Sarsicytheridae punctillata (Brady) et Heterocyprideis sorbyana (Jones), et des coquilles (Nucula sp.). Une datation au 14C obtenue par accélérateur sur des fragments de coquilles a donné un âge > 35 590 BP (Beta-28404, ETH-4737). À Saint-Pierre-les-Becquets, seuls des spicules de Démosponges ont été trouvés dans l'Argile de La Pérade. Cette nouvelle unité marine est observée jusqu'à 22 m d'altitude, ce qui indique une mer postglaciaire résultant d'un enfoncement glacio-isostatique de la vallée du Saint-Laurent. Les caractéristiques sédimentologiques et fauniques de ce sédiment ancien laissent croire que l'invasion marine de la Mer de Cartier a été de moindre envergure que celle de la Mer de Champlain survenue à la fin du Wisconsinien supérieur. À Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pérade. deux tills d'âge non connu précèdent l'Argile de La Pérade. Les Sédiments de Saint-Pierre tronquent l'Argile de La Pérade aux deux sites. Selon l'âge attribué à ces sédiments fluviatiles, l'épisode de la Mer de Cartier peut dater théoriquement de la transition Illinoien-Sangamonien (stade isotopique 6/5), mais date plutôt, d'après le contexte, de la fin de l'un des stades isotopiques froids du Sangamonien sensu lato (5d ou 5b) ou du Wisconsinien inférieur (stade 4/3).

AbstractPractices of saint-veneration among Muslims are often perceived as thoroughly localized traditions, which cannot be transplanted to other localities. For this reason, much of the scholarship on the diasporic Muslim communities has assumed that practices of saint-veneration would decline in the Diaspora. Yet, most of this scholarship focused on the relatively young Muslim communities in Western countries. This paper aims to assess this theory by investigating saint-veneration among Tamil Muslims in Singapore, who have been a part of Singaporean Muslim society since the early nineteenth century. It will argue that, contrary to current theories, saint-veneration among Tamil Muslims did not decline among the Singaporean Tamil Diaspora. Rather, Tamil Muslims participated in creating a landscape of shrines in the city by inking their practices with those of other Muslim communities, while at the same time maintaining attachments to saints and shrines back in India.

Saint Georges est la figure sacrée qui a contribué à façonner le visage historique de Beyrouth depuis le XIVe siècle. La ville n’a cependant pas toujours été consacrée à ce saint. Au haut Moyen âge, une autre logique votive s’exprimait sur le territoire beyrouthin, centrée sur la figure du Sauveur, les saints militaires et leurs sites étant confinés à la lisière du territoire urbain. Cette contribution vise à réfléchir sur les circonstances qui auraient entraîné l’entrée en ville d’un saint militaire. Elle cherche à établir l’impact de ce dernier tant au plan symbolique que concret sur les représentations de la population chrétienne et musulmane et sur la recomposition de la fabrique urbaine qui en a découlé

The article is intended to acquaint a reader with that important role and place of the Basilian periodical Misionar which it played in the foundation of the Lay Order of Saint Basil the Great in the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church by the Righteous Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. The article investigates the initial period of the foundation of the Lay Order of Saint Basil the Great, which was covered in the pages of the periodical Misionar in 1897-1898. The Lay Order of Saint Basil the Great, the earliest name of which is the Brotherhood of Law of Saint Basil the Great, was founded at the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church in the time of the Dobromil's reform of the Basilian Order in 1897 by the hegumen of the monastery of Saint Onuphrius in Lviv, father Andrey Sheptytsky, the Order of Saint Basil the Great, the future metropolitan. In the pages of the periodical Misionar, which was also founded by the hegumen and father Andrey Sheptytsky, the Order of Saint Basil the Great, in May in the year of 1897, within June 1897 - December 1898 the materials were published relating to the earliest period of the foundation of the Lay Order of Saint Basil the Great. This is the period when the father A. Sheptytsky, the Order of Saint Basil the Great, fulfilled the duties of the hegumen of Lviv Monastery until August 26, 1898 and later was appointed as a Professor of moral and dogmatic theology at Krystynopol. The first editor of the periodical was the father Platonid Filias, the Order of Saint Basil the Great. By the time the father A. Sheptytsky, the Order of Saint Basil the Great, became the Stanislavsky bishop (1899), he was also the responsible editor of the periodical Misionar. The hegumen and father Andrey Sheptytsky, the Order of Saint Basil the Great, having founded Misionar and having founded the centres of the Brotherhood of Law, used the periodical to popularize the Brotherhood of Law and its development, thus encouraging readers to the perfect Christian life in the world in the community of Brotherhood in order to do good deeds for the benefit of all “Russ community” by joint efforts. The periodical provided information about the formation of centres of the Brotherhood of Law in localities, where the Basilian missions took place. The articles were printed that contributed to the formation of new centres and spiritual formation of community members. In particular, under the heading “The Life of the Saints”, the Basilian fathers, telling about the life of Saint Dalmat, his son Favstva and Saint Isaac, encouraged readers of Misionar to imitate the life of these Saints, the monastic life in the world and the formation of monasteries in villages, like the monastery of St. Isaac. They advised how this could be done. In the heading of the periodical “Misionarski Visti” [Missionary News], it was reported in which localities the centres of the Brotherhood of Law were founded. From May till December 1898, the story “The Christian community” was printed in 12 issues of the periodical that described the life of the law and the Christian life in general. These articles contributed to the spiritual formation of the members of the founded Brotherhood of Law and all readers of the periodical as well as the introduction of the “Rules of St. Father N. Vasyl V. for Mirsky people”, which were concluded by the hegumen and father Andrey Sheptytsky, the Order of Saint Basil the Great for the Brotherhood. Thus, favourable conditions were created for the foundation and development of the Lay Order of Saint Basil the Great, and the periodical Misionar played a special role in this. We can assert that the periodical Misionar occupies an honourable place in the entire now more than 120-year history of the existence and activities of the Lay Order of Saint Basil the Great in the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church.

This paper on an Umbanda worship space is part of a research with the religions of African and Amerindian matrix, conducted in the years 2015-16 at the request of the 67th Prosecutor’s Office for Human Rights of the State Public Prosecution Service of Mato Grosso do Sul and the Federation of Afro-Brazilian and Amerindian Cults of the State of Mato Grosso do Sul. As requested, several worship spaces were visited and 2 Fathers-of-Saint, 2 Mothers-of-Saint and 1 Babalorishá were interviewed, with the purpose of demonstrating to the municipal authorities that worship space cults should be considered religions, just like the others present in the municipality. Specifically, this paper analyzes the process of re-signification of Catholic saints in Umbanda as part of the hybridization and syncretism of worship space cults. The methodology consisted of visits to several worship spaces, interviews, and specifically in this case, we will analyze this process of re-signification based on the interview with Mother-of-Saint Fátima, coordinator of the Cabocla Janaína Worship Place in Campo Grande. Her speech has shown that the meanings of the Catholic saints in Umbanda, may be to make familiar a religion considered exotic, or even to syncretize the attributes and roles of the saints and orishas.

Over the centuries, iconographic representations of St Anthony of Padua, one of the most revered saints in the Catholic world, have been inspired by literary sources, which described the Saint as either naturally corpulent or with a swollen abdomen due to dropsy (i.e. fluid accumulation in the body cavities). Even recent attempts to reconstruct the face of the Saint have yielded discordant results regarding his outward appearance. To address questions about the real appearance of St Anthony, we applied body mass estimation equations to the osteometric measurements taken in 1981, during the public recognition of the Saint’s skeletal remains. Both the biomechanical and the morphometric approach were employed to solve some intrinsic limitations in the equations for body mass estimation from skeletal remains. The estimated body mass was used to assess the physique of the Saint with the body mass index. The outcomes of this investigation reveal interesting information about the body type of the Saint throughout his lifetime.

The paper is devoted to selected images of the saint hierarchs in the Church of the Virgin in Studenica Monastery. The attention is first of all focused on the figures of four bishops who were partially covered by the high iconostasis from the XIX century. These are standing figures of St. Achillius and an unidentified saint, and busts of St. Parthenius and St. Charalambos. In adittion to mentioned, some other figures are also analyzed - three saints named Gregory in the prothesis, St. Cyril of Alexandria in the apse, a bust of St. Clement of Rome on the west wall of the nave, as well as the bust of eponymous saint - probably Clement, bishop of Sardis - on the eastern arch below the dome.

This article takes a new approach to the conflicts represented in the thirteenth- century saints’ lives of the Katherine Group. Identifying saints and idols as contrasting poles in these conflicts, it argues that the category of sentience is a key distinguisher that is consistently employed to denigrate idols and idolators. Pagan antagonists are systematically identified as nonagential and material; by contrast, the saints communicate divine truth unimpeded and resist attempts to disrupt their highly integrated performances. The category of sentience is shuttled to-and-fro between parties as various antagonists attempt to reduce the saint to the status of an object. While superficially victorious, the saints finally fall prey to the binary logic of hagiography: to triumph over interrogation, torture, and death, the saint ultimately sacrifices her own sentience. This analysis reveals the investments of a medieval theory of sentience with implications for both hagiography at large and the twenty-first-century material turn.

The author of this article attempts to interpret the name ?gorgos? associated with Saint George, utilizing data from the oldest tradition in conjunction with the historical environment in which revives the worship of the saint as equestrian Akrita warrior. The relationship of the rider hero with his warhorse raises the heroism of the military saints of the East, particularly of Cappadocia at a time when the bravery and the heroism of the lads of the Akritian circle is generally emerging. The combination akrita/soldier and farmer meets at the same person of Saint George, who later appears in the iconography, as protector of the water, highlighting the type of ?dragonslayer?. As a formidable equestrian warrior, the Saint smites the enemies of Byzantium during the two wars that Constantine IX Monomachus conducts against the Patsinakoi, considering that Saint George stood firmly by his side. So George as ?gorgos? warrior, is being adopted as the protector of the palace at whom the emperor dedicates the temple of the Mangana Palace. With the status of ?protector? of the imperial house of Byzantium, Saint George becomes prostate symbol of the ?royal house? and is being adopted in imitation, from the Serbian House of Nemanides, whose members lived in the environment of the capital of Byzantium and experienced customs and traditions of the Byzantine court and society. This explains the ?transposition? of the worship of Saint George with the status of warrior - ?gorgos? protector of Byzantium at the Serbian territory of the house of Nemanides and appears to resort in the monuments, accepting the great honor as ?family saint protector? from the rulers of the dynasty that had multifarious relations with Byzantium.

For at least 125 years, the cult of St Philomena has enjoyed tremendous popularity in and around the northern Haitian seaside village of Bord de Mer de Limonade, just ten kilometers east of Cape Haitian, the country’s second largest city. Though periodically suppressed by the Catholic Church hierarchy because of freewheeling syncretism between the saint and the maritime Vodou spirit Lasyrenn (The Siren), devotion to St Philomena thrives in Bord de Mer, whose shrine attracts hundreds of pilgrims each week and thousands during her early September feast day celebrations. This paper explores the history and present of devotion to St Philomena and Lasyrenn in Bord de Mer, arguing that the association of the two spiritual beings amounts to a popular liberation hagiography that flouts ecclesial and state authority while anchoring and asserting local Haitian identity and feminine power. Depuis au moins 125 ans, le culte de sainte Philomène a connu une énorme popularité autour du village côtière du nord d’Haïti de Bord de Mer de Limonade, une dizaine de kilomètres à l’est du Cap-Haïtien, deuxième ville du pays. Bien que périodiquement réprimée par la hiérarchie catholique à cause du syncrétisme licencieux entre le saint et l’esprit maritime vodouisant Lasyrenn (La Sirène), la dévotion à sainte Philomène prospère dans le village, où son sanctuaire attire des centaines de pèlerins chaque semaine et des milliers au cours du jour de sa fête chaque 5 septembre. Cet article explore l’histoire et le présent de la dévotion à sainte Philomène et Lasyrenn à Bord de Mer, postulant que l’association entre ces deux êtres spirituels donne lieu à une hagiographie populaire de libération qui bafoue l’autorité ecclésiale et de l’État tout en retenant et en affirmant l’identité locale haïtienne et une sorte de pouvoir féminin.

Saint Sampson, whose feast is celebrated on June 27, was depicted among holy physicians. However, his images were not frequent. He was usually accompanied with Saint Mokios (in Saint Sophia in Kiev, the Transfiguration church in the Mirozh monastery and the church of the Presentation of the Holy Virgin in the Temple in the monastery of Saint Euphrosyne; possibly also in Saint Panteleimon in Nerezi and Saint Demetrios in the village of Aiani near Kozani; furthermore, in the church of Saint Nicholas in Manastir and, afterwards, in the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery). In a later period, he was usually shown in the vicinity of Saint Diomedes (in the churches of Saint Achillius in Arilje, Saint George in the village Vathiako on Crete, Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki, the Annunciation in Gracanica, the narthexes of the Hilandar katholikon and the church of the Holy Virgin in the monastery of Brontocheion at Mistra, the katholicon of the Pantokrator monastery and the church of Saint Demetrios in Markov Manastir). There are no substantial data regarding the identity of the saints depicted next to him in the metropolitan Church of Saint Demetrios at Mistra, while in a number of cases the image of the saint shown next to him has not been preserved (e.g. Saint Irene in the village of Agios Mamas on Crete, Gregory?s Gallery in the church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the church of the Holy Virgin (Panagia Kera) near the village Chromonastiri on Crete). On the other hand, in the church of the Holy Virgin in Mateic, Saint Sampson is, exceptionally, depicted among bishops, while in the church of the Holy Archangels in Prilep and the chapel of the Holy Anargyroi in Vatopedi, he is, as usual, surrounded by holy physicians but his mates are not featured - neither Saint Mokios, not Saint Diomedes. The earliest known commemorative text dedicated to him is the extensive hagiography - Vita Sampsonis I, composed in the seventh or the early eighth century. Other hagiographies, which mostly date from the tenth century, are completely based on the earlier writing. Such a composition can be found in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople. In the extensive text (Vita Sampsonis II), Symeon Metaphrastes added a part that included detailed descriptions of a number of posthumous miracles, mostly healings; all these events are also mentioned in the short Hagiography. Finally, in the late thirteenth century, Constantine Akropolites wrote the still unpublished Hagiography (Vita Sampsonis III), in which he presented an account of events from the later history of the Saint?s hospital. The hagiographies inform us that Sampson was a Roman by birth and a kin of Emperor Constantine. He inherited a fortune, which he distributed to the poor. Then, he departed for Constantinople, where he found a modest home. Patriarch Menas ordained him a priest. Relying on the medical knowledge, Sampson was saving the sick and he even cured Emperor Justinian from an incurable disease. For that reason, the Emperor found a large house, in which he established and fully equipped a xenon (hospital, ?????), whereas Sampson was appointed as the skeuophylax of the Great Church. The Blessed continued to work there until his death. His venerable leipsana, which rested in the church of Saint Mokios, constantly issued the cures. His feast was celebrated in the hospital founded by him. Long time had passed between the period in which the Saint had lived and the epoch in which his earliest hagiography was compiled. During that time, some events could have fallen into oblivion and accounts of other events could have been invented. Accordingly, the results of the researchers of Saint Sampson?s xenon?s history are valuable. The hospital was housed in Sampson?s home, where he provided not only health care, but also food and bed. It was presumably founded in the fourth century. The xenon was burned in the Nika riots in 532 and Emperor Justinian had it renovated and expanded. Based on some documents issued in the Empire of Nicaea, it may be concluded that the xenon had vast estates. The Crusaders first sacked it, to subsequently use it for their own needs, as they established the Order of Saint Sampson. The hospital soon received many properties in Constantinople and its environs, Hungary and Flanders. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople, the activities of Saint Sampson?s hospital were ceased and that there was a monastery at its place in the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the reputation of its holy founder persisted throughout the thirteenth century. Constantine Akropolites wrote the already mentioned Hagiography, and in one of his letters he spoke of the Saint, who was also mentioned in a poem by Manuel Philes (died around 1345). In Constantinople, the veneration of Saint Sampson had two centres - the hospital named after him and the church of Saint Mokios, where his leipsana rested. According to the synaxaria of the Typikon of the Great Church and the Church of Constantinople, the feast dedicated to the Saint was celebrated at his xenon. The former text informs us that the service was held by the Patriarch, whereas Symeon Metaphrastes relates that the vigil on the eve of the feast took place over the relics in the church of Saint Mokios. The Patriarch celebrated the feast dedicated to Saint Sampson with hospital clergy in the church within the xenon, both mentioned by Metaphrastes. It was either this church or a shrine from a later period that housed the iconostasis noted down by Constantine Stilbes, an eyewitness of the Latin capture of the Byzantine capital. Written sources and archaeological finds are consistent in that the hospital was located between the churches of Saint Sophia and Saint Irene. However, the first excavations carried out at the site of the xenon were not properly documented, whereas archaeologists involved in further investigations could not rely on reliable data, though they carefully examined all finds. The question arises why Saint Sampson was at first usually depicted in the company of Saint Mokios, a presbyter who died a martyr?s death in Constantinople (May 11), and later, together with Saint Diomedes, the physician who died in Nicaea (August 16). Therefore, this paper briefly presents the hagiographies of the two saints and the churches in the Byzantine capital where their relics rested - the monastery of Saint Mokios, which did not exist in the mid-fourteenth century, and Saint Diomedes, which was counting its last days in the fourteenth century, reduced to a small monastery. Dobrynja Jadrejkovic (subsequently Antony, archbishop of Novgorod) noted down around 1200 that the saint?s stick, epitrachelion and robes were kept at the hospital of Saint Sampson, whereas in the church of Saint Mokios, under the altar, rested Saint Mokios and Saint Sampson. He also mentioned that water flew from the latter?s grave, as well as that the church of Saint Diomedes was near the Golden Gate and that the relics of Saint Diomedes rested there. However, the Russian pilgrims who visited Constantinople during the Palaiologan period mentioned neither Saint Sampson?s hospital, not the church of Saint Mokios, whereas the church of Saint Diomedes, but not his relics, was noted down only by an unknown traveller who described the pilgrimage undertaken between the late 1389 and the early 1391. The answer to the question of what happened to the leipsana that once laid in these churches is not possible to provide. The fate of the relics of Saint Sampson, previously kept in his xenon, is not known, nor is it known where the commemorations of the three saints were held in the capital during the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the depictions of Saint Sampson accompanied by Saint Diomedes - whose oldest examples are preserved in Arilje - indicate that the connection of these two priest-physicians had already begun by the time when the church was painted (1295/1296), but, judging by the available sources, the only evidence on the process is given by the paintings. Although Saint Sampson founded the hospital which was probably the oldest in Constantinople, and though his leipsana, kept in the church of Saint Mokios, had healing powers, while his relics in the xenon were visited by pilgrims, it seems that the respect for this saint in the Byzantine capital was not reflected in the frequency of his images among holy physicians: he was fairly rarely shown among them. As a matter of fact, the earliest representations of Saint Sampson originated from Constantinople. They can be found on lead seals made for the hospital in the second half of the sixth and during the seventh century. On the other hand, there is no any known preserved depiction of this saint in the mural decoration of the early churches. Accordingly, it may be assumed that the veneration of Saint Sampson was initially limited to Constantinople, and that it was only later, since the time when his short hagiography was included in the synaxarium and his extensive hagiography was written for the Metaphrastes?s comprehensive work, that it was adopted in other areas of the East Christian world. It may seem paradoxical that the preserved images of the Saint dating from the period when his xenon flourished are less numerous than those from the time when the hospital, in all probability, did not exist. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople from Latin rule, Saint Sampson was earnestly honoured and that the believers frequented the monastery at the site of the old xenon, though the hospital did not exist anymore. The former assumption is corroborated by the writings of Constantine Akropolites and Manuel Philes, whereas the latter is supported by the coins from the Palaiologan period found in the sacral building within the complex that once belonged to Saint Sampson?s hospital. Although his miraculous leipsana rested in the church of Saint Mokios, the posthumous miracles of Saint Sampson, described in later hagiographies, mostly took place in his xenon, which housed the relics that were visited by pilgrims and where commemorative services dedicated to him were held. The veneration of the Saint was long fostered within the institution founded by him - the ancient hospital where trained doctors worked - i.e. it was nurtured between the reputation of medical skills based on secular knowledge and miraculous healings.

Le Congrès se tenant à la Maison-Mère des Soeurs de l’Assomption de la Sainte Vierge, la Société a voulu présenter une communication sur cet Institut. On trouvera ici un témoignage sur Soeur Saint-Ladislas, religieuse de la Congrégation, pionnière du renouveau catéchétique au Québec dans les années 1935-1950. Après un doctorat en pédagogie et des études en théologie, en littérature et en histoire, Soeur Saint-Ladislas mit de l’avant une méthode inductive intégrale d’explication du catéchisme, dans une série de six volumes intitulés Aux Petits du Royaume. Elle eut une influence déterminante dans la réforme des programmes de catéchèse de l’après-guerre.