Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Ruines – Hauts-de-France (France) – 20e siècle“
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Ruines – Hauts-de-France (France) – 20e siècle"
Greuet, Mathilde. „Les ruines de guerre dans les Hauts-de-France, 1921 - 2023“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024ULILH002.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThe thesis is focused on two historiographical fields: on the first hand, the historiography of the war and the post-war period, and on the other hand, Cultural Heritage studies. For this research, we intend to follow the fate of several war ruins in the Hauts-de-France area in order to study representative cases of the different political and social uses that are made of war ruins from the destruction of buildings to nowadays. In the 20th century, a renewal took place in the desire to preserve war ruins. During the First World War, debates appeared in France concerning the conservation of certain ruins and the modalities of reconstruction in general. Despite the importance of war ruins and debates about them at the time, few buildings are preserved as “Remains and Memories of War” after the war. During the reconstruction, pilgrims and tourists who came to discover the ancient battlefields and to meditate there were interested in the ruins. Despite this, the list of ruins and war vestiges which were supposed to be preserved was gradually reduced to facilitate reconstruction.At the end of the Second World War, the Ministry of Reconstruction and Urban Planning (MRU) was responsible for the reconstruction of the country. Despite everything, a certain number of war ruins remained in the landscape and experienced variable fates. Some were leveled off or buried under new buildings during the reconstruction or town planning operations of the 1960s and 1970s. Other destructions were abandoned and were naturally covered with vegetation. In most cases, we witness the gradual disappearance of the remains due to abandonment and time. Despite everything, war ruins remain visible in our current landscapes in Hauts-de-France. This raises the question of the evolution of the management and recognition of war ruins during the 20th and 21st centuries, but also the question of the challenge of conserving these ruins in the territories. To understand the different dynamics put in place, we propose to study representative cases of the management of war ruins over the last century: The Weppes bunkers, the "Red château" of Villers-Bretonneux, the ruins of Chemin des Dames and those of the Somme, the case of the war memorials to the deads including Noyon's one, the ruins of Amiens, the abbey of Vauclair, the bunker of Éperlecques and finally the Crèche's coastal battery. These examples allow us to show different types of support, as well as the debates and preservation choices to which they lead and the developments in recognition over the long term
Remy, Isabelle Patricia. „Sport et politiques municipales : étude comparative des options idéologiques et des stratégies sportives de Saint-Denis et Neuilly-sur-Seine au cours du XXe siècle“. Paris 5, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA05H022.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSaint-Denis and Neuilly-sur-Seine, municipalities of Parisian suburbs, show their lasting antagonistic political obedience, through the means and ways of testing the reality of the concomitant and close connection that exists between a specific political ideology and the elaboration of sports strategies. The methodology used lies in a comparative analysis of documentary corpus based on municipal archives, allowing to show- over a century- the logics of the sports policy, their ruptures and continuity, while taking into account their particular goals, through their sociopolitical composition, their sports urban spaces and the offer of sporting and physical activities. The political reflexivity on the social field witnesses the emergence of an interventionist pattern for the communist town of Saint-Denis and a non-interventionist one for Neuilly-surSeine, higMy representative of right-wing liberalism
Gaston-Breton, Tristan. „Histoire d'une grande entreprise familiale : Lesieur (1908-1993)“. Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040055.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleFounded in 1908, the company Lesieur became one of the most important oil manufacturers in France in the middle of the 1920's by making use of marks's politics. During the Second World War, because of German occupation in France, she went in Africa where she built three plants in Alger, Dakar and Casablanca. Those establishments allowed the company to stand out in the beginning of the 1950's as the first oil manufacturer in France then in Europe. The 1960's are characterized by a large diversification of the company's activities, in particular in animals’ food, washing powder and wrapping. But at the end of the 1960's, this diversification proved to be not a really one while the company was confronted to a disfavorable evolution of raw materials market. Weakened, the company had to open her authorized capital to The BNP bank in 1972. Then, a second diversification was undertaken seeking to haul up Lesieur among the “giant” of French food industry. This strategy, which ended up at an agreement with the sugar firm Saint-Louis-Bouchon, failed in 1988 when the Italian firm Ferruzi bought Lesieur
Perrier, Jérôme. „Entre administration et politique, Michel Debré (1912-1948) : du service de l'État à l'entrée au forum“. Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0048.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAs a high-ranking official turned politician, Michel Debré had always given much importance to ideas, which are the necessary prelude to any political action. His rich personal archives bear witness to that and make it possible to pinpoint his professional and intellectual progression between 1935 and 1948, at a time when the liberal values at the core of the French republican model were being severely tested. When he was a young technocrat, Michel Debré painfully experienced the crisis undergone by the parliamentary régime until its collapse in 1940 and was triggered into a short-lived desire for authoritarianism. That was before he joined the Resistance movement, a period which coincided with a form of new liberal synthesis aiming at linking liberty and authority. He was as such the exact contrary of the citizen opposed to any form of power embodied by Alain -the philosopher- but rather in agreement with the definition of "state liberalism" coming from the great founders of the Third Republic. Hence, a thorough study/analysis of Michel Debré's progression would bring a new outlook to the study of the genesis of the 1958 Constitution, and give a concrete example of the complicated and ambiguous relations that exist between civil service and policy or politics, even before the "République des énarques"
Lépinay, Thomas. „Le pouvoir des rapports : la Cour des comptes, du jugement des comptes à l’évaluation des politiques publiques (années 1950 – années 2010) : contribution à une histoire des grands corps de l’État“. Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA01D022.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBetween the 1950s and the beginning of the 21st Century, the Cour des comptes (the French Audit Office), an administrative and financial court and grand corps de l’État whose members are primarily recruited among the top-students of the École nationale d’administration (ENA), has had a peculiar trajectory. While its mandate previously entailed verifying the proper handling of public money, it gradually expanded to include duties deemed more political, such as evaluating public policies. Furthermore, the Cour became a highly-publicized institution. In other words, the magistrates modernized their role, gained new audiences (Parliament, media) and blurred the line between bureaucracy and politics. Eschewing traditional approaches of the grands corps de l’État that focus on how agents circulate within and outside the French State, this dissertation argues that Cour members have institutionalized their auditing and report writing duties in order to strengthen their position at the highest levels of the State. It draws on interviews, oral histories, written archives, ethnography and the analysis of press and official reports, and combines sociological approaches of organizational reputation and institutions. This work first shows how, within a broader context where the State itself was transforming, the role of the magistrates changed as the Cour’s power evolved. It then explains how new and more diverse audiences legitimated and used the expertise of the Cour. Finally, it examines how official reports are produced and received, and in such analyzes how a public institution can lastingly be recognised as “neutral”
Laffage-Cosnier, Sébastien. „L’élève accompli. Les innovations scolaires menées à Vanves par le Dr Max Fourestier (1950-1973)“. Thesis, Besançon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BESA1028.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleSchool experiments carried out by doctor Max Fourestier in Vanves are "places of memory" in the history of sport and physical education in the middle of the twentieth century. Rooted in the postwar economic boom, this heuristic work aims at describing the place and role of corporal practices in various experimentations (equal division of time between school work and sport, snow class, napping class, forest class or equal division of time between school work, physical education and cultural activities) implemented in school Gambetta and, more generally, in all the schools in Vanves. Blending varied and original sources, the study reveals that the inherent process of Max Fourestier's renowned work comes from four complementary factors. Firstly, the success of these innovative ideas is due to the personality and life path of their creator, who was endowed with a scientific aura. Secondly, Max Fourestier brings together local participants and relies on the identity of the town of Vanves which has specific political, educational, medical and social characteristics. Thirdly, the school doctor uses networks, social structures and interpersonal exchanges to convince, legitimize and spread his ideal school project. Finally, Max Fourestier promotes his model by taking advantage of modernity and the power of the media. This work revolves mainly around these four explanatory logics to understand the birth of these worldwide school innovations in 1950, their development between 1951 and 1967 and eventually their decline from 1968 on
Viguier, Alain. „Renault Billancourt, 1950-1992 : le parti communiste et les ouvriers. Identités ouvrières et identité de parti : identités ouvrières et identité de parti“. Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H106/document.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleThis thesis retraces the history of the workers’ conflicts at Billancourt starting in the 1950ies in their connection with the communists’ policies, dominant at the time, and carried out by the skilled workers. It highlights and analyses the hidden factors of the transformations that affect the different conflicts and the worker identities that manifest themselves in these conflicts. The domination of the communist model of the 50ies, destabilized by the dynamics of the conflicts of the years around 1968, was the work of the skilled workers. This dynamism was stimulated by the transformation of work engaged upon in the previous decades. Their insubordination, their protests about work and racism, the strength of the blockade strikes, thwart the French communist party policy oriented towards the union from the unskilled workers to the engineer. The initiative of the rupture, in 1977, of the left, attested to the failure of the PCF’s ambition to remain the leading party. In 1981, the PCF counted in vain on a successful, but unwished for, participation in the government. This participation disappointed the workers, activating contradictions within its militant corps. The factory world dislocated. Working class centrality and class concept had lost all operational reality, while the communist policy of categorical particularization was powerless to stem a political "balkanisation" of wage earners. Violent disagreements broke out in the sections, and were seen in the factory by divergent practices. The radical campaign for the "ten of Billancourt", proposals for alternative management, failed. The ties between the party and the workers were weakened, leaving the immigrants alone and helpless in the face of job suppressions