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1
Meyer, David, Victor C. Shih und Jonghyuk Lee. „FACTIONS OF DIFFERENT STRIPES: GAUGING THE RECRUITMENT LOGICS OF FACTIONS IN THE REFORM PERIOD“. Journal of East Asian Studies 16, Nr. 1 (März 2016): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.5.
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AbstractThe literature on faction suggests that patrons in the party may recruit faction members on the basis of a broad range of shared traits and experience. Some scholars argue reasonably that with increasing specialization of officials, factions are increasingly dominated by those with shared work experience in a set of bureaucracies. Although this trend may be true in general, senior leaders may still recruit those with whom they share birth place and school ties into their factions. To investigate this, we first derive four reasonable ways of measuring factional ties as suggested by the literature. We then explore the factional recruitment strategy pursued by each reform-era (1978–present) party secretary generals of the CCP by evaluating the measures of factional ties which predicted their clients’ promotions to full Central Committee membership. Our results show that Hu Yaobang, Jiang Zemin, and Xi Jinping pursued broadly based factional recruitment strategies, while Hu Jintao recruited faction members mainly from work colleagues. We further uncover signs that the party institutions may allow deposed secretary generals some measure of influence over promotions even after their political demise. At the same time, strict retirement rules on lower level officials gave rise to a cohort effect that gave the general secretary greater influence over the promotion of alternate Central Committee members to the full Central Committee during their first term than in subsequent terms.
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Zornetta, Giulia. „Benevento and Salerno“. Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 103, Nr. 1 (01.11.2023): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2023-0008.
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Abstract After the Carolingian conquest of the Lombard Kingdom in 774, the Duchy of Benevento became an independent principality. Duke Arechis (758–787) proclaimed himself princeps gentis Langobardorum, thus opposing the political authority of the new King of the Lombards, Charlemagne. During the second half of the 8th century, Arechis refounded Salerno as the second capital city of Lombard Southern Italy by building a palace which stood as a marker of his political authority within the urban landscape. When the competition between two factions of the Beneventan aristocracy led to a civil war (839–849), Salerno became first a gathering place for members of the faction opposing Prince Radelchis and then the capital city of a new Lombard principality. By considering both written and archaeological sources, this paper focuses on the social and political aspects that led to the urban development of Salerno and challenged the role of Benevento during the 8th and 9th centuries. Some final considerations contextualise the rise of Capua as a third capital city in Lombard Southern Italy during the 9th and 10th centuries.
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Hood, Steven J. „Political Change in Taiwan: The Rise of Kuomintang Factions“. Asian Survey 36, Nr. 5 (01.05.1996): 468–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645494.
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Hood, Steven J. „Political Change in Taiwan: The Rise of Kuomintang Factions“. Asian Survey 36, Nr. 5 (Mai 1996): 468–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.5.01p0132i.
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Ulum, Dr Mohammad Samsul. „Yellow Journalism in India: A Truth about Impacts biased news agencies have on common masses and their reactions against policies in India“. Technoarete Transactions on Advances in Social Sciences and Humanities 1, Nr. 1 (01.10.2021): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36647/ttassh/01.01.a004.
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An understanding of the present scenario of mainstream journalism in India clearly highlights the development of two distinct factions. Yellow journalism in India is on the rise, with several political implications associated with the press. The study here is in line with the understanding of the very concept of yellow journalism and its background. An understanding of the aspect of the two factions in Indian media and the associated factors are provided here. Keyword : Yellow Journalism, Godi Media, Liberal media, Spanish-American War.
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Odom, E. Dale. „Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make - Leadership From John Adams To George Bush“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 21, Nr. 1 (01.04.1996): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.21.1.42-43.
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Skowronek. a Yale political science professor, has conceived a new framework for examining the leadership of United States presidents in the past. He contends that there have been four different modes of governmental operations in which presidents have had to work. ( l) The Patrician mode of 1789-1832 was one in which the characteristic presidential resource was his personal reputation among notables and I I his typical strategy was to stand as national tribune above faction and interest. (2) In the Partisan mode from 1832 to 1900, party organization and executive patronage constituted the characteristic presidential resource, and the typical strategy was to act as a broker for the national coalition by distributing patronage to party factions and local machines. (3) The Pluralist mode from 1900 to 1972 was a period when the characteristic presidential resource was the expanding executive establishment needed to attend to newly nationalized interests and America's rise to world power; the typical strategy was to bargain with leaders of all institutions and organized interests as the main steward of national policy making. ( 4) In the Plebiscitary mode, from 1972 to the present, Skowronek maintains that the main resource the president had was his independent political apparatus and mass communication technologies, while the typical strategy was to appeal for political support over the heads of Washington elites directly to the people at large.
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Winkler, Christian G. „Those were the days: the rise and fall of the LDP's factions“. Japan Forum 27, Nr. 3 (03.07.2015): 405–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555803.2015.1054855.
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Pluchinsky, Dennis A. „Germany's red army faction: An obituary“. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 16, Nr. 2 (Januar 1993): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109308435925.
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Chambers, Paul. „Evolving Toward What? Parties, Factions, and Coalition Behavior in Thailand Today“. Journal of East Asian Studies 5, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2005): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002083.
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How important have Thai parties and intraparty factions been in Thailand's fast-evolving democracy? What role do they play today, especially since the enactment of the latest constitution? What has accounted for the fragmentation in Thailand's party systems and coalitions? How did Thai democracy allow for the rise to power of Thaksin Shinawatra? This article analyzes these questions, presents a theory of Thai coalition behavior, and offers some predictions for Thailand's democratic future.
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Kovalev, I. A., G. I. Martsinkevich, T. E. Suslova, G. P. Philippov und V. N. Kim. „The factors of risk of the development of endothelium dysfunction that people with hereditary atherosclerosis and coronary atherosclerosis have“. Bulletin of Siberian Medicine 1, Nr. 1 (30.03.2002): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20538/1682-0363-2002-1-45-52.
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The research is devoted to the evaluation of the depressor and constrictive components of the vascular reactiveness in the people with burdened heredity on atherosclerosis and the factors of risk of this disease’s development. The connection of the vascular reactiveness of peripheral arteries with the factors of risk of atherosclerosis development is discovered. The results of researches allow to suppose that atherogenic factions of lipoproteins, inflammatory cytokines produced by mononuclear of nitric oxide participate in the formation of pathological vascular reactions in people with atherosclerosis and with burdened atherosclerosis heredity on preclinical disease level.
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Schmidt, Rudi. „Der gescheiterte Streik in der ostdeutschen Metallindustrie“. PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 33, Nr. 132 (01.09.2003): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v33i132.663.
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The attempt of the metal workers union to adjust the higher East German weekly working hours to the lower West German level of 35 h has failed, The mighty union first after World War II broke off a strike without any result, The unsuccessful strike reinforces the deep conflict between two factions, because the one, the so-called ,Traditionalists' pushed the strike, whereas the other, the ,Modernizers' warned to dare it. The struggle of both factions is about the right way how to rise to the challenges of liberalized market economy and globalization. It paralyzed the union for weeks and it can be supposed that the now reveiled weakness can hamper seriously the former power to define sector wide collective bargaining agreements.
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Tabroni, Roni, und Idham Idham. „From Radical Labels to Moderate Islam: The Transformation of the Salafism Movement in Jakarta“. Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 13, Nr. 2 (31.12.2023): 279–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v13i2.279-306.
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The contemporary Salafist movement in Indonesia began to develop in the 1970s. In its development, the Salafist movement later gave rise to various factions. One of the results of the dynamic and contestation of these various factions was the emergence of religious moderation movements of Salafists. This article tries to track and analyze the religious moderation movements of Salafists. This article uses historical and qualitative methods with a case study approach. The results of the study showed that the singular Salafi ideas that emerged at the beginning of the establishment of urban Salafists adapted. This adaptation can be seen in the acceptance of the Republic of Indonesia and democracy even within the framework of Sharia and the presence of moderation or anti-violence ideas.
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Chamberlain, Joshua M., Francesca Spezzano, Jaclyn J. Kettler und Bogdan Dit. „A Network Analysis of Twitter Interactions by Members of the U.S. Congress“. ACM Transactions on Social Computing 4, Nr. 1 (April 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3439827.
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Usage of Twitter by politicians has become more prevalent in recent years, with a goal of influencing the electorate and public perception. We collect, explore, and analyze over 12 years of public Twitter interactions of U.S. senators and representatives. Using community detection algorithms on these interaction networks, and without considering the content of the tweets, we are able to infer the political affiliation of each member of Congress with up to 98.8% accuracy in the House and 94.1% accuracy in the Senate. In addition, we define two metrics that can determine the political ideology of members of Congress achieving a very high Spearman’s rank correlation of 0.86 with the existing DW-NOMINATE score from the field of political science. Finally, we expand our structural analysis to intra-party factions and found evidence that some factions act on Twitter more cohesively than others, suggesting an increasing risk of an echo chamber effect when promoting their political agenda.
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Asmal, Kader, und Michael Kahn. „The knowledge economy: Fact or faction“. South African Journal of Business Management 31, Nr. 4 (31.12.2000): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v31i4.1734.
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The phrase 'knowledge economy' has acquired currency as powerful as the adjective 'modern' once had. This paper explores the meaning of knowledge-based economy from the perspective of the South and traces the rise of the information sciences and the interplay between information technology and the present globalisation. Particular consideration is given to who is included and who is excluded in this new world order. Being involved in education, the authors are concerned to examine the track record of computer-based applications to education and the prospects for these to achieve the much elusive productivity gains in this field. The paper concludes with an outline of possible directions for the local information technology industry in relations to education.
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Aschoff, Hans-Georg. „Konfessionskonflikte im Hochstift Hildesheim nach dem Westfälischen Frieden“. Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte. Neue Folge der »Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins für Niedersachsen« 2024, Nr. 96 (27.11.2024): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46500/83535681-004.
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Nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg stellte das Hochstift Hildesheim den interessanten Fall dar, dass eine protestantische Bevölkerungsmehrheit von einer katholischen Landesherrschaft, repräsentiert durch den Fürstbischof und das Domkapitel, regiert wurde. Trotz der Normaljahrsregelung des Westfälischen Friedens, der auch im Fürstbistum den konfessionellen Besitzstand sicherte, traten eine Reihe von Konflikten zwischen den Konfessionen auf; die protestantische Seite, deren wichtigster Repräsentant die hildesheimische Ritterschaft war, sah in einigen Maßnahmen der Fürstbischöfe, wie die Einrichtung neuer katholischer Pfarreien und die Gründung klösterlicher Niederlassungen, eine Verletzung des Westfälischen Friedens. Umfassendere Rekatholisierungsmaßnahmen seitens der Fürstbischöfe wurden durch die Furcht vor einem Eingreifen der welfischen Herzöge bzw. Kurfürsten unterbunden, die sich als Schirmherren des stifthildesheimischen Protestantismus verstanden. Vor dem Hintergrund der Aufklärung verloren im 18. Jahrhundert die konfessionellen Konflikte an Bedeutung. Following the Thirty Years’ War, the Prince-Bishopric of Hildesheim became a unique example of a Protestant majority region governed by a Catholic ruling authority, represented by the Prince-Bishop and the Cathedral Chapter. Although the Peace of Westphalia’s »Normal Year« rule was intended to preserve the confessional status quo, it did not prevent the emergence of conflicts between the Protestant and Catholic factions. The Protestant faction, particularly the Hildesheim knighthood, perceived actions of the Prince-Bishops such as establishing new Catholic parishes and founding monastic settlements as breaches of the Peace of Westphalia. The Prince-Bischops’ attempts at more extensive re-Catholicisation were curtailed by the fear of intervention from the Welf Dukes or Electors, who positioned themselves as the protectors of Protestantism in the Prince-Bishopric of Hildesheim. By the 18th century, these confessional conflicts had diminished in importance with the rise of Enlightenment.
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Kwak, Roe. „A Study for the Rise of Huanglong Faction in Jiangxi“. Journal of Korean Seon Studies 40 (30.04.2015): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22253/jkss.2015.04.40.135.
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Duke, Vic, und Roland Renson. „From Factions to Fusions?: The Rise and Fall of Two-Club Rivalries in Belgian Football“. International Review for the Sociology of Sport 38, Nr. 1 (01.03.2003): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690203038001728.
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DasGupta, Soham. „Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey“. ENSEMBLE 2, Nr. 2 (31.05.2021): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2020-0202-a013.
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India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.
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Mochocki, Michał. „Edu-Larp as Revision of Subject-Matter Knowledge“. International Journal of Role-Playing, Nr. 4 (17.05.2023): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33063/ijrp.vi4.229.
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The paper presents theoretical foundations of the author's approach to the design of edu-larps. It is deliberately steering away from cross-disciplinary teaching, artistic education or soft skills training in order to advocate larps tailored to single school subjects, focused on integration and consolidation of curricular knowledge. Putting larp in the context of applied drama, or Drama in Education, the text argues that well-designed edu-larp is likely to be accepted by the average teacher, not just by dedicated and trained drama educators. The concept of print-and-play “larp for dummies” downplays the importance of preparation, acting and immersion, while emphasising the game-like structure of goals and conflicts: gameplay set to work alongside role-play. Therefore, the ideas and tools borrowed from video games and board games design can be useful in the creation of edu-role plays, breeding a form which might be called 'gamified drama'. The recommended function for edu-larps is final revision of a large textbook unit, an idea discussed on the example of high-school history classes. The suggested model for classrom larp is a negotiation game between conflicted but cooperating factions, divided into three stages: a) preparation of all factions separately; b) informal meeting of all factions shortly before the official talks; c) official negotiation session which is supposed to bring forward all major (textbook-based!) issues for public debate. The paper ends with a section on troubleshooting, i.e. an overview of risk factors frequently pointed in the discussion of game-based learning, with ideas of how to eliminate or minimise the risks through careful design. Referenced sources come from the fields of edu-larp, edu-drama, game-based learning, and general educational theory.
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Khatib, Hakim. „Impact of perceptual biases on cultural perception towards the ‘other’: the case of Egypt versus the European Union“. Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, Nr. 4 (01.10.2015): 505–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1079979.
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The empirical literature has focused on political, socio-economic and even religious indicators when attempting to understand the rise of Islamic factions in Egypt, thereby minimizing the role of cultural aspects in driving mobilization and contestation processes in the Arab World. With this issue in mind, this paper focuses on the alteration of cultural perception of the public through the capitalization of perceptual biases. The contribution of European Union policies in the region has served as useful material for the Islamic rhetoric of the ‘Salafi Call’ and the Muslim Brotherhood in creating a European Union-sceptical culture to contest and mobilize for the elections in 2012 in Egypt. Based on the sixth edition of Jerald Greenberg and Robert Baron's Behavior in Organizations (London, 1997), perceptual biases of stereotyping, which may distort the image of the target collective, and comparative examples of Islamic rhetoric from the period covering the Egyptian elections will be analyzed to demonstrate how Islamic factions took advantage of these perceptual biases to disparage the ‘West’ in the region and, at the same time, to gain more sympathy, support and legitimacy from the Egyptian people. Whilst there is a significant knowledge gap about Europe in the Arab world, clouded by generalization and stereotyping, the European Union likewise lacks accurate and up-to-date information about religious movements. Religious elites constitute a significant player in altering cultural perception in the Arab region. Pragmatism of politically active religious factions increases their impact on perception of the ‘Self’ and the ‘Other’.
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Jazic, Aleksandar. „Rise and fall of left wing terrorism“. Medjunarodni problemi 65, Nr. 2 (2013): 238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1302269j.
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The author analyses the key features of left-wing terrorism through the Red Brigades, a terrorist organization formed in Italy in the late 1960s. The complex situation in the country after World War II and the changes in international relations had caused the formation of this terrorist organization. The Red Brigades sought a complete transformation of the Italian society in line with the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. This terrorist organization was engaged in many terrorist activities and the most common targets were big capital owners and political officials. After World War II, West Germany had had the same problem as Italy, which prompted the formation of another terrorist organization - the Red Army Faction based in this country. The Red Army Faction acted in line with the same ideological principles and pursued the same goals as the Red Brigades, which resulted in close cooperation between the two. Both organizations established cooperation with other terrorist organizations around the world. After the Cold War, the activities of these organizations weakened and progressively disappeared. Meanwhile, radical Islamic terrorist organizations emerged basing their actions on religious grounds. However, there are some similarities and differences between Islamic and left wing terrorist organizations.
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Apanapudor, Joshua S., Sylvester O. Okpako, Newton O. Okposo und Friday Z. Okwonu. „A RISK-LEVEL ANALYSIS OF INTRA-COMMUNAL VIOLENCE A CASE STUDY OF UVWIE LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA, DELTA STATE NIGERIA“. FUDMA JOURNAL OF SCIENCES 8, Nr. 2 (30.04.2024): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33003/fjs-2024-0802-2345.
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Intra-communal violence perpetrates across various families and factions in a community and this is strongly supported by the undeniable solidarity felt and exhibited by the violent parties for their respective groups. In this research work, we made some assumptions regarding the violence risk level of the human community. Basic mathematical analyses such as the violence-free and the violent-persistent equilibrium points and the basic reproduction number were examined. As a case study, an analysis of the violence risk level of Uvwie local government, Delta State, Nigeria, was carried out, and the data collected via questionnaires revealed that the community is at high risk level of violence, and so violence will occur in most cases. The violence risk level and the peace level perceptions of various categories of the residents of the community were clearly presented and analyzed. The computational software used in this research was the Version 12 Mathematica Programming Software.
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Diniz, Veridiana Bessa Franciozo, und Jody Lynn McBrien. „Children and Drug Trafficking in Brazil: Can International Humanitarian Law Provide Protections for Children Involved in Drug Trafficking?“ Societies 12, Nr. 6 (06.12.2022): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12060183.
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Brazil has seen a rise in children in narco-trafficking due to increased conflicts between factions and local law enforcement. Mainstream media and scholars tend to frame actions of these factions as organized crime, ignoring the generalized violence the communities and children experience. The aim of this study is to conduct a scoping review to consider whether or not Brazilian children involved in drug trafficking can be classified as child soldiers. Drawing from the international definition of Armed Conflict in Article 3 of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and Article 1 of the Additional Protocol II, and comparing situations of realities faced by Brazilian children involved in narco-trafficking, we argue that their reality is analogous to that of child soldiers, as defined by the Paris Principles on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict 2007; thus, going beyond the organized crime definition. In characterizing them as child soldiers, we argue for improving the children’s ability to be reintegrated into society, with the collective help of the international community.
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Hendrikse, Reijer. „The Rise of Neo-Illiberalism“. Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 41, Nr. 1 (15.06.2021): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.40.2.37158.
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This paper expands on the notion neo-illiberalism, signifying a symbiosis between neoliberal capitalism and variegated illiberal nationalisms, offering deeper reflections on its geopolitics, key drivers, and conceptual puzzles. It is argued that the West has entered an age of political illiberalization, replicating political operating logics of variegated illiberal(izing) regimes elsewhere, corroding domestic institutions and the western-dominated international liberal order, constituting an historic geopolitical shift. Although centrist parties have been variably attracted to the far right, particularly seeing center-right parties reinvent themselves as nationalist challengers to the ‘globalist’ status quo, in power they mostly radicalize the neoliberal encasement of capital, transforming a range of liberal-democratic institutions, procedures, and rights into illiberal political fortifications. Neoliberalism’s illiberal mutation is being realized amidst the intersections of rampant financial offshoring and digitization defining contemporary capitalism, allowing billionaire-class factions to ‘hack’ liberal-democratic governments and operating systems. With the rollout of data-driven technologies increasingly requiring the rollback of liberal protections by design, the fusion of digitizing capitalism and illiberal nationalisms is increasingly escaping accepted notions of liberalism.
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Espinosa, N., A. Coral Gallart, S. Bermejo Martinez, X. Nolla Nieto, G. Gomez De Segura Melcon, M. Mancera Soto, M. Lizondo Gisbert und N. Jornet Sala. „PO-1846: Inter-faction reproducibility of organs at risk in prostate and rectum RT treatments.“ Radiotherapy and Oncology 152 (November 2020): S1028—S1029. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-8140(21)01864-8.
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Tu, Huazhong, Yili Zhang und Jianhong Wang. „The Rise of Sikh Empire and Its Influence on the Indian Subcontinent“. Asia Social Science Academy 9, Nr. 1 (31.10.2022): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2022.9.1.21.
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The Sikh Empire was a major power in the Indian subcontinent during the 19th century. It was founded by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1799 and lasted until its annexation by the British Empire in 1849. The empire was based in the Punjab region, and its capital was the city of Lahore. Maharaja Ranjit Singh unified the various Sikh factions in the region and expanded the empire to include much of the Punjab, as well as parts of present-day Afghanistan, Kashmir. The Sikh Empire was known for its religious tolerance and military prowess, and it was a major regional power in South Asia. The culture of the empire was a mix of Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh traditions. The empire was eventually defeated by the British Raj in the Second Anglo-Sikh War, but its legacy remains to this day. This essay explores the Sikh Empire's ascent from the late 18th century to its fall in the middle of the 19th century. and its lasting impact on the Indian subcontinent. It looks at the rise of the Sikh Empire under the leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the consolidation of the Sikh Empire, and how its political and military power was used to shape the region. It considers the political influence of the Sikh Empire, its impact on culture, art, and literature, and how it left a legacy of religious and political tolerance and an appreciation of diversity in the region. The demise of the Sikh Empire and its legacy in contemporary India are covered last. The paper concludes that the Sikh Empire had a significant part in shaping the Indian subcontinent's history and culture.
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Lee, Yong-ho. „A study on the policies of Baekje's King Biyu towards Goguryeo and the process of King Gaero's ascension“. Bukak History Academy 18 (31.07.2023): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2023.18.1.5.
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This study examines the crucial policies in the governance of Baekje, a kingdom in the 5th century, with a focus on its response to the invasions by Goguryeo, a neighboring kingdom. King Biyu, who came from the moderate faction known as the clan “Hae” was established as the ruler, following a diplomatic approach of not provoking Goguryeo, which had been maintained since the reign of King Jeonji. However, a shift in Baekje's stance can be detected in the negotiation with the Southern Dynasties of China, particularly during the year 450.
The negotiation with the Song Dynasty, mediated by Fungyabu, a North Korean envoy in the Northern Dynasties, aimed to undermine the relationship between Baekje and Goguryeo, while maximizing diplomatic gains for Baekje. Through negotiations with Song Dynasty in 450, Baekje sought to constrain Goguryeo and strengthen its own influence.
Additionally, the items demanded by Baekje from the Song Dynasty, such as “Yeok-rim”, “Sikjeom”, and “Yono”, indicate the needs and policies of Baekje around 450. Yeok-rim and Sikjeom signify the introduction of new military tactics to expand Baekje's policy position, while Yono implies a focus on military reinforcement and weapons acquisition. The dispatch of Fungyabu and the requested items reflect a shift in Baekje's policy towards a more confrontational approach with Goguryeo, revealing the internal dynamics within Baekje.
In September 455, immediately before his death, King Biyu is recorded to have encountered a “Black Dragon” in the “Han River” region. Notably, King Biyu went hunting in “Hansan” in March, a region that frequently appeared in the context of conflicts with Goguryeo. His hunting in Hansan was likely meant to assert his control over the military forces, emphasizing the imminent confrontation with Goguryeo. These actions by King Biyu contradicted the moderate policies pursued by the Haesei faction, which had previously dominated Baekje's approach towards Goguryeo, indicating potential friction between the moderate faction led by the clan “Hae” and the hardline faction led by King Biyu.
Following King Biyu's death, a significant shift occurred within the moderate faction led by the clan “Hae”, leading to an internal conflict with the hardline faction led by King Gaero. Approximately a month after King Biyu's demise, in October 455, Goguryeo launched an invasion on Baekje, which was eventually repelled with the assistance of a Silla relief force. This event undermined the legitimacy of the moderate faction, including the clan “Hae”, in the succession dispute, ultimately resulting in King Gaero ascending the throne and the victory of the hardline faction.
Indeed, the rise of King Gaero, who suppressed the moderate faction and seized power, and his supporting faction inherently faced limitations in adopting a tough stance against Goguryeo.
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Loewenstein, Jennifer. „Notes from the Field: Return to the Ruin that is Gaza“. Journal of Palestine Studies 36, Nr. 3 (2007): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.3.23.
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This personal account of the author's November 2006 visit to Gaza, which coincided with Israel's launch of its ““Operation Autumn Clouds,”” examines the impact on the Strip of economic and military siege, which intensified following Hamas's victory in the January 2006 parliamentary elections. The author also addresses post-election changes in Gaza, both politically (especially the rise of open conflict between factions) and socially. She concludes by examining Gaza's grim and uncertain future in the wake of the intense devastation——economic, political, and social——wreaked over the past several years.
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Berg, Louis-Alexandre. „Civil–Military Relations and Civil War Recurrence: Security Forces in Postwar Politics“. Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, Nr. 7-8 (27.02.2020): 1307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720903356.
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Does restructuring security forces reduce the risk of civil war recurrence? Prior research has examined effects of military integration in alleviating commitment problems, but the evidence has been inconclusive. Other aspects of civil–military relations have received less attention. This article examines the effects of civil–military relations in the context of postwar struggles to consolidate authority. It outlines three pathways through which security forces contribute to renewed civil war: by excluding rival factions and facilitating insurgent mobilization, by exploiting control over resources to challenge the regime, or by escalating incipient insurgency through repression. Analysis of original, cross-national data on postwar civil–military relations shows that reducing the potential for exclusion and exploitation through diverse officer appointments and robust civilian oversight lowers the risk of civil war. These findings emphasize the distributive effects of restructuring security forces and highlight the value of examining political contests around state institutions to understand why civil wars restart.
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Kattan, Victor. „The Implications of Joining the ICC after Operation Protective Edge“. Journal of Palestine Studies 44, Nr. 1 (2014): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.44.1.61.
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Since the summer 2014 Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip, the calls have grown louder for Palestine to ratify the Rome Statute and join the International Criminal Court (ICC). Palestinian factions across the political spectrum have indicated that they would support such a move. But in spite of gaining the status of an observer-state at the United Nations, Palestine has yet to join the ICC. While acceding to the Rome Statute and filing the application to the ICC is a relatively straightforward process, there are numerous risk factors involved. This article investigates a variety of possible scenarios and their likely outcomes, including the legal mechanisms necessary for acceding to the Rome Statute, and alternative measures that the Palestinian leadership might envisage.
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Alshurideh, Hevron, Muhammad Alshurideh, Barween Al Kurdi und Shireen Alkurdi. „IMPACT OF DISTANCE LEARNING TECHNOLOGY ON ONLINE EDUCATION PERFORMANCE“. International Journal of Theory of Organization and Practice (IJTOP) 2, Nr. 1 (28.12.2022): 144–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54489/ijtop.v2i1.173.
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Distance learning technologies have become mainstream due to the emergence of coronavirus (COVID-19) and its variants over the last few months. Both companies and institutions are now resorting to using technology for their operations, whether to train their workforce or educate their students. This research has devised full stack distance learning technology platform to enable a factious educational institutions or corporation to enable its usage and effectively demonstrate how technology could be utilized to fully transform learning online. As a result, the functioning of how a university or learning institution could take their learning online away from their physical medium, thereby insulting themselves from the risk of suffering contagion due to the coronavirus while continuing their operations and business as usual.
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Hicken, Allen. „Party Fabrication: Constitutional Reform and the Rise of Thai Rak Thai“. Journal of East Asian Studies 6, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2006): 381–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000463x.
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Among the most interesting questions in Thai politics today is how to account for the rise and (until recently) the success of Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party. This article describes and analyzes some of the factors that contributed to the rise and success of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai, arguing that neither Thaksin's personal assets nor the effects of the crisis are enough to explain Thai Rak Thai's rise and success. It focuses instead on the 1997 changes to Thailand's constitution. These institutional reforms were crucial because they altered Thailand's political-institutional landscape in fundamental ways. The reforms provided new opportunities and incentives for political actors that Thaksin and his party adeptly took advantage of. The argument presented is that the key reforms that helped pave the way for the rise of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai were those reforms that helped reduce the number of political parties and that increased the power of the prime minister relative to coalition partners and intraparty factions.
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Campbell, Joel R., und Hieyeon Keum. „Chinese Patron-Clientelism for the Twenty-First Century: The Rise of Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang“. International Studies Review 15, Nr. 1 (15.10.2014): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01501001.
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Patron-clientelism is the central dynamic propelling leadership change in China, and this model of personal association opened a path for China’s current top leaders. Patron-clientelism bolsters the key features of the Chinese political system: Leninist political organization, intra-party divisions, conflictual decision-making processes, and the vital roles played by senior figures. Patron-clientelism is characterized by both vertical and horizontal dimensions, and it is accompanied by endemic personalism, factionalism, corruption, and nepotism. Clientelistic ties have shaped all leadership transitions since the Maoist period, and they were most evident in the falls of leaders Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang in the 1980s. Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are the latest beneficiaries of the patron-clientelistic system. Xi was propelled by his “princeling” background and his association with the Shanghai faction of former top leader Jiang Zemin. Li is the latest scion of the Communist Youth League faction that produced Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao. The recent fall of Bo Xilai illustrates some of the pitfalls of factional and “princeling” leadership.
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Малахова, С. И. „INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS OF THE NOBILITY “PARTIES” CONDÉ DURING THE FRONDE“. Человеческий капитал 2, Nr. 11(179) (19.11.2023): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25629/hc.2023.11.36.
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Во время Фронды (1648-1653) во Франции образовалось несколько «партий»: фрондеры, мазаринисты, кондисты/кондеанцы; последним и посвящена статья. В кратком обзоре литературы упоминаются некоторые из последних работ отечественных и французских исследователей, которые по проблематике и методологии сходны с исследованием. Для изучения партии кондеанцев используются методы социальной истории, пропосографический, методики изучения источников личного происхождения. В основной части говорится о причинах перехода дворян к Конде, об их целях и расчетах, о том, нес ли глава фракции ответственность перед ними, об отношениях участников, о ссорах в семье принца. Отдельного внимания заслуживает вербовка новых участников, среди которых был и один из авторов исследуемых источников – граф де Бюсси-Рабютен. Особо рассматривается отношение к женщинам в партии Конде. Несмотря на то, что герцогини де Лонгвиль и де Монпансье были активными политическими деятельницами с огромным влиянием на события Фронды, мужчины-кондеанцы зачастую не обращали внимание на их вклад. Кондеанцы отличались от других партий тем, что среди них было много военных. Это делало фракцию сильной, но и усложняло контроль над ней. Неповиновение участников объяснялось тем, что они больше думали о собственной выгоде, а также тем, что принц не всегда выполнял обещания. Разочаровавшись в Конде, некоторые из них начинали лавировать между фракциями. Подводя итоги, необходимо отметить особенное влияние родственных отношений в доме Конде на деятельность его партии, потому что «верхушкой» кондеанцев были брат и сестра принца. Ссоры и периоды мира между ними приводили то к упаду, то к подъему деятельности фракции. Кондеанцы были связаны между собой самыми разными отношениями: семейными, патрон-клиентскими, дружескими, любовными и другими. Конде ждал от членов своего объединения лояльности и послушания, а кондеанцы – покровительства, исполнения щедрых обещаний. Конфликты возникали в том случае, если эти взаимные ожидания не реализовывались. During the Fronde (1648-1653) several “parties” were formed in France: the Frondeurs, the Mazarinists, and the Condistes/Condeans; the article is devoted to the latter. A brief literature review mentions some of the recent works of domestic and French researchers, which are similar to the study in terms of problems and methodology. For the study of the Condean party, the methods of social history, proposographic, and methods of studying sources of personal origin are used. The main part tells about the reasons of the nobles' transition to Condé, about their goals and calculations, about whether the head of the faction was responsible to them, about the relations of the participants, about quarrels in the prince's family. Special attention should be paid to the recruitment of new participants, among whom was one of the authors of the researched sources - Count de Bussy-Rabuten. The attitude to women in Condé's party is especially considered. Despite the fact that the Duchesses de Longueville and de Montpensier were active political figures with enormous influence on the events of the Fronde, male Condéans often overlooked their contributions. The Condeans differed from other parties in that they included many military men. This made the faction strong, but also made it difficult to control. The disobedience of the members was due to the fact that they thought more of their own benefit and that the prince did not always keep his promises. Disillusioned with Condé, some of them began to manoeuvre between factions. To summarise, it is necessary to note the particular influence of family relations in the house of Condé on the activities of his party, because the “top” of the Condéans were the brother and sister of the prince. Quarrels and periods of peace between them led then to the decline and then to the rise of the activities of the faction. The Condeans were bound together by a variety of relationships: familial, patron-client, friendship, love, and others. The Conde expected loyalty and obedience from the members of their association, while the Condeans expected patronage and the fulfilment of generous promises. Conflicts arose when these mutual expectations were not realised.
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Cohen, Marty, David Karol, Hans Noel und John Zaller. „Party Versus Faction in the Reformed Presidential Nominating System“. PS: Political Science & Politics 49, Nr. 04 (Oktober 2016): 701–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516001682.
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ABSTRACTPolitical scientists have devoted vastly more attention to general presidential elections than to party nominations for president. This emphasis might be reasonable if parties could be counted on to nominate generic representatives of their traditions. But it is clear that they cannot. Since the party reforms of the 1970s, regulars like Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Al Gore have sometimes won fairly easy nominations, but outsider candidates like Jimmy Carter and Howard Dean have made strong runs or even won. 2016 has produced extremes of both types: ultimate regular Hillary Clinton on the Democratic side and far outsider Donald Trump on the Republican side. It seems, moreover, that party regulars are having more difficulty in recent cycles than they did in the 1980s and 1990s. There is therefore some urgency to the question: when and why do party regulars tend to win nominations?We examine this question from the point of view of two well-known studies, Nelson Polsby’sConsequences of Party Reformand our own,The Party Decides. The former explains why incentives built into the reformed system of presidential nominations make outsider and factional candidates like Trump likely. The latter argues that, following the factional nominations of the 1970s, party leaders learned to steer nominations to insider favorites. This article uses the logic of these studies to argue that major trends over the past two decades – the rise of new political media, the flood of early money into presidential nominations, and the conflict among party factions – have made it easier for factional candidates and outsiders to challenge elite control of nominations.
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Shackelford, R., und M. Tahir. „Pioglitazone as a Treatment Option for Ataxia-Telangiectasia“. American Journal of Clinical Pathology 160, Supplement_1 (01.11.2023): S27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcp/aqad150.060.
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Abstract Introduction/Objective The ataxia-telangiectasia mutated (ATM) gene product regulates cell cycle checkpoints, the cellular redox state, and DNA break repair. ATM loss causes the rare disorder ataxia-telangiectasia (A-T), characterized by progressive ataxia, telangiectasias, immune dysfunction, and an elevated cancer risk. The clinical course of A-T is relentless, causing death by the early twenties. Methods/Case Report A-T cells show extreme sensitivity to oxidants and ionizing radiation, impaired glutathione (GSH) synthesis, genomic instability, poor cell cycle checkpoint initiation, and increased reactive oxygen species. A-T cells also show unusual iron responses, with iron chelators increasing A-T cell growth, oxidant exposure resistance, and genomic stability, while labile iron exerts toxic effects not seen in ATM wild-type cells. Since GSH is dysregulated in A-T cells and much of the cellular iron is bound up in iron-sulfur clusters, we examined the cellular sulfur pool in A-T cells with and without an ATM expression vector, and in ATM wild-types cells. Free hydrogen sulfide and protein- bound sulfide levels were unchanged with ATM expression. However, iron-sulfur clusters (the acid-labile sulfur faction) were low in the A-T cells and dramatically increased with ATM expression. ATM expression also increased the expression of NFS1, NFU1, and several mitochondrial complex I iron-sulfur proteins. As NFS1 and NFU1 play central roles in the synthesis of iron-sulfur clusters, and ATM expression increases these clusters, our data reveals a role for ATM in iron metabolism. Interestingly, the type II diabetes drug pioglitazone increased the acid-labile sulfur and protein bound sulfur factions in both cell types. It also increased the A-T cell reduced GSH, cell viability following oxidative stress, and decreased oxidative stress-induced double-stranded DNA break formation. Results (if a Case Study enter NA) Our finding that pioglitazone increased both cellular acid-labile and protein-bound sulfur fractions, indicates that these sulfur pools may be a therapeutic target for some type II diabetes drugs. Our data also indicates that pioglitazone may have value in treating A-T Conclusion We propose that pioglitazone could be a promising A-T treatment drug. More clinical research and trials are needed to determine the potential advantages and side effects of using pioglitazone in A-T.
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Chambers, Paul, und Andreas Ufen. „Causes, Effects, and Forms of Factionalism in Southeast Asia“. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, Nr. 1 (April 2020): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420916044.
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This paper is the introduction for a special issue which examines intra-party factions and factionalism in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia, looking at the cases of Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Timor-Leste, in that order and rounding up with a comparative conclusion. The study centres primarily upon one query: in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia, what accounts for the rise of factionalism in some party systems relative to others? The paper at hand frames this special issue, reviewing the literature and examining the causes, effects and forms of factionalism in general and more specifically in Southeast Asia.
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Smith, Dane F. „US–Guinea relations during the rise and fall of Charles Taylor“. Journal of Modern African Studies 44, Nr. 3 (03.08.2006): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001832.
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The Liberian civil war was the major issue in US–Guinea relations between 1990 and 2003. During the first half of this period, the US sought with limited success to secure Guinea's cooperation in finding a diplomatic solution. President Conté viewed Charles Taylor as Guinea's implacable enemy and authorised arms support for anti-Taylor factions, while the US pressed for a negotiated peace. The Guinean leader's negative reaction to US criticism of the flawed 1993 presidential elections halted most dialogue on Liberia for the next two years. When Taylor continued supporting civil war in Sierra Leone after 1997, and fighters allied to him assaulted Guinea border posts in 1999, the US strengthened its engagement with Guinea. Providing military training and non-lethal equipment, it sought to counter the threat that Guinea would succumb to the destabilisation which had afflicted Liberia and Sierra Leone. The US appears positioned to play a positive role in Guinea's political and economic transition after the departure from the scene of the seriously ill Guinean president.
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Løvlie, Frode. „Explaining Hamas's Changing Electoral Strategy, 1996–2006“. Government and Opposition 48, Nr. 4 (26.03.2013): 570–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.3.
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Hamas, the most influential Islamist party in the occupied Palestinian territories, replaced its strategy of electoral boycott in 1996 with participation in 2006 – a change that is not explained in the literature. Assisted by theories of party change, the article seeks to fill this gap. The article demonstrates that the move from boycott to participation can largely be attributed to a change of dominant coalition. In line with the theoretical assumptions, environmental challenges and shocks altered the power–balance within Hamas, robbing the coalition dominating at the time of the boycott of its power and allowing a new faction to obtain dominance. This new dominant faction saw political participation as a legitimate avenue to pursue Hamas's cause, and its rise to power secured the change of strategy and participation in the 2006 elections.
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Saramo, Samira. „Road to Utopia: Finnish Communities in Canada and the United States up to ‘Karelian Fever’“. Journal of Finnish Studies 15, Nr. 1-2 (01.12.2011): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.15.1.2.04.
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Abstract Saramo's article “Road to Utopia” provides an overview of the main characteristics and developments of Finnish communities in Canada and the United States until the time of the Karelian Fever—the migration of North American Finnish immigrants to Soviet Karelia. With the use of the available secondary source material on the Finnish North American population, the article bridges Finnish experiences from Finland to North America, and for some, ultimately, to Stalin's Russia. By tracing the rise of socialism (and communism) among many North American Finns, and by examining factions within the Finnish diaspora, Saramo points to the key factors in individual decisions to emigrate to Karelia and contextualizes the Finnish community development that occurred there.
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Fundić, Dušan. „Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca i Mirditska republika (1921)“. Tokovi istorije 32, Nr. 2 (31.08.2024): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2024.2.fun.39-62.
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The paper investigates the existence of the Republic of Mirdita (July-November 1921) within the context of the relationship between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Albania and Italy. Albania’s borders were still internationally unrecognized after the First World War, creating potential for internal turmoils and foreign interference. During the second half of 1921, in Northern Albania, there were clashes between the interests of the government in Belgrade led by Nikola Pašić, the forces of the government in Tirana, which gained Italian support, and regional factions within the country. The importance of Ahmed Zogolli’s (Zogu) decisive role in suppressing the Mirdite rebellion is also highlighted as a significant step toward his rise to power in Albania.
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Zhang, Tony Huiquan. „THE RISE OF THE PRINCELINGS IN CHINA: CAREER ADVANTAGES AND COLLECTIVE ELITE REPRODUCTION“. Journal of East Asian Studies 19, Nr. 2 (14.05.2019): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.11.
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AbstractHow have China's princelings benefitted from their family backgrounds in their careers? This study seeks to answer the question and, in so doing, to add to the existing factionalist and meritocracy approaches to Chinese political elites. Based on biographical data of 293 princelings, quantitative analyses show that princelings have various advantages over non-princeling officials on the Central Committee. This is not simply familial advantage, however, as regression analysis finds parents’ rank and longevity do not significantly affect princelings’ career outcomes. Rather, the findings suggest that princelings benefit from membership in an affiliative status group, which differs from factions. The qualitative analysis find princelings’ status is formed and reproduced in a “collective” manner: (1) princelings’ status and early advantages originated in the state's centralized resource allocation system; (2) princelings’ education and career choices are intertwined with the state's practical and ideological goals; (3) princelings’ shared life courses strengthens their collective identity; (4) princelings’ career advantages are secured by the party-state's cadre management system. These factors combine to reproduce princelings’ elite status within the party and state, what I term “collective elite reproduction.”
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Yok, Khoo Chun. „The Collapse of the Riau Entrepôt in 1784 and the Rise of Singapore“. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 96, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2023): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ras.2023.a916911.
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Abstract: The creation of a British trading station on the island of Singapore in 1819 and the ensuing 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty have traditionally been presented as causes of the division and decline of the Johor-Riau sultanate. This article proposes a less Eurocentric explanation, arguing that the collapse of the Riau entrepôt in 1784 set in motion a train of events that culminated a generation later with the emergence of an entrepôt on Singapore, which quickly became a major trading centre. This interpretation is based on the actions of the chief protagonists in 1784, when a rupture of Dutch-Bugis relations produced a divide between Riau’s Malay and Bugis factions, a conceptual parting of ways between sultanate and entrepôt, and an English fixation on Riau as the archetype of the straits entrepôt. Re-examining the collapse of Riau provides fresh perspectives on the origins of early colonial Singapore, while also drawing much needed attention to the continuities between the Singapore entrepôt and its antecedents in the Straits.
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Parchami, Ali. „Born Out of Crisis, Revels in Turmoil: Iran’s Islamic Republic at Home and Abroad“. Bustan The Middle East Book Review 15, Nr. 1 (August 2024): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.15.1.0001.
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ABSTRACT Iran’s Islamic Republic regime is adept at functioning amidst turmoil. In Triumph and Despair, Mehran Kamrava shows how structural bifurcation, parallel institutions, and fluid political factions are enduring sources of tension within an already hybrid political system. Far from being a handicap, the regime uses internal friction to deflect blame from its shortcomings and to sow confusion among opponents. Nor does it recoil from domestic turmoil, with crisis management increasingly a strategy of choice to compensate for its diminishing legitimacy and failures in governance. Abroad, too, the Islamic Republic seems to revel in geopolitical upheaval in pursuit of overturning the Middle Eastern security architecture. Relying on non-state affiliates as deterrents and power multipliers, it is opportunistic in ensnaring adversaries in proxy conflicts, or exploiting their entanglements, while minimizing the risk of direct confrontation with itself. In Reading Revolutionary Iran, Ze’ev Maghen explains the strategic culture behind the regime’s ambitions.
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Messner, Michael A. „Forks in the Road of Men’s Gender Politics: Men’s Rights vs Feminist Allies“. International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, Nr. 2 (01.06.2016): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.301.
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How do men respond to feminist movements and to shifts in the gender order? In this paper, I introduce the concept of historical gender formation to show how shifting social conditions over the past forty years shaped a range of men’s organized responses to feminism. Focusing on the US, I show how progressive men reacted to feminism in the 1970s by forming an internally contradictory ‘men’s liberation’ movement that soon split into opposing anti-feminist and pro-feminist factions. Three large transformations of the 1980s and 1990s – the professional institutionalization of feminism, the rise of a postfeminist sensibility, and shifts in the political economy (especially deindustrialization and the rise of the neoliberal state) – generated new possibilities. I end by pointing to an emergent moderate men’s rights discourse that appeals to a postfeminist sensibility, and to an increasingly diverse base for men’s work to prevent violence against women.
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Hutagalung, Daniel. „Demokrasi dan Sisi Gelapnya: Pengalaman dari Eropa, Afrika, Asia dan Amerika Latin“. SIASAT 3, Nr. 2 (16.07.2019): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/siasat.v1i2.9.
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Article explains that there is a view that democracy and violence often go hand in hand, and the point at which democratic states decide to use violence is merely subjective, and is a matter of political decision, and not ethical necessity. This is indeed a difficult thing to accept in the context of democracy, even though it is more representative of a realistic calculation or consideration that encourages politicians or the government in deciding whether or not to use violence. Indonesia's future seems full of uncertainty, because liberal and socialist influence continues to diminish, while secularism continues to be battered by the rise of political Islamization. This is especially true if the country weakens and a number of political factions carry out radicalization.
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Avilés, William. „Despite Insurgency: Reducing Military Prerogatives in Colombia and Peru“. Latin American Politics and Society 51, Nr. 1 (2009): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00040.x.
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AbstractColombia and Peru made significant progress in reducing the institutional prerogatives of their respective militaries in the 1990s and 2000s while reforming their economies in a neoliberal direction. They accomplished this despite internal armed threats to state authority and stability. The end of the Cold War, U.S. promotion of “market democracies,” and the international centrality of free markets and formal democratic governance coincided with the rise to power in Peru and Colombia of “neoliberal policy coalitions.” The internal insurgency mitigated the emergence of antiglobalization or antidemocratic reform factions in the military and civil society. The armed forces unified behind their counterinsurgency mission, and opposition in civil society was weakened, creating greater space for neoliberal elites to reform their economies and reduce military prerogatives.
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Men, Weili, Haijuan Xiao, Zhiping Yang und Daiming Fan. „Agglomeration effect of medical education: Based on the web of science database“. Journal of Translational Internal Medicine 6, Nr. 4 (31.12.2018): 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jtim-2018-0027.
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Abstract By retrieving the 1900–2016 medical education-related essays from the web of science database, UCINET software was used to build the national cooperation network and its nested visualization software, and NetDraw was used to visualize the country cooperation networks in different time windows. We found that international medical education papers began to show exponential growth until 1945 and international cooperation did not begin to become dense until 1961. With the increasing number of participating countries in international medical education, the cooperation factions formed more complicated. The intensity of international cooperation between the United States, Britain and other major international medical education powers has been declining from 1991 to 2016. Between Brazil and China, during 1996–2016, the center of cooperation network has been on the rise for a long time, and the intensity of Canada's cooperation in medical education research has been on the rise for nearly 25 years. The center of international medical education is gradually being transferred from the United States to Canada.
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Kisangani, Emizet F., und David F. Mitchell. „The Impact of Integrated UN Missions on Humanitarian NGO Security“. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, Nr. 2 (09.06.2021): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02702005.
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Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, the UN has extended many of its missions in conflict zones to include political, military, and humanitarian activities. Many humanitarian nongovernmental organizations have been critical of these “integrated” UN missions, claiming that they can blur the distinction between political, military, and humanitarian action, thus placing humanitarian aid workers at risk of retaliation from warring factions opposed to the UN’s political objectives. This proposition is empirically tested using generalized methods of moments statistical analysis of sixty-seven countries that experienced intrastate conflict between 1997 and 2018. When assessing attacks in general—to include the sum of aid workers killed, wounded, and kidnapped—the results indicate that humanitarian aid workers are more likely to come under attack in countries that have an integrated UN mission. However, when the attacks are assessed separately, results show that this relationship holds only with aid workers who are killed in the field.
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Mrdalj, Mladen. „From Pararepublic to Parastate: International Leverage in Shaping Kosovo’s Secession“. Nationalities Papers 48, Nr. 1 (Januar 2020): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.85.
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AbstractThe Kosovo Albanian political movement in the 1990s contained three fluctuating factions with distinct strategies: boycotting Serbian institutions, participating in elections, and resorting to an armed insurgency. This article shows how expectations of external assistance, primarily from the Clinton administration, influenced which strategy was to dominate the movement at certain periods. It also shows how the movement successfully conflated the issues of human rights and the ethnonationalist secessionist agenda, even though the secessionist agenda predated the claims of human rights violations following the rise of Slobodan Milošević to power in Serbia. In the end, the article discusses how the Clinton administration’s failure in the Rambouillet peace talks, the diplomatic result of the NATO attack on Serbia, and the fall of Slobodan Milošević set the foundations for freezing the conflict and turning Kosovo into a parastate.