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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Risk factiors“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Risk factiors"
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Meyer, David, Victor C. Shih und Jonghyuk Lee. „FACTIONS OF DIFFERENT STRIPES: GAUGING THE RECRUITMENT LOGICS OF FACTIONS IN THE REFORM PERIOD“. Journal of East Asian Studies 16, Nr. 1 (März 2016): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.5.
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AbstractThe literature on faction suggests that patrons in the party may recruit faction members on the basis of a broad range of shared traits and experience. Some scholars argue reasonably that with increasing specialization of officials, factions are increasingly dominated by those with shared work experience in a set of bureaucracies. Although this trend may be true in general, senior leaders may still recruit those with whom they share birth place and school ties into their factions. To investigate this, we first derive four reasonable ways of measuring factional ties as suggested by the literature. We then explore the factional recruitment strategy pursued by each reform-era (1978–present) party secretary generals of the CCP by evaluating the measures of factional ties which predicted their clients’ promotions to full Central Committee membership. Our results show that Hu Yaobang, Jiang Zemin, and Xi Jinping pursued broadly based factional recruitment strategies, while Hu Jintao recruited faction members mainly from work colleagues. We further uncover signs that the party institutions may allow deposed secretary generals some measure of influence over promotions even after their political demise. At the same time, strict retirement rules on lower level officials gave rise to a cohort effect that gave the general secretary greater influence over the promotion of alternate Central Committee members to the full Central Committee during their first term than in subsequent terms.
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Zornetta, Giulia. „Benevento and Salerno“. Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 103, Nr. 1 (01.11.2023): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2023-0008.
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Abstract After the Carolingian conquest of the Lombard Kingdom in 774, the Duchy of Benevento became an independent principality. Duke Arechis (758–787) proclaimed himself princeps gentis Langobardorum, thus opposing the political authority of the new King of the Lombards, Charlemagne. During the second half of the 8th century, Arechis refounded Salerno as the second capital city of Lombard Southern Italy by building a palace which stood as a marker of his political authority within the urban landscape. When the competition between two factions of the Beneventan aristocracy led to a civil war (839–849), Salerno became first a gathering place for members of the faction opposing Prince Radelchis and then the capital city of a new Lombard principality. By considering both written and archaeological sources, this paper focuses on the social and political aspects that led to the urban development of Salerno and challenged the role of Benevento during the 8th and 9th centuries. Some final considerations contextualise the rise of Capua as a third capital city in Lombard Southern Italy during the 9th and 10th centuries.
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Hood, Steven J. „Political Change in Taiwan: The Rise of Kuomintang Factions“. Asian Survey 36, Nr. 5 (01.05.1996): 468–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645494.
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Hood, Steven J. „Political Change in Taiwan: The Rise of Kuomintang Factions“. Asian Survey 36, Nr. 5 (Mai 1996): 468–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.5.01p0132i.
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Ulum, Dr Mohammad Samsul. „Yellow Journalism in India: A Truth about Impacts biased news agencies have on common masses and their reactions against policies in India“. Technoarete Transactions on Advances in Social Sciences and Humanities 1, Nr. 1 (01.10.2021): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36647/ttassh/01.01.a004.
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An understanding of the present scenario of mainstream journalism in India clearly highlights the development of two distinct factions. Yellow journalism in India is on the rise, with several political implications associated with the press. The study here is in line with the understanding of the very concept of yellow journalism and its background. An understanding of the aspect of the two factions in Indian media and the associated factors are provided here. Keyword : Yellow Journalism, Godi Media, Liberal media, Spanish-American War.
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Odom, E. Dale. „Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make - Leadership From John Adams To George Bush“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 21, Nr. 1 (01.04.1996): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.21.1.42-43.
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Skowronek. a Yale political science professor, has conceived a new framework for examining the leadership of United States presidents in the past. He contends that there have been four different modes of governmental operations in which presidents have had to work. ( l) The Patrician mode of 1789-1832 was one in which the characteristic presidential resource was his personal reputation among notables and I I his typical strategy was to stand as national tribune above faction and interest. (2) In the Partisan mode from 1832 to 1900, party organization and executive patronage constituted the characteristic presidential resource, and the typical strategy was to act as a broker for the national coalition by distributing patronage to party factions and local machines. (3) The Pluralist mode from 1900 to 1972 was a period when the characteristic presidential resource was the expanding executive establishment needed to attend to newly nationalized interests and America's rise to world power; the typical strategy was to bargain with leaders of all institutions and organized interests as the main steward of national policy making. ( 4) In the Plebiscitary mode, from 1972 to the present, Skowronek maintains that the main resource the president had was his independent political apparatus and mass communication technologies, while the typical strategy was to appeal for political support over the heads of Washington elites directly to the people at large.
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Winkler, Christian G. „Those were the days: the rise and fall of the LDP's factions“. Japan Forum 27, Nr. 3 (03.07.2015): 405–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555803.2015.1054855.
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Pluchinsky, Dennis A. „Germany's red army faction: An obituary“. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 16, Nr. 2 (Januar 1993): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109308435925.
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Chambers, Paul. „Evolving Toward What? Parties, Factions, and Coalition Behavior in Thailand Today“. Journal of East Asian Studies 5, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2005): 495–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002083.
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How important have Thai parties and intraparty factions been in Thailand's fast-evolving democracy? What role do they play today, especially since the enactment of the latest constitution? What has accounted for the fragmentation in Thailand's party systems and coalitions? How did Thai democracy allow for the rise to power of Thaksin Shinawatra? This article analyzes these questions, presents a theory of Thai coalition behavior, and offers some predictions for Thailand's democratic future.
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Kovalev, I. A., G. I. Martsinkevich, T. E. Suslova, G. P. Philippov und V. N. Kim. „The factors of risk of the development of endothelium dysfunction that people with hereditary atherosclerosis and coronary atherosclerosis have“. Bulletin of Siberian Medicine 1, Nr. 1 (30.03.2002): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20538/1682-0363-2002-1-45-52.
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The research is devoted to the evaluation of the depressor and constrictive components of the vascular reactiveness in the people with burdened heredity on atherosclerosis and the factors of risk of this disease’s development. The connection of the vascular reactiveness of peripheral arteries with the factors of risk of atherosclerosis development is discovered. The results of researches allow to suppose that atherogenic factions of lipoproteins, inflammatory cytokines produced by mononuclear of nitric oxide participate in the formation of pathological vascular reactions in people with atherosclerosis and with burdened atherosclerosis heredity on preclinical disease level.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Risk factiors"
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Serrand, Chris. „Epilepsie et Mortalité ˸ étude des facteurs de risque des morts subites Inattendues dans l'épilepsie“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., université Paris-Saclay, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UPASR016.
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L'épilepsie est la maladie neurologique chronique la plus fréquente, caractérisée par des crises qui vont être déclenchées à la suite d'une surexcitation neuronale. De multiples causes peuvent amener à cette surexcitation et derrière l'épilepsie, se cache une myriade de pathologies touchant la zone cérébrale. Leurs symptomatologies vont aussi être variées. Les patients atteints d'épilepsie vont présenter un risque de décès bien plus élevé que la population générale. Une hétérogénéité importante existe cependant vis à vis de ce risque accru de décès, lié notamment au sexe et à l'âge des individus.Cette surmortalité est en partie liée à la survenue des crises, notamment par les morts subites ou SUDEP. Les mécanismes de ces décès soudains ne sont, à ce jour, pas encore totalement élucidés, mais posent un enjeu important dans la prise en charge des patients. Des facteurs prédisposant peuvent coexister, et l'exploitation de ces facteurs pourrait permettre d'identifier les patients les plus à risque afin d'adapter les thérapeutiques et la prévention.Les objectifs de ces travaux sont donc doubles: d'abord valider le recueil de certain facteurs de risque de SUDEP et utiliser les facteurs de risque de mort subite dans l'épilepsie pour développer un outil permettant de stratifier le niveau de risque chez les patients à partir du Réseau Sentinelle Mortalité Epilepsie (RSME), puis plus généralement, de déterminer l'ampleur de la surmortalité dans l'épilepsie et ses causes via les données du Système National des Données de Santé (SNDS).Nos résultats ont permis d'abord de valider le bon niveau d'information apporté par les proches de patients atteint d'épilepsie et d'identifier plusieurs facteurs de risque de SUDEP chez les patients souffrant d'épilepsie focale et pharmaco-résistante. Après quoi nous avons pu développer un score de risque (SUDEP-CARE) applicable en pratique clinique avec des capacités discriminantes très encourageantes. Ensuite, les données sur 10 ans dans le SNDS des patients avec épilepsie en France nous ont permis de confirmer le niveau de surmortalité important dans cette population et de préciser le risque en fonction de l'âge et du sexe des individus. De manière relativement inquiétante, un excès de risque a été observé chez les femmes entre 20 et 40 ans comparativement aux hommes.Ces travaux ont ainsi abouti à une amélioration des connaissances autour des facteurs de risque de la mort subite dans l'épilepsie, puis à la création d'un outil d'aide à la décision médicale. Ils ont aussi permis de préciser l'impact de la surmortalité dans l'épilepsie tout en alertant sur des disparités et hétérogénéités de ce risqueEpilepsy is the most common chronic neurological disease, characterized by seizures triggered by neuronal hyper excitation. This can be caused by a variety of factors, and behind epilepsy lies a myriad of pathologies affecting the brain. Their symptoms are equally varied. Epilepsy patients have a much higher risk of death than the general population. However, there is considerable heterogeneity with regard to this increased risk of death, linked in particular to gender and age.This excess mortality is partly linked to the onset of seizures, particularly sudden death or SU-DEP. The mechanisms behind these sudden deaths have yet to be fully elucidated, but they pose a major challenge for patient management. Predisposing factors may coexist, and the exploitation of these factors could make it possible to identify patients most at risk, in order to adapt therapies and prevention.The aims of this work are twofold: firstly, to validate the collection of certain SUDEP risk factors and use the risk factors for sudden death in epilepsy to develop a tool for stratifying the level of risk in patients from the “Réseau Sentinelle Mortalité Epilepsie” (RSME), and then more generally, to determine the extent of excess mortality in epilepsy and its causes using data from the “Système National des Données de Santé” (SNDS). Our results enabled us to validate the good level of information provided by relatives of patients with epilepsy, and to identify several risk factors for SUDEP in patients with focal and drug-resistant epilepsy. We were then able to develop a risk score (SUDEP-CARE) applicable in clinical practice, with highly encouraging discriminatory capacities. Next, 10-year data from the SNDS of patients with epilepsy in France enabled us to confirm the high level of excess mortality in this population, and to specify the risk as a function of age and gender. Relatively worryingly, an excess risk was observed in women between the ages of 20 and 40, compared with men.This work has led to improved knowledge of the risk factors for sudden death in epilepsy, and to the creation of a medical decision-making tool. It has also enabled us to clarify the impact of excess mortality in epilepsy, while alerting us to the disparities and heterogeneities of this risk
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Tobiasson, Andreas, und Fredrik Nyrell. „The rise of factions in games and the dynamics between them“. Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-16993.
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As politics in the world becomes all the more polarized it is important to look at how and why groups and factions are formed in today's society. In addition; one of the fastest growing medias in history, that of Digital Games, only becomes more and more influential the larger the budget and the greater the market. Therefore seeing how factions work in games and what, if any, effect it has on real life becomes just as vital as studying the phenomena in reality. It is also useful to see how we portray different kinds of factions, how the developer uses faction-related mechanics to guide the player and what a player chooses to do when interacting with groups and factions in games. The methods we used was primarily focused on diffraction because we wished to see what the different components of factions were and how one can, perhaps, switch them up. There are many aspects of what makes factions in games tick and the best method for identifying them, separating them and then re-applying them to discover new approaches and perspectives is, we decided, diffraction. Ultimately the conclusion we reached is that when it comes to factions in games communication is key and it is vital for any developer to know how to make use of it. Not just how to facilitate it, but also how to limit it. For while communication is, in general, good it could be detrimental to anyone wanting to create separate distinct player-driven factions. This is because a faction that has grown in a vacuum is going to be more distinct and unique than one grown together with another. When two factions can not communicate you get two separate entities, but when they can you get one entity with two different flavours to it, as World of Warcraft has quite clearly demonstrated. But even in single player games communication is vital, but this time between the developer and the player. Factions in this regard helps the player with categorizing that which they encounter in the world as well as better understanding said world in general. For instance, if a character belongs to a faction it is reasonable to assume the character supports the ideals of said faction. This helps both in assisting the player to quickly grasp the nature of the character, but also gives the potential for a bigger surprise if one chooses to undermine it later on in the narrative.Medan världens politik blir allt mer polariserad så är det viktigt att se närmre på hur och varför grupper bildas i dagens samhälle. Samtidigt; en av de snabbast växande medierna i historien, digitala spel, blir bara mer och mer inflytelserik desto större budgeten och marknaden blir. Därför är det viktigt att se hur faktioner fungerar i spel och vilken, om någon, effekt det har på verkliga livet. Det är också användbart att se på hur vi väljer att porträttera olika sorters faktioner, hur utvecklare använder sig av olika faktionsbaserade mekaniker för att leda spelaren och hur spelaren väljer att interagera med grupper och faktioner i spel. Metoderna vi använde var mest fokuserade på diffraktion vilka olika delar faktioner består av och hur man kanske kan om-ordna dem. Det finns många aspekter av faktioner i spel som får dem att fungera och vi kände att diffraktion var den bästa metoden för att identifiera, separera och möjligen återapplicera dem, samt även för att hitta nya perspektiv och möjligheter. Slutsatsen vi nådde är att när det gäller faktioner i spel så handlar allt om kommunikation och det är viktigt för en spelutvecklare att bli bekant med hur man bäst utnyttjar det. Inte bara hur man uppmuntrar och förenklar kommunikation men även hur man begränsar den. Även om kommunikation, i allmänhet, är bra, så kan det vara en nackdel om man vill skapa separata och unika spelar-drivna faktioner. Detta beror på att faktioner som skapas i ett vakuum kommer att vara mer distinkt och unik än en som skapats sida-vid-sida med en annan. När två faktioner inte kan kommunicera skapas två separata entiteter, men om de kan kommunicera får du en entitet med två separata grenar, vilket World of Warcraft lyckats demonstrera ytterst bra. Men även i Single Player spel är kommunikation viktigt, fast denna gången mellan spelaren och utvecklaren. I detta fall hjälper faktioner spelaren att kategorisera det de ser och möter i spelvärlden samt att förstå världen bättre i allmänhet. Till exempel; om en karaktär tillhör en faktion så är det logiskt att anta att den karaktären står för samma värderingar och mål som den faktionen. Detta hjälper spelaren att snabbt få ett tag om de viktiga aspekterna av karaktären men hjälper även till att skapa en större förvåning om man senare väljer att underminera detta via ett förräderi eller liknande.
Bücher zum Thema "Risk factiors"
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Knodt, Ulla. The rise of left-wing terrorism in West Germany:the case of the Red army faction. Salford: University of Salford, 1994.
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Knodt, Ulla. The rise of left-wing terrorism in West Germany: The case of the Red Army Faction. Salford: University of Salford,European Studies Research Institute, 1994.
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Linton, Marisa. Terror and Politics. Herausgegeben von David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.027.
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In a move away from overarching explanations of the Terror based on ideology, class or a ‘system of Terror’, historians have been investigating the web of connections between politics, ideology, tactics, emotions and the role of individuals. Consequently, a more complex picture of revolutionary politics has begun to emerge. This chapter uses these new approaches to examine the individual experiences of Jacobin leaders. It asks how far we can reconstruct the motives that led individual Jacobin leaders to choose terror. Personal factors, including friendships, influenced political decision-making to a far greater extent than previously acknowledged. Emotions, above all fear, played an integral role in the Terror. The Jacobin leaders needed to maintain their public identity as ‘men of virtue’ or risk being destroyed in the politicians’ terror. The chapter examines the genesis of the politicians’ terror that culminated in the mutual destruction of political factions during the Year II.
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Cooke, George Wingrove. The History of Party: From the Rise of the Whig and Tory Factions, in the Reign of Charles Ii, to the Passing of the Reform Bill, Volume 1. Arkose Press, 2015.
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Cooke, George Wingrove. The History Of Party: From The Rise Of The Whig And Tory Factions, In The Reign Of Charles Ii, To The Passing Of The Reform Bill, Volume 1. Arkose Press, 2015.
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Cooke, George Wingrove. The History Of Party: From The Rise Of The Whig And Tory Factions, In The Reign Of Charles Ii., To The Passing Of The Reform Bill, Volume 3. Arkose Press, 2015.
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Mirola, William A. Eight Hours and the Financial Crisis of 1873. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038839.003.0004.
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This chapter studies union efforts at putting the eight-hour system to work. As a new decade began, Chicago workers remained angry and frustrated by the lack of enforcement of the Illinois eight-hour law and by the ongoing resistance of employers both to the moral pressure of reformers' arguments and to their attempt to enforce the eight-hour law through strikes. Yet despite what seemed to be the general failure of the 1867 eight-hour campaign and the fragmentation of the movement into conservative and radical factions, Yankee, British, German, and Irish trade unionists kept the goal of redeeming time through the eight-hour system as the centerpiece of labor activism in the new decade. In the fall of 1873, Chicago experienced the first financial collapse of the industrial era. The collapse and the depression that followed inaugurated a new phase in the development of the labor movement: the rise to prominence of semiskilled and unskilled immigrants within Chicago's labor movement.
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Mangrum, Benjamin. Southern Comfort. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190909376.003.0005.
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Southern writers Walker Percy and Flannery O’Connor present the collusion of the American welfare state and a consumer economy as a source of existential alienation. This chapter considers their objections to the social-democratic institutions created during the New Deal era. Percy and O’Connor present versions of Christian existentialism as an alternative to bureaucratic politics. In addition to joining the concert of intellectual challenges to the legacy of reform established during the New Deal, their related responses represent the splintering of American existentialism in the 1960s. The political vocabulary of the New Left represents a competing faction of American politics informed by existentialism. These differing responses share a common valorization of private judgments of value. Both responses are related to another phenomenon, which political scientists call the rise of an “independence regime,” or partisan disaffiliation, in the American electorate.
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Uro, Risto, Juliette J. Day, Rikard Roitto und Richard E. DeMaris, Hrsg. The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Ritual. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198747871.001.0001.
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Scholars of religion have long assumed that ritual and belief constitute the fundamental building blocks of religious traditions and that these two components of religion are interrelated and interdependent in significant ways. Generations of New Testament and early Christian scholars have produced detailed analyses of the belief systems of nascent Christian communities, including their ideological and political dimensions, but have by and large ignored ritual as an important element of early Christian religion and as a factor contributing to the rise and the organization of the movement. In recent years, however, scholars of early Christianity have begun to use ritual as an analytical tool for describing and explaining Christian origins and the early history of the movement. Such a development has created a momentum towards producing a more comprehensive volume on the ritual world of early Christianity employing advances made in the field of Ritual Studies. The Handbook will give a manifold account of the ritual world of early Christianity from the beginning of the movement up to the fifth century. The volume introduces relevant theories and approaches (Part I), central topics of ritual life in the cultural world of early Christianity (Part II), and the most important Christian ritual themes and practices in emerging Christian groups and factions (Parts III and IV).
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Fischer, Nick. Here Come the Bolsheviks! University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040023.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia contributed to the rise of the Red Scare. On November 7, 1917, revolutionaries from the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party seized power in Petrograd and proclaimed the world's first socialist government. The Bolsheviks endorsed violent, class-based insurrection and policies of land and resource nationalization. News of the Bolshevik uprising intensified the wartime atmosphere in the United States, in which fear of treachery was rampant. This chapter first considers American intervention in Russia during the period 1917–1920 before discussing the emergence of the Red Scare in 1919–1920 and of anticommunism in the labor movement. It also looks at the strikes, bombings, and deportations in 1919 that offset whatever prestige the American Federation of Labor (AFL) accrued during the First World War. Finally, it describes the end of the Red Scare following US attorney general A. Mitchell Palmer's fall and the release of the National Popular Government League report.
Buchteile zum Thema "Risk factiors"
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Alfred, Richard L. „Polarization: Factions, Filters, and Antipathy“. In Catastrophic Risk, 109–25. New York: Productivity Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367853303-8.
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Waselkov, Gregory A. „Historic Creek Indian Responses to European Trade and the Rise of Political Factions“. In Ethnohistory and Archaeology, 123–31. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-1115-5_8.
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Lam, Willy. „The Rise of Xi Jinping, His Work Style and Members of the Xi Faction“. In Xi Jinping, 21–49. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003303589-2.
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Tran-Thi, Que-Giang, und Tu-Anh Vu-Thanh. „Vietnam“. In The Political Economy of Bank Regulation in Developing Countries: Risk and Reputation, 305–26. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841999.003.0013.
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The implementation of international banking standards in Vietnam has been the subject of contestation between reformist and conservative factions within the governing political party. In any given period, the speed of implementation has been affected by which of these factions dominates regulatory decision-making. The adoption and implementation of Basel standards in Vietnam has gone through three distinctive periods: from 1999–2006, the reformist faction pursued international regulations in order to discipline state-owned banks and improve the functioning of the financial sector. From 2006–13, the central bank (SBV) formally adopted Basel II but a domestic banking crisis effectively halted implementation. More recently there has been a return to pro-Basel preferences. However, interventionist financial policies, high implementation costs, the low internationalization level of the banking sector, and the lack of competent technocrats inside both the SBV and domestic private banks have all contributed to a high level of regulatory forbearance.
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„Chapter 5. Factions Today“. In The Rise and Fall of Japan's LDP, 128–53. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801460029-008.
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„‘Faction and Nonsense’“. In The Rise of Literary Journalism in the Eighteenth Century, 105–21. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203023532-8.
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Gerard, Philip. „The Heroes of America Rise for the Union“. In The Last Battleground, 45–50. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649566.003.0009.
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A secret group modeled on the Freemasons call themselves the Heroes of America and sabotage the Confederacy from their headquarters-the Grand Council of the Heroes-near the state capitol. Violence erupts among warring factions in Raleigh and the Heroes are suppressed.
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„Chapter 4. Factions under the Single Nontransferable Vote System“. In The Rise and Fall of Japan's LDP, 100–127. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801460029-007.
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Ban, Cornel. „Business Factions, Populists, and the Social Bloc Perspective“. In Business and Populism, 158–80. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894335.003.0008.
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Abstract How do growth regimes characteristics constrain the choices of populists regarding their relations with business? What business factions are likely to uphold, and respectively oppose, the national-populist turn in the neoliberal policy regime of foreign direct investments (FDI)-led growth regimes? To answer these questions, this chapter focuses on the organizational linkage between populists and business via changes in the dominant social bloc of the dominant growth regime. By examining the case of resilient (Hungary) and fleeting (Romania) populist projects, the empirical analysis makes three claims. First, while populists in FDI-led growth regimes can challenge crisis-ridden multinational financial capital due to its secondary relevance to the growth regime, they are better off politically when they do not challenge the structural power of multinational industrial capital. Indeed, in contrast to Romania, multinational industrial business was an essential social bloc ingredient in Hungary, bolstering its resilience. Second, since attacks against foreign financial institutions comes with sovereign bond risk, the fate of the attack hinges on having institutional capabilities such as a central bank ready to credibly monetize debt and a revenue agency with an enforceable commitment to adequate tax collection. Third, the chapter reaffirms the centrality of the medium and petite bourgeoisie for the populist project, thus challenging the claim the interest of the SME sector is to be opposed to populism. However, the case of Romania shows that under certain conditions the populists may lose the support of the domestic SME sector, thus cracking the populist social bloc.
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Salomone, Rosemary. „Adieu to French“. In The Rise of English, 165–94. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190625610.003.0007.
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This chapter explores the move toward English within French-speaking countries in Africa. It focuses primarily on Rwanda and Morocco, countries with distinct histories and political tensions that have shaped language policies, particularly in education. It considers Rwanda’s tense relationship with France following accusations of French responsibility in the 1994 genocide, the country’s official switch from French to English, and the negative impact on educational outcomes. It explores Morocco’s multilingual landscape shaped by Modern Standard Arabic, Tamazight, and French, the growing influence of English, the failures of Arabization as measured by low student performance, and the current debate over language in the schools where all four languages have coalesced in a dizzying combination of support from competing political factions and interests. It assesses the benefits and burdens of English and suggests key factors that may determine whether and how quickly Morocco will follow Rwanda’s lead with English dominating government and education.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Risk factiors"
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Gershberg, Alec, und Deborah Spindelman. Politics, Accountability, and Learning: Insights from the RISE Programme’s Political Economy Case Studies. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), März 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2023/pe14.
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The RISE (Research on Improving Systems of Education) Programme political economy team focused on “adoption” (PET-A) examines the political conditions required to put learning at the center of an education system. This work stream has produced 12 historical case studies and three synthesis papers which draw on this rich material. This paper is part of the latter effort and offers a comparative analysis across five of the countries with RISE Country Research Teams (Ethiopia, Indonesia, Pakistan, Tanzania, and Vietnam), as well as additional case studies focusing on Chile and Peru. Building on the RISE systems framework (Pritchett, 2015), our political economy analysis incorporates issues of competing interests, power, and political strategy. We focus on the promoters and blockers of learning-oriented education reform and their respective powers and strategies to parse out the political contestations that are endemic to the reform processes that impact system coherence around learning. In this paper, we present a binding constraints framework to explore what a politics for learning might look like and examine areas of intervention that present critical bottlenecks impeding a country’s ability to deliver learning outcomes which, if addressed, pose the potential for large impact relative to other constraints. We draw upon the PET-A country case studies to include analysis of different factions and reform champions within government, including but not limited to the executive office (president/prime minister), Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Education, competing ministries, decentralized government levels, and local leaders. In doing, we elucidate how politics permeate nearly all accountability relationships in education systems and the likelihood that any given program will positively impact learning.