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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Right wing politics"
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Ansell, Aaron. „Right-Wing Politics in Brazil“. Anthropology News 58, Nr. 4 (Juli 2017): e370-e373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.519.
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Ost, David. „REN PILL Politics in Poland“. Current History 121, Nr. 833 (01.03.2022): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.833.108.
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Poland’s ruling Law and Justice Party has drawn international attention with its hard-line right-wing rhetoric and policies on a range of issues, from immigration to LGBT rights to attempts to gain control over formerly independent institutions such as the judiciary and the media. Some critical voices in Poland and elsewhere have drawn comparisons with fascism. The party denounces such parallels, pointing out that Poland suffered Nazi occupation, even though it venerates Polish politicians of the World War II era who espoused positions such as eliminationist anti-Semitism. To avoid such impasses created by raising fascism in analyses of contemporary politics, this essay proposes using Poland as a case study for a new category of analysis: Right-wing Exclusionary Nationalist Popular Illiberalism, encompassing both classic fascism and today’s right-wing populism.
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Guisan, Catherine. „Right-Wing Populism and the European Parliament’s Agonistic Politics“. Populism 5, Nr. 1 (15.02.2022): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10032.
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Abstract How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP’s elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it “protect democracy against democracy”? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the “judicialization of conflicts” without, which the EP discusses passionately also.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. „Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary“. European Journal of Social Sciences 3, Nr. 1 (01.01.2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-89.
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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Vadhanavisala, Onvara. „Radical Right-Wing Politics and Migrants and Refugees in Hungary“. European Journal of Social Sciences 3, Nr. 1 (01.01.2020): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p100-108.
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Radical right-wing politics and ultra-nationalism have always been important issue across Europe's political spectrum. However, the recent flourishing of right-wing and populist parties in Europe in the past couple years were provoked by the European migrants and refugee crisis. The European institutions fail to solve the crisis. We witnessed various terrorist attacks occurred in major cities in Europe such as Paris, Berlin, and Italy etc. This had led not only the European people but all over the world to grow more suspicious of the EU institutions and their capabilities to manage the incident. As a consequence, the radical right-wing nationalist and right-wing political parties in Europe have taken this opportunity to claim and run their campaigns on a strong anti-refugees and immigrants. As a result, right-wing politicians and parties tend to gain more popularity among voters and achieved electoral success in many European countries such as Marine Le Pen in France, Andrej Babiš in Czech Republic, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) in Austria, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party in Hungary and elsewhere in Europe. These right-wing nationalists and political parties represent themselves as a defender of European Christian values, the protector of Europe, the savior of Christianity. They are working in every way to prevent the land of Europe from Muslims. This kind of rhetoric is spreading across Europe and developed as an anti-refugee/immigrant campaign which can be seen in both online and offline media especially in the case of Hungary. It has signified as a backlash against the political establishment and a wave of discontent. Furthermore, the rise of right-wing politics has created concerns over human rights, national identity, refugee and migrant issues.
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Ajanovic, Edma, Stefanie Mayer und Birgit Sauer. „Constructing ‘the people’“. Democracy and Discriminatory Strategies in Parliamentary Discourse 17, Nr. 5 (13.09.2018): 636–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18013.may.
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Abstract This article analyses right-wing populist constructions of ‘the people’ emerging at the intersections of ethnicized ‘othering’ and gendered differences within groups. We argue that these constructions are in stark contrast to the liberal notion of citizenship, which we understand to be the basis for the demos. Right-wing populism constructs its politics of belonging beyond rights, i.e. ‘the people’ is defined as a community through identity with the political leader, rather than as a political entity marked by different interests and endowed with rights, which could be represented politically. We argue that it is important to not only analyse practices of ‘othering’ and exclusion, but also the appeal to the ‘we’-group in order to understand right-wing populist success. Empirically our Critical Frame Analysis focuses on the Austrian context and on the FPÖ, which has been a forerunner in the ‘modernization’ of right-wing extremism and the development of right-wing populism in Europe.
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Kim, Misook, und Kei Yamashita. „The Relationship between State Power and Religion in Japan: Focusing on the Interrelationship between Nihonkaigi and Shinto“. Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, Nr. 5 (31.05.2022): 897–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.5.44.5.897.
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This study aims to examine the relationship between religion and politics. Specifically, the relationship between state power and Shinto was analyzed, focusing on Japanese politics and the Japanese political organization Nihonkaigi. Through this, the ideological background of Japan’s right-wing forces was analyzed. Nihonkaigi is a political organization where right-wing political figures from Japan, created by “the Group to Protect Japan” and “the National Congress to Protect Japan,” are gathered. This organization significantly influences modern Japanese politics based on right-wing forces. The ideological backgrounds of these right-wing forces include “setting the Japanese emperor as the base of power” and “traditional the unity of state and religion ideas”. It means that efforts to abolish the State Shinto in December 1945 and prevent the recurrence of militarism failed. Nihonkaigi is giving material, human, and ideological support to right-wing politicians. They seek a “return to before the 2nd World War” by glorifying nationalism with discourse such as “Strong Japan equals Making a New Japan”. This example explains the unique aspect of Japan’s unity of state and religion.
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Downing, Lisa. „The body politic: Gender, the right wing and ‘identity category violations’“. French Cultural Studies 29, Nr. 4 (28.10.2018): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818791075.
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The post-Brexit, post-Trump climate in the EU has seen a series of challenges from the right wing of politics to the liberal consensus of recent years (e.g. the rise of Gert Wilders in the Netherlands and the increased support for Alternativ für Deutschland in the 2017 German election). This article examines the gendering and embodiment of the new far right in France and the UK. It offers a comparative focus on two recent political challengers from the right who are female: Marine Le Pen (born 1968), the leader of the Front national in France since 2011, and Anne Marie Waters (born 1977), the Islam-critical candidate who was runner-up for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) leadership in the UK in 2017, and who has since started her own political party, For Britain. The article focuses on media coverage of, and self-representation by, these two figures. It argues that the discourse of the ‘right’ and ‘left’ wings has, historically, been gendered on the basis of assumptions that women are naturally more inclined towards consensus-building, collectivity and compassion (and therefore left-wing politics), by dint of their biological function as child-bearers and traditional gender role as care-givers. Right-leaning women have been treated as anomalies, by both feminist political analysts and the mainstream media. Feminist concerns over the very existence of right-wing women is suggested by books such as second-wave feminist Andrea Dworkin’s Right-Wing Women (1983), the more recent edited collection by Paola Bacchetta and Margaret Power, also called Right-Wing Women (2013) and, in the French context, Claudie Lesselier and Fiametta Venner’s L’Extrême Droite et les femmes (1997). Le Pen and Waters appear as doubly aberrant, doubly exceptional figures – firstly as (far-)right-wing women and secondly as (far-)right-wing female leaders. The article considers the stakes of our categorical understandings of (gendered and political) identity more broadly. Specifically, by introducing the original critical concept of ‘identity category violation’, it analyses the ways in which the recent trend for identity politics on the left in the West, often under the banner of ‘intersectionality’, leads to over-simplified understandings of how categories of gendered, sexual, class and race-based identities are assumed to determine political affiliation.
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Glaser, Tina, Jens H. Hellmann, Naemi Pilz und Gerd Bohner. „Left and Right in Space and Politics“. Social Cognition 41, Nr. 1 (Februar 2023): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2023.41.1.41.
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The terms left and right can refer to spatial or political orientations. We hypothesized that a match (vs. mismatch) of spatial position and political orientation would lead to more positive political judgments. In three experiments, German participants (total N = 517) evaluated statements from the political left-wing and right-wing spectrums as well as German political parties presented either on the left or on the right side of their screens. When statements were presented on the left, politically left statements as well as left-wing parties were evaluated more favorably than when these statements were presented on the right. Conversely, politically right statements and right-wing parties were evaluated more favorably when the statements were presented on the right versus left side of the screen. Cultural conservatism, need for cognitive closure, and openness to experience were assessed but did not mediate these effects. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the results.
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Gemie, Sharif. „Octave Mirbeau and the Changing Nature of Right-Wing Political Culture: France, 1870–1914“. International Review of Social History 43, Nr. 1 (April 1998): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859098000042.
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Octave Mirbeau was a committed supporter of right-wing politics in the 1870s, and a committed opponent of the right wing during the Dreyfus Affair. This paper examines the reasons for his political change of heart, and discusses his changing analyses of right-wing political culture. Mirbeau's ideas are compared with those of some of his contemporaries, such as Blum, Peguy and Sorel.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Right wing politics"
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Brand, Matthew. „Right-wing refugees and British politics, 1830-1871“. Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/58495/.
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This thesis investigates the role of right-wing refugees in British politics during the middle years of the nineteenth century, considering the relationships which these refugees established with British politicians, and the difficulties which their multifarious activities created for the makers of British foreign policy. Whereas the contribution of left-wing refugees to British politics and diplomacy during the Victorian era has been considered at length by numerous historians, the relationships which their right-wing counterparts formed with British politicians and the diplomatic concerns which they created have found little attention. This thesis seeks to redress this imbalance by analysing an overlooked but nevertheless important series of networks and controversies in which these exiles became involved during the tumultuous middle years of the nineteenth century. The study first considers the largely diplomatic implications of the presence of the former Charles X of France and his court in Britain during 1830-32, before turning to the difficulties and opportunities which both the Carlist and Miguelite pretenders and their refugee supporters presented for British governments and politicians alike throughout the 1830s and 1840s. The next three chapters consider the apogee of refugee influence over British politics during the years 1848-50, when the victims of the European revolutions of 1848 intrigued with allies in both Britain and continental Europe alike. The final two chapters then chart the rise of the refugee Orléans branch of the French royal family into highly-regarded political actors, whilst considering the diplomatic implications of their presence in Britain. This study suggests that whereas left-wing refugees boasted a modest political legacy and provoked several international controversies, those of the right not only enflamed diplomatic dispute but often actively intervened in British high politics. It therefore posits that refugees played a far wider and more important role in nineteenth-century Britain than previously noted.
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Mitchell, Paul Terence. „Philippe de Villiers : politics, parties, ideology“. Thesis, University of Ulster, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287136.
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Zander, Patrick Glenn. „Right modern“. Diss., Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28270.
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Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.
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Hayes, Mark. „The ideological dimensions of radical right wing politics in Britain : a critical appraisal“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316363.
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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Olsen, Jonathan. „Nature and nationalism : right-wing ecology and the politics of identity in contemporary Germany /“. New York, NY : St. Martin's Press, 1999. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/hol053/99017474.html.
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Schwanebeck, Wieland. „How the Right-Wing Blockbuster Disposes of the ‘Non-Working’ Working Class“. Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21122.
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Tipaldou, Sofia. „Russia’s nationalist-patriotic opposition: the shifting politics of right-wing contention in post-communist transition“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/308508.
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Mi tesis doctoral trata los factores que influyen la aparición de organizaciones de extrema derecha contemporáneos en
Rusia y subraya el papel clave de liderazgo en dichas organizaciones. Las preguntas de investigación son: ¿Hasta que
punto ha cambiado el movimiento de derecha radical ruso a lo largo del tiempo? ¿Qué factores son responsables de la
transformación interna (la aparición y la evolución) del movimiento de derecha radical en Rusia?
Las variables dependientes centrales de mi estudio son el surgimiento y el cambio de los modelos organizativos de la
derecha radical rusa y tienen que ver con el por qué, el cuándo y el cómo emergen nuevas estructuras movilizadoras y
como cambian su forma, sus estrategias, discursos, y modelos. El objeto de mi estudio es el movimiento nacionalpatriota
ruso, lo cual llamaré "oposición nacionalista-patriota" y definiré como: el amplio espectro de organizaciones
nacionalistas extra-parlamentarias (partidos, movimientos y milieus), así como sus aliados dentro de la Duma. Utilicé
una serie de métodos de recolección de datos que incluyen la observación participante, entrevistas semiestructuradas
(entrevistas a informantes claves), el uso de documentos generados por los movimientos bajo investigación, artículos de
prensa e investigación de archivos.
Mi estudio utiliza un enfoque interdisciplinario que combina diferentes disciplinas (ciencia política, sociología,
economía) y diferentes métodos, y su objetivo es forjar un puente entre la documentación existente de ciencia política y
de sociología sobre el fenómeno de la derecha radical. Queriendo entender el surgimiento y evolución de los
movimientos, mi tesis aborda el desafío analítico de identificar las circunstancias que incluyen procesos estructurales y
culturales y los combina con un enfoque basado en la actividad humana. Se basa en el esfuerzo continuo de fusionar las
teorías de nacionalismo y de los movimientos sociales con el fin de contribuir a la construcción de una teoría más sólida
sobre la protesta de los movimientos de la derecha radical.
Mi argumento es que las organizaciones rusas de derecha radical contemporáneas cambian su forma, la estrategia, el
discurso y el modelo a través de un proceso de adaptación basado en nuevas divisiones socioeconómicas (en la línea de
estado-nación/ confederación sin la dominancia de una nación, cívica ciudadanía basada en derechos cívicos/ en sangre,
y organizaciones políticas parlamentarias/ extra- parlamentarias), en la respuesta del gobierno hacia estas divisiones (en
particular a través de la política de migración), y en las oportunidades que el régimen u otros factores externos (por
ejemplo la tecnología) se abre o se cierra a ellos. Las oportunidades están determinadas por el contexto estructural que
incluye elementos culturales, sociales y políticos. La movilización y los resultados del movimiento nacionalista-patriota
pueden alimentar de nuevo en ambas estructuras de movimiento y estructuras de contexto. Durante este proceso, el
papel del liderazgo es crucial, para capitalizar las oportunidades existentes, para construir una atracción al mensaje
público de que es capaz de atraer el apoyo del público, y para transformar sus formas y estructuras organizativas de una
manera que les permita sobrevivir y lograr sus objetivos.
La realización de las entrevistas con líderes de los movimientos nacionalistas patriotas muestra que su actividad es
fundamental para la creación y supervivencia de los movimientos. Mi estudio elabora una serie de movimientos
conceptuales, incluyendo la introducción de una definición más amplia de la derecha radical que toma en cuenta las
complejas relaciones que existen dentro y entre las organizaciones que la componen y su interacción con las
organizaciones de oposición; la introducción del término estructuras de oportunidades tecnológicas; y la evolución del
partido La Otra Rusia (anterior Partido Nacional-Bolchevique) del frente nacional-patriota.
La investigación presente contribuye a la obtención de una visión más clara de los patrones y la dinámica de la derecha
radical en contextos de transición, especialmente en los no-democráticos. El caso de estudio de Rusia se integra en el
debate de las ciencias sociales enfocado en la aparición y el desarrollo de los movimientos de extrema derecha y
pretende aportar herramientas para entender mejor casos similares que atraviesan un cambio sistémico rápido. Cuenta
con implicaciones más amplias sobre el papel de las organizaciones nacionalistas en la transición democrática; el
entendimiento de los movimientos similares en otros entornos de transición, como en Ucrania, o en contextos
occidentales con características similares, por ejemplo los entornos de crisis económica del sur de Europa; y la mejor
comprensión de presiones en la política interna que puedan afectar la toma de decisiones gubernamentales en una serie
de cuestiones, como podría ser en la política exterior.My PhD dissertation deals with the factors that influence the emergence of contemporary far right organizations in Russia and underlines the key role of leadership in those organizations. The research questions addressed in my research are: To what extent does the Russian radical right movement vary over time? What accounts for the internal transformation (the emergence and further evolution) of radical right organizations in Russia? The central outcome variable of my study are the emergence and organizational change of the Russian radical right movement that has to do with the why,when, and how mobilizing structures arise and how they change their form, strategy, discourse, and model. The population of my study is the broader radical right movement in Russia, which I will call “nationalist-patriotic opposition” and define as: the wide spectrum of extraparliamentarian nationalist organizations (parties, movements, and milieus), as well as their allies within the Duma. I used a number of data-gathering methods that include participant observation, semi-structured interviewing (key informant interviews), the use of indigenously generated documents by social movement organizations, newspaper articles, and archival research. My study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines different disciplines (political science, sociology, and area studies) and different methods based on extensive fieldwork (key-informant semi-structured interviewing, participant observation, and archival research) and aims to forge a bridge between political science and sociology literature on this topic. It addresses the analytical challenge of identifying circumstances that include both structural and cultural processes and combine them with an agent-based approach in order to understand movement emergence and development. It is based on the ongoing effort of merging nationalism and social movement theories in order to contribute to the construction of a more solid theory of radical right protest. My argument is that Russia's contemporary radical right organizations have changed their form, strategy, discourse, and model through an adaptation process under the influence of new socioeconomic cleavages (along the lines of nation-state/ nationless confederacy, civic/ blood citizenship, and parliamentarian/ extraparliamentarian political organizations), the government's response towards these cleavages (particularly through migration policy), and opportunities the regime or other external factors (e.g. technology) opens or closes to them. Opportunities are shaped by the structural context which includes cultural, social, and political elements. The mobilization and outcomes of the nationalist-patriotic movement may feed back into both movement structures and context structures. During this process, the role of leadership is crucial, for capitalizing on the existing opportunities, for constructing a message attractive to the public, and for transforming their organizational forms and structures in a way that will enable them to survive and to accomplish their goals. Evidence from interviews with leaders of nationalist-patriotic movements shows that their agency is fundamental for the movements' creation and survival. My study makes a series of conceptual contributions, including the introduction of a broader definition of the radical right that accounts for the complex relations that exist within and among the organizations that comprise it and their interaction with opposing organizations; the introduction of the term “technological opportunity structures”; and the disentanglement of the existent form of the National- Bolshevik Party- The Other Russia- from the nationalist-patriotic front. The present research contributes to obtaining more insight into the patterns and dynamics of right-wing radicalism in transitional settings, especially non-democratic ones. The case study of Russia seeks to contribute to the debate in social science on the emergence and development of radical right wing movements about a broader category of similar cases that undergo rapid systemic change. It has further implications for our understanding of the role of nationalist organizations in democratic transition; on the understanding of similar movements in other transitional settings, e.g.. Ukraine, or in Western non-transitional settings with similar characteristics, e.g. Southern European economic crisis environments; and for the better understanding of pressures in domestic policy that may impact governmental decision-making in a series of issues, e.g. foreign policy.
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Bleher, Saskia. „Right-wing populism in the European Union and the rise of Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and Hungary's Jobbik“. Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31600.
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The purpose of this thesis is it to investigate the socio-political conditions that gave rise to right-wing populism (RWP) in Germany and Hungary. It ascertains reasons for increasing right-wing populist attitudes in these two countries by tracing the emergence of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and the Hungarian Movement for a better Hungary (Jobbik). The choice to compare these parties was influenced by considerations relating to their roles as main opposition parties in their respective countries’ parliaments as well as the fact that they were catapulted to political prominence as right-wing populist parties in the aftermath of the refugee crisis of 2015. Examining the causes for the increase of RWP across Europe is indispensable for purposes of understanding the everchanging political landscape of the European Union (EU) and the continued threat RWP poses to liberal democratic values in that region. Furthermore, it is necessary to comprehend the undercurrents besetting the two societies’ social fabrics and political nomenclatures as well as their roles in precipitating rightwing populist movements that have gone on dominate their respective polities. To unearth the circumstances behind the rise of RWP as a political phenomenon, the Most Different Systems Design will be utilized to identify factors which account for the success of the AfD and Jobbik in their respective countries. To carry out this task both the Cultural Backlash Thesis (CBT) and the Economic Insecurity Perspective (EIP) are employed as theoretical nodal points to ascertain each of the two countries’ unique set of socio-political and socioeconomic circumstances that propelled right-wing parties to political prominence. This thesis argues that both the CBT and EIP have been at the centre of why right-wing populism has been on the rise in the EU in recent times. Accounting for the exponential rise of Jobbik and the AfD is the exploitation of growing nationalist sentiments by both parties fuelled by fear of the loss of traditional norms and values since the refugee crisis. By focusing on traditional values and their countries’ cultural identities, the two right-wing populist parties inadvertently exclude minority groups on a continued basis. Furthermore, this study claims that while cultural discontents account for the rise of both parties, economic grievances are only applicable in Jobbik’s case alone. This is due to the fact that Germany suffers from less economic difficulties as EU’s strongest economy, whereas Hungary’s own has been performing below par, which has been aggravated by high levels of corruption in the public sector. Hence, Jobbik’s rise has been aided by economic and cultural frustrations as a result of the so-called foreign infiltration whereas the AfD’s is attributed to growing cultural and nationalist grievances gaining a foothold in Germany.
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Foster, Bruce Wayne. „New Right, old Canada, an analysis of the political thought and activities of selected contemporary right-wing organizations“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56543.pdf.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBücher zum Thema "Right wing politics"
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Streek, Barry. Right-wing attacks . Cape Town, South Africa: Barry Streek, 1989.
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Möser, Cornelia, Jennifer Ramme und Judit Takács, Hrsg. Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81341-3.
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Migliori, Chiara M. Religious Rhetoric in US Right-Wing Politics. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96550-1.
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Bergmann, Eirikur. Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1.
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Hoffman, Bruce. Right-wing terrorism in West Germany. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1986.
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Hoffman, Bruce. Right-wing terrorism in West Germany. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1986.
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Right-wing extremism in contemporary Germany. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Andrew, Moore. The right road?: A history of right-wing politics in Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1995.
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Braunthal, Gerard. Right-wing extremism in contemporary Germany. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Jewish policies and right-wing politics in Imperial Russia. London: Macmillan in association with St. Anthony's College, Oxford, 1985.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Right wing politics"
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Betz, Hans-Georg. „Resentment as Politics“. In Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, 37–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23547-6_2.
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Graff, Agnieszka, und Elżbieta Korolczuk. „Gender, anti-gender and right-wing populism“. In Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment, 15–37. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003133520-2.
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Quirk, Sophie. „‘Where Are All the Right-Wing Comedians?’“. In The Politics of British Stand-up Comedy, 11–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01105-5_2.
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Newton, K., und T. J. Karran. „Right-Wing Arguments: Local Government as a Parasite“. In The Politics of Local Expenditure, 20–35. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17849-0_2.
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Haegel, Florence. „Right-wing Parties in France and in Europe“. In Politics in France and Europe, 217–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101890_14.
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Barát, Erzsébet. „Paradoxes of the Right-Wing Sexual/Gender Politics in Hungary: Right-Wing Populism and the Ban of Gender Studies“. In Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe, 173–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81341-3_7.
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Reimers, Eva, und Olaf Stuve. „Paradoxes in Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe: Concluding Remarks“. In Paradoxical Right-Wing Sexual Politics in Europe, 247–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81341-3_10.
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Bergmann, Eirikur. „Introduction: Nationalizing the North“. In Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics, 1–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1_1.
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Bergmann, Eirikur. „Denmark: From Multi-Ethnic and Supra-National Empire to Little Denmark“. In Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics, 33–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1_2.
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Bergmann, Eirikur. „Finland: Nation Building While Manoeuvring Through Big Powers Conflicts“. In Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics, 71–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1_3.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Right wing politics"
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Oliveira, Lucas Santos de, und Pedro Olmo Stancioli Vaz de Melo. „Large-Scale And Long-Term Characterization Of Political Communications On Social Media“. In Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2022.225803.
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Social media play an important role in shaping political discourse, creating a public sphere that enables discussions, debates, and deliberations. Aware of this importance, politicians use social media for self-promotion and as a means of influencing people and votes. As an example of this assertion, in 2018, Brazilians democratically elected for president the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. One of the most surprising feats of this outcome is that his party, PSL, had almost no television time. His victory was only possible because of his supporters’ engagement and activism on social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. In this context, politicians need to decide how to communicate with their voters to build their reputations. While some politicians only share professional communications about their political agenda and activities, others prefer a more non-political and informal approach, sharing communications about the most varied subjects, such as religion, sports, and their families. Others, however, misuse platforms by spreading political messages that violate policies and circumvent electoral laws. Aware of these problems, I propose the LOCPOC a methodology to characterize the communication of Brazilian politicians over years in terms of the amount of political and non-political messages they post. The methodology is robust to concept drifts over time, requiring few new labeled messages each year. From the classified messages, I was able to characterize the communication of politicians over time and identified new findings: (i) Brazilian congresspeople changed their communication behavior over time; (ii) concept drifts occurred during important events in Brazilian politics; (iii) the explosive rise of the right seen just before the 2018 elections; (iv) a broader and more evenly distributed right-wing participation than the left-wing, and, finally, (v) the increase of public engagement over time.
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Kurtoğlu, Ramazan. „Financial-Economic Crisis and Hollywood’s Social Transformation Operations by Horror Movies“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01055.
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The fastest change and transition in the human history is neoliberal capitalism’s 30 year global free market politics project which affects every part of the world with 1978 Washington Consensus. According to John Gray who is a well known academician and an intellectual of the new right-wing, neoliberalism is an apocalyptic secular religion which is based on pagan and Christian values and its ultimate goal is post-apocalyptic heaven in the real world. The best marketing expert of this heaven is, Hollywood based American cinema industry in crisis as well as in regular times. In this study, the effects of the horror movies to the subconscious under economical crises period will be analyzed.
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Kapanadze, Lali. „INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM“. In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7244.
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According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.
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Zelenda Kupcova, Adela. „REFLECTION OF FREEDOM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM ACTIVISTS“. In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.044.
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Deodhar, Bhakti. „Networks of the ‘Repugnant Other’: Understanding Right-wing Political Mobilization in Germany“. In 4th International Conference on Social Science, Humanities and Education. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/4th.icshe.2020.12.43.
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Ebeling, Régis, Carlos Córdova Sáenz, Jeferson Campos Nobre und Karin Becker. „Quarenteners vs. Cloroquiners: a framework to analyze the effect of political polarization on social distance stances“. In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11963.
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The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has struck people’s lives overnight. With an alarming contagious rate and no effective treatments or vaccines, it has evoked all sorts of reactions. In this paper, we propose a framework to analyze how political polarization affects groups’ behavior with opposed stances, using the Brazilian COVID polarized scenario as a case study. Two Twitter groups represent the pro/against social isolation stances referred to as Chloroquiners and Quarenteners. The framework encompasses: a) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, b) topic modeling to discover the homogeneity of concerns expressed by each group; c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. The political polarization of Chloroquiners and Quarenteners influence the arguments of economy and life, and support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Chloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.
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Zelenda Kupcova, Adela. „DECLINE AND COLLAPSE AS THE WAY TO RESURGENCE: CULTURAL PESSIMISM IN THE LIFE STORIES, ATTITUDES AND PLANS OF ELITES OF RIGHT-WING EXTREMIST SCENE“. In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.014.
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Mohitpour, M., G. Von Bassenheim und Ardean Braun. „Route Selection for Project Success: Addressing “Feeling/Perception” Issues“. In 1998 2nd International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc1998-2012.
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Selecting a route for a pipeline right-of-way (ROW) generally consists of engineering (technical and economic), socioeconomic and biophysical components. To effectively select a route, simultaneous consideration must be given to all the components from the initiation of a project to the integration of all aspects of each throughout the route selection process. To successfully select a route which creates a win-win situation for all the stakeholders of a pipeline project, political/governmental issues, community and land owner views, public perceptions and other similar controlling factors (such as Safety, Health, Environment and Risk (SHER)) must be carefully analyzed and integrated into the process. It is the consideration of all these issues that will lead to a ROW which will provide a technically acceptable solution, which is at the same time the least expensive, economically viable and acceptable to the community it traverses. This paper will provide an overview of route selection techniques (including new technologies) used and the process generally practiced by pipeline designers, highlighting controlling issues and optimization methods that need to be utilized in order to achieve a cost effective route selection. It provides details on significant “Feeling/Perception” issues that can either thwart or, by careful consideration of these issues, lead to a successful pipeline project. An example of such a route selection process will be provided on a project located in rough and mountainous terrain, that has significant regulatory/governmental, land, environmental, indigenous and geological issues.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. „THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)“. In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Testori, Giulia. „Cooperation reconsidered: the case of Comité del Pueblo in Quito“. In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Curso de Arquitetura e Urbanismo. Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6256.
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The case of Comité del Pueblo is an historical example, of a neighborhood of Quito created in the 70’s by a
complex cooperative machine, which had the ability to overcome, legally, the shortcomings of the
government. 5000 families in need of housing, an extreme left wing political party and a faculty of
architecture, together in an impressive project of solidarity. A critical reflection on such example nowadays,
uncovering the vanguard social figures of students, architects and urbanists, is not finalized to celebrate its
premises, but rather to question the experience in the light of on-going Ecuadorian discussions on
participation and inclusion. A lesson that probably deserves to be re-read as one of the scarce attempts to
satisfy the right to the city in Quito. El caso de Comité del Pueblo es un ejemplo histórico de un barrio de Quito fundado en los 70’s. Diseñado y
realizado a través de una compleja maquinaria cooperativa, hubo la capacidad de colmar legalmente,
aunque sin involucrar al gobierno, una masiva demanda de vivienda. 5000 familias en necesidad de un
hogar, un partido político de ‘extrema izquierda’, y la Facultad de Arquitectura de la Universidad Central de
Quito trabajando juntos en un impresionante proyecto de solidaridad. La relevancia de considerar hoy en día
este ejemplo, dejando patente las figuras vanguardistas de los estudiantes, arquitectos y urbanistas
involucrados, no es para alabarlo, si no mas bien para cuestionarlo a la luz de la actual discusión sobre
participación e inclusión en el Ecuador. Una historia que merece ser releída como uno de los escasos
intentos de satisfacer el derecho a la ciudad en Quito.
Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Right wing politics"
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, und Raja M. Ali Saleem. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), März 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0010.
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Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the article’s first part.
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Wolf, Maximilian, und Imke Schütz. Report on Panel #2 / Mapping European Populism: The Peculiarities and Commonalities of the Populist Politics in Southern Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0003.
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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on March 31, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from four south European countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which have many similarities and varieties in terms of right- and left-wing populist parties, groups and movements. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.
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Bulent, Kenes. Jobbik: A Turanist Trojan Horse in Europe? European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0002.
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Defined as Turanist, Eurasianist, pro-Russian, pro-Iranian, anti-immigrant but pro-Islam, racist, antisemitic, anti-Roma, Hungarist, and radically populist, Jobbik do not exist in a vacuum. The rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, antisemitic, and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian politics dates back to the late 1980s and early 1990s. Despite its extensive efforts at “image refurbishment” in recent years, Jobbik remains a populist, revisionist, racist, radical right-wing party that threatens to destabilize Hungary, the neighboring region, and the EU.
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de Bromhead, Alan, Barry Eichengreen und Kevin O'Rourke. Right-Wing Political Extremism in the Great Depression. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Februar 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17871.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, und Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel: The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), März 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.
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Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.
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Bulent, Kenes. The Proud Boys: Chauvinist poster child of far-right extremism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Februar 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0003.
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The Proud Boys is a far-right, anti-immigrant, all-male group who have been known to use violence against left-wing opponents. The group describes themselves as “Western chauvinists,” by which they mean “men who refuse to apologise for creating the modern world”. The group, which is the new face of far-right extremism, one that recruits through shared precarity and male grievances promotes and engages in political violence.
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Blazakis, Jason, und Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians: Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, Dezember 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.
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The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, Oktober 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy: The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Juni 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.
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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.
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Ozturk, Ibrahim. On the Political Economy of Populism: The Decline of the Turkish Economy under Erdoğan’s Populist-Authoritarian Regime. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Februar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0008.
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Whether it adopts a right- or left-wing ideology or it is embraced as a belief or a set of ideals, and no matter the strategy or tactics, populism, in the final analysis, is a way of seizing power, and differences between the different strands carry significant repercussions. Many diverse economic, political, and cultural factors have been put forward to explain the rise of populism. One leader who has drawn increasing attention on the crest of the most recent wave of populism is Turkey’s incumbent president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. After a period of progressive and democratic leadership through to 2007, Erdoğan’s fundamental beliefs and personality surfaced, and the entire process was reversed, with devastating consequences for Turkey. This article argues that Erdoğan’s Islamist–nationalist populism has been one of the primary triggers of Turkey’s current political and economic meltdown. Moreover, his populist rhetoric has weakened Turkey’s already fragile autonomous institutions and paved the way for reform reversals and incoherent economic policy. Taken together, Erdoğanism has brought a woeful deterioration in macroeconomic indicators, including rampant inflation, mounting national debt, massive unemployment, rising poverty, and a profound currency shock.