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1
LeBaron, Susannah Bunny. „The Revolutionary Breath“. OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1162.
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The Revolutionary Breath is praxis of conscious breathing and values awareness. I explore the transformative potential of this praxis through a method I call axio-somatic ethnography, which is an expansion of traditional autoethnography that de-centers identity and valorizes body-sensing as the foundation for authentic storytelling. The Revolutionary Breath is juxtaposed to the State Sponsored Breath, a constellation of physical and cultural habits and values. The Revolutionary Breath, itself, is composed of three Allowings, or conscious sensing practices, all framed within a commitment to the depth and ease of one’s breath. Throughout the dissertation, I use axio-somatic ethnography to present my own experiences of putting this praxis into use.
2
Gentry, Caron E. „Women in revolutionary organisations“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2694.
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The main aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that the female revolutionary is no different from her male compatriot. She enters the organisation in the same manner; she shares the same ideology; she participates equally within the revolutionary organisation; and, if she leaves the struggle, she does so in much the same way as her peers. The thesis uses a framework based upon New Social Movement theory to establish the social and historical context of the women by comparing the following five aspects of a new social movement: historical context, leadership, membership, collective action and group ideology and the revolutionary dimension. Before the three historical narratives on the American Movement, the West German student movement and the Palestinian Resistance Movement are undertaken, a literature review covers Social Movement theory, New Social Movement theory, theories on Violence and Terrorism Studies. The thesis also looks at how women have been gendered in criminology and war and how this gendering has influenced some of the leading research on the female terrorist. In order to show that the female revolutionary is very similar to the male, this thesis examines the three historical narratives mentioned above. After reviewing the social and historical context, the respective new social movement, the role of women in the revolutionary organisations (the Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction and Fateh and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) are reviewed in depth by studying their entry, ideology, group dynamics and exit.
3
Trevien, Claire. „Revolutionary prints as spectacle“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/54059/.
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The Revolutionary era was a period of radical political change in France which dissolved traditional boundaries of privilege. It was also a time of creative experimentation on the stage, the street, and in print. Performance and theatrical language were an integral part of the French Revolution. This interdisciplinary thesis makes a vital contribution to knowledge of the cultural production of the French Revolution by analysing the theatrical influences in its satirical prints. It argues that printmakers drew from different aspects of Revolutionary performance to create their prints, from street singers and fairground performers to unsanctioned Revolutionary events and topics favoured by the stage, including the representation of Revolutionary characters in hell. These depictions – observed for the first time under thematic banners – provide a new insight into the multiplicity of opinions, beliefs and attitudes during the French Revolution.
4
Clark, Lenore. „Forbes Watson : independent revolutionary /“. Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1995.
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5
Danieli, Raymond Francis. „The revolutionary war spy as hero and the revolutionary war hero as traitor“. Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/651002977/viewonline.
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6
Aziz, Thomas. „EVAM, A New Revolutionary Ratio?“ Thesis, KTH, Bank och finans, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-89831.
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Purpose: To investigate the usefulness of the Economic Value Added Momentum ratio and to determine if Swedish non-real estate, non-financial companies been either positively or negatively affected by their Corporate Real Estate structure from an EVAM perspective. Design/methodology/approach: Using a regression analysis composed of the OMX large and mid cap non-real estate, non-financial companies, investigates the relationship between companies’ real estate holdings and their ability to sustain a positive EVAM. The study covers the time period from 2006 to 2009 and includes 172 observations. Findings: The data showed that a negative relationship between EVAM and PPTY at the 10% real estate intensity interval might exist. However, no evidence was found that might suggest that a negative relationship between EVAM and corporate real estate holdings at the higher (15% real estate intensity) or the lower (5% real estate intensity) existed. This could suggest that companies’ that own lower percentages of real estate assets (less than 5% of PPTY) are not affecting their EVAM value and that companies’ that own larger amount of real estate (15% of PPTY or higher) are better at managing their real estate assets and thus it is not negatively impacting their EVAM. Research Implications: Real estate is reported at historical cost rather than at current fair market values. As the economy has, historically, enjoyed more periods of expansions than contractions, intuitive companies’ real estate assets are undervalued. Economic recession and booms can also dilute both the positive and negative aspects of real estate ownership. Although this investigation seeks to neutralize this phenomenon by including two periods of economic expansion and two periods of economic recession, it is unreasonable to claim that this will completely neutralize this affect. Practical Implications: The companies that have a PPTY of between 10% and 15% might be better off selling their real estate holdings or investing additional funds in real estate so as to either have a PPTY below 10% or above 15%. Companies that are in-between the 10% and 15% real estate ownership segment might not deem it cost effective to have specific real estate professionals or to invest in real estate know-how; however, the firms’ might at the same time own too much real estate, making it too costly to do nothing. Consequently, the companies could be better off deciding on a particular strategy: owning more real estate or owning less real estate. Originality/Value: Investigates if a linkage between a company’s ability to generate a positive EVAM and a company’s quantity of real estate assets exists.
7
Duffy, Cian. „Shelley and the revolutionary sublime /“. Cambridge [u.a.] : Cambridge Univ. Press, 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0659/2006274988-d.html.
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8
Duffy, C. „Shelley and the revolutionary sublime“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598671.
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The dissertation explores the relationship between the sublime and the revolutionary in Shelley's work. It rejects conventional attempts to locate Shelley's interest in the natural sublime within a perceived movement away from radical empiricism towards an increasingly apolitical philosophical idealism, and disputes the historical validity of reading that interest alongside Immanuel Kant's Critique of Judgement (Leighton, Endo). Shelley's interest in natural grandeur is rather read as an engagement with the eighteenth-century British discourse on the natural sublime. More precisely, the dissertation argues that Shelley was concerned to revise the conventional, pious and theistic configuration of that discourse along politically radical and epistemologically sceptical lines, and documents the history of this concern in his oeuvre. Shelley's engagement with the discourse on the sublime was premised, it is argued, upon the notion of a 'wise' or educated imagination, an imagination 'considerably tinctured with science and enlarged by cultivation' (A Refutation of Deism). Such an imagination reads the landscape of the natural sublime not as evidence of God's immanent presence in creation, but as exhibiting systematic natural processes which expose the artificiality - the un-naturalness - of the current political order. A major corollary of the dissertation, then, is the claim that the concept of the 'legislating' imagination that informs Shelley's Defence of Poetry was worked out - and can only be fully understood - within the context of a lifelong engagement with the discourse on the sublime. However the dissertation also shows that Shelley's engagement with the discourse on the sublime was far from unambiguously successful. Conversely, it traces the highly problematic intersection of that engagement with Shelley's ostensibly gradualist politics. Shelley's early qualms about the political affiliations of extreme affect quickly gave way to a confidence in the political potency of the 'cultivated imagination'.
9
Kerr, April L. „Iran the post-revolutionary evolution“. Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2008.
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Approved for public release, distribution unlimitedFollowing the 1979 Iranian revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers established a complicated and paradoxical government that combined an authoritative, theocratic government with democratic underpinnings. Although the structure of the government has remained relatively unchanged for almost three decades, the government's bureaucracy and policies have experienced an ongoing evolutionary process that has given rise to three distinct shifts with radicals, reformists, and conservative hard-liners taking turns steering the country and pressing different agendas. These three shifts present an interesting puzzle: given the strict authoritative nature of Iran's theocratic government, what is causing these behavior, policy, and agenda shifts? This thesis uses three analytical lenses to examine the causes of behavioral shifts since the 1979 Iranian revolution: 1979-1989, the Khomeini era; 1989-2004, the reformists; and 2004-present, the conservative hard liners. Each lens investigates a different cause of the shifts; a) civil society, b) bureaucratic politics, and c) international politics. The goal of this thesis is to better understand what is driving Iran's politics and governance and why. A thorough analysis using our three analytical lenses will provide a three dimensional perspective of the driving factor behind Iran's governmental politics. Our analytic method can also be used to analyze the governmental politics of other countries, and serve as a foundation for establishing effective foreign policy. Often, it seems foreign policy is formulated based upon a one dimensional view. All three lenses together provide a more comprehensive approach to understanding how governments react to internal and external pressures. It is important to understand the causes of governmental behavior in order to develop more effective foreign policies and achieve strategic goals.
10
Voloshyna, I. V. „Drop-shipping new revolutionary trading“. Master's thesis, Sumy State University, 2020. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/81832.
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The aim of the graduation work is to study the theoretical foundations and economic essence of the analysis financial activity of Drop-shipping. The object of study - the results of financial and economic activities of developed commercial enterprise and methods of its complex financial analysis state. Developing the new strategies approaching consumers and selling the products, trends assessment of its functionalities.
The first section defines the history and importance of the online store as a separate market segment; Drop-shipping development; purpose and objectives; methods of financing; analysis of prospects of a drop-shipping business; regulatory instruments.
The second section identifying sources of suppliers and products; marketing methods; selection of payment systems; selection of electronic trading platform.
The third section analysis of results of activity; analysis profitability; advantages and disadvantages of drop-shipping; identification of relevant indicators, on the basis of which conclusions are made about the financial condition of the e-commerce and impact of COVID-19.
11
Curtis, Richard A. Kerr April L. „Iran the post-revolutionary evolution /“. Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FCurtis.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008. Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Gregg, Heather S. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-103). Also available in print.
12
Fairfax-Cholmeley, Alexander. „Reassessing revolutionary justice : suspects, the Paris Revolutionary Tribunal and the Terror in France, 1793-4“. Thesis, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.552753.
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The thesis offers a reappraisal of a particular aspect of the Terror in France: the system of revolutionary justice that developed during the course of 1793 and 1794. Through a series of laws between March 1793 and 22 prairial Year II (10 June 1794) central government sought to define and punish 'counter-revolutionary' activity, deemed a potentially fatal threat to the internal security of a nation at war with much of Europe. At the heart of this system stood the tribunal criminel et extraordinaire in Paris - later named the Revolutionary Tribunal - which had jurisdiction over the entire country in such cases. The basic premise of the thesis is that historians to date have perpetuated a misleading image of those affected by the Terror as helpless victims of state repression, and that this is due in large part to the fact that our understanding of the revolutionary judicial system is . simplistic. The thesis aims to do two things: first, restore the suspect as an active protagonist fn the narrative of the period; second, chart the extent to which there was space for suspects and their defences to exploit within the system organised around the Paris Tribunal. Part One looks at the basic mechanics of the judicial Terror, a chain that stretched out from the capital all over France. The analysis charts the changes and continuities both within the system that was providing the Paris Tribunal with cases, and in the record of this institution in dealing with them. It includes detailed examination of many of the mechanisms /f the Terror, from local investigations of alleged counter-revolutionary offences through to the work of the Paris Tribunal itself. Part Two focuses on how defences were constructed under this system of revolutionary justice, and the impact such efforts had. Not only does this highlight how active suspects themselves were in their own defence, but new evidence is also presented showing that large numbers benefitted from the support of the wider community as well.
13
Shafer, David A. „Revolutionary insurgency and revolutionary republicanism : aspects of the French revolutionary tradition from the advent of the July Monarchy through the repression of the Paris Commune“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282710.
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14
Sinkaya, Bayram. „The Revolutionary Guards And The Iranian Politics: Causes And Outcomes Of The Shifting Relations Between The Revolutionary Guards And The Political Leadership In Post-revolutionary Iran“. Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613078/index.pdf.
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This dissertation is aimed at analyzing the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps&rsquo(IRGC) relationship to politics, which evolved into different forms through the three decades of the revolution. Eventually the IRGC has become one of the most influential organizations with respect to Iranian politics. This situation has raised the following question
why and how has the IRGC become such an influential political actor in post-revolutionary Iranian politics? Considering different forms of the IRGC-politics relationship, this study also questioned the reasons that lay behind the shifts in that relationship. In order to answer these questions, this dissertation examined the relationship between the Revolutionary Guards and the political leadership in post-revolutionary Iran. It maintained that there are four variables that determined the IRGC-politics relationship, which are ideological position of the political leadership, power of the political leadership, ideological outlook of the Revolutionary Guards and corporateness of the Revolutionary Guards. In order to analyze forms of the IRGC-politics relationship and to explain shifts between these forms, it traced these variables through the post-revolutionary history of Iran, which was divided into four periods (i.e. transition, radical, thermidorian, and neo-radical periods) because of the changing political and revolutionary dynamics. It concluded that because corporateness of the IRGC reached into a high level whereas power of the political leadership was seriously weakened in the last two periods, the IRGC&rsquo
s clout significantly increased in Iranian politics. Congruence or incongruence between ideological values of the political leadership and of the IRGC, and their commitment to pursue those values determined the confrontationist or cooperative nature of the IRGC&rsquo
s relations with the political leadership.
15
Stanford, Maxwell C. „Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM): a case study of an urban revolutionary movement in western capitalist society“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1986. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2051.
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The primary intent of this thesis is to present a political descriptive analysis of the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), and urban revolutionary movement active in the 1960's. An attempt has been made to portray the historical context, the organization, ideology of the RAM organization and response of the state to the activities of the organization.
The thesis presents a methodological approach to developing a paradigm in which the study of urban revolutionary movements is part of a rational analysis. The thesis also explains concepts and theories that are presented later in the text. A review of black radical activity from 1900 to 1960 is given to provide the reader with historical background information of the events and personalities which contributed to the development of RAM. A comparative analysis is made between urban revolutionary movements in Latin America and the United States in order to show that the RAM organization was part of a worldwide urban phenomenon.
The scope of the thesis is to present an analysis of the birth, early beginnings of RAM as a national organization, and Malcolm X's impact on the organization. The thesis also covers RAM's organizational activities in two phases, including the dissolution of the organization. The basic tenets of RAM's ideology are examined in the thesis along with an analysis of repression waged against the organization by governmental intelligence agencies. The thesis concludes with a critical analysis of RAM as an organizational model in the black freedom struggle.
16
Rosunee, Pritilah. „Manumission in Isle de France during the revolutionary and post revolutionary years from 1789 to 1810“. Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9767.
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Bibliography: leaves 203-212.This research work is an analysis of the whole 'institution' of manumission as it existed in Isle de France during the period between the French Revolution of 1789 and the post-revolutionary years up to British rule in 1810. In his study of 'The Free Population of Colour in Mauritius', Richard Allen emphasizes the fact that "a comprehensive study of manumission in the colony remains to be undertaken, but we do have reliable information on manumisson practices and patterns during the last two decades of the Ancien Régime". Indeed, Muslim Jumeer reports that between 1768- 1789, a total of 785 slaves consisting of 347 women, 173 men, 133 boys and 132 girls were freed according to the acts of manumission. But the existing works do not reveal any manumission figure for the years after 1789, during the revolutionary period up to British rule. As Allen notes, "information on the composition of the manumitted population and on the pattern of manumissions between 1789-1820 is scarce, but only because research on this period remains to be done". This present work has attempted to 'fill the gap' in the study of manumission for the years 1789 to 1803, by a 'comprehensive study' of manumission acts found at the Mauritius Archives.
17
Purchase, Graham School of Philosophy UNSW. „Peter Kropotkin: ecologist, philosopher and revolutionary“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Philosophy, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/20436.
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The Problem Investigated: This thesis is conceived as: [1] a work of scholarship and exegesis [2] an examination of more recent scientific works which use similar metaphors or concepts, eg. Cooperation, that are central to Kropotkin's thinking. As a work of scholarship and exegesis this thesis is an attempt to present the many areas/dimensions of Kropotkin's philosophy and thinking in a systematic way. I do not believe that this has been attempted previously in any language. Although his political, social and economic theories have generated a substantial secondary literature, Kropotkin's scientific works and philosophy of science, with the exception of his famous book, Mutual Aid, have received virtually no attention. In consequence of this the emphasis of this work will be upon his scientific writings. However, his political writings will also be examined as well as related to his broad scientific outlook. In addition to evaluating Kropotkin's scientific works in relation to his period I also discuss them in relation to contemporary debates. Although not strictly true, the second half of this thesis is not a work of historical scholarship but an attempt to bring together the ideas of scientists that in one way or another support a Kropotkinesque characterisation of natural processes. Although Kropotkin is often rightly regarded as a founder of modern environmentalism, this is difficult to substantiate from his purely political and social writings. Thus I will attempt to present the core concepts of Kropotkin's anarchism in a coherent and succinct way with an emphasis upon showing how they relate to contemporary debates and perspectives within the environmental movement. The Procedures Followed: The thesis will be introduced biographically. This seemed the best way to introduce Kropotkin's works to the reader and place them in relation to one another and in their historical context. Thus the primary purpose of this historical section is to contextualise the great diversity of works by Kropotkin. As I do not have a science background, but also for reasons of clarity, the remainder of the analysis shall be based upon the least technical and most accessible scientific literature in the various disciplines investigated. I will begin by systematically collecting, cataloguing and analysing both Kropotkin's works as well as the secondary literature and then proceed to make some overall sense of them and then relate them to contemporary debates upon process and organisation in nature and society. The General Results Obtained: My research has revealed a large body of scientific work by Kropotkin. My analysis of them shows that he had a deep understanding of the role of mutualism, symbiosis, dynamism, group and social behaviour etc., in relation to physical and biological processes. His ideas, although necessarily containing errors, are broadly, as well as in many detailed aspects, consistent with the findings of professional, though often unorthodox, scientists of the present day. The main faults of Kropotkin's approach was a fundamental failure to appreciate the role of territories and hierarchies in animal groups and his excessive progressivism. My research also reveals how Kropotkin's social vision, although somewhat utopian, can be sympathetically interpreted in terms of modern environmentalist perspectives. The Major Conclusions Reached: Kropotkin's diverse works in science and social theory when presented systematically reveals that he is a philosopher of considerable interest in respect to both contemporary and historical debates concerning sociality and its influence upon the evolution of life on Earth.
18
Koszta, Cindy A. „The hero in German revolutionary drama“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0016/MQ52096.pdf.
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19
Billings, Neil R. „Theories of revolution and revolutionary organization“. Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32608.
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This thesis is in the form of a literature review of the theories advanced by both academics and revolutionaries of why and how a revolution occurs. The thesis is in two parts: the first part describes theories devised by academics to explain why revolutions occur. These theories are divided into three categories based on the level of analysis chosen by the academic. The second half of the thesis deals with the organizational choices made by revolutionaries. These choices amount to the development of a theory, not always explicit, on how revolutions occur. I divide the field into those revolutionaries who choose centralized versus decentralized organizational forms, and those who rely on mass movements versus those who concentrate on actions by elites. The major conclusions of the thesis are that no single level of analysis is sufficient to explain why revolutions occur, and that the choices of organizational form have more to do with the structural considerations of the environment than the will or wishes of the revolutionaries. I end with a call for more research on the organizational choices of revolutionary movements.
20
Er, Vedat. „Social movements in post-revolutionary Iran“. Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38923.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.This thesis questions in what ways two major social movements, the Student Movement in 1999 and Green Movement in 2009, affected Iranian domestic politics. It argues that, although these movements seemed to fail, they succeeded in important ways. Essentially, these movements altered domestic politics by their emergence and resilient continuity as an alternative way of political participation for Iranians. The result of their continuation and expansion encouraged, and continues to encourage, more liberal tendencies. These movements occurred since the 1979 Iranian revolution, itself, planted their seeds in post-revolutionary Iran by its outcomes, which created political opportunities, mobilizing structures, resources, and framing. Social movements became an alternative way of political participation, beginning from the Student Movement, and initiated the early changes in public opinion for a more liberal regime in 1999. Although the Iranian government brutally suppressed the Student Movement, its participants continued their struggle. The Green Movement in 2009 was a pro-democracy movement that united separate opposition groups in society, with broader frames and peaceful tactics, as a continuance of the Student Movement. It arguably shook the Islamic governments legitimacy and changed Iranians opinion, which was reflected in the election of a reformist candidate in the 2013 presidential elections.
21
Shahinyan, Hayk. „HIMA ! Revolutionary Park in Yerevan, Armenia“. Thesis, KTH, Arkitektur, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-147336.
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HIMA! / NOW! - translation from Armenian In light of recent and ongoing protests, demonstrations and riots in Ukraine, Egypt, Israel or Armenia, some actual questions arise such as how is the built environment used as an area of protest, how it is chosen as a focal point or path for resistance, what are the common characteristics of revolutionary spaces and how the environment effects on success. Lack of democracy from the government and in everyday life of Armenia society, total corruption and feeling of impunity oligarchy, the government and most of governmental institutions, weak economic growth accompanied by alarming number of emigration as well as successful scenarios in neighboring Georgia and Ukraine, force to predict a inescapable eruption of protests Armenia in near future. History shows that protests and civil disobedience are inevitable and necessary expressions of dissent in any democratic nation and country. However there are different passive tools to improve democratic institutions in the society and country in general such as public forums, open discussions and debates, freedom of speech and media etc. With this project I want to create a great Park with generous program embracing main democratic principles as a Public Space and Forum for everyone in capital of Armenia, Yerevan, BUT in case of nascent civil resistance the Park will become a space as a tool with urban inventory that people can use, manipulate, claim in order to defend their values and save own life's. This will be a Playground/Fortress for Democracy !
22
Betadam, Joburt. „Geometry of pre-revolutionary Virginia architecture“. Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/53092.
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Virginia architecture of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries prior to the American Revolution has distinctive geometries which determine proportion. The square, root-two rectangle and equilateral triangle are the figures which establish most proportions. Plans and elevations underwent a development based on a rational method of incorporating the figures into a coherent building. This investigation establishes the use of geometry as a starting point for the culmination of many elements which together composed a building.Master of Architecture
23
Hastings, Rachel N. „Black eyez : memoirs of a revolutionary /“. Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1791777371&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2009."Department of Speech Communication." Keywords: Black aesthetic, Black power, Black theater, Ethnographic dramaturgy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 228-237). Also available online.
24
Hastings, Rachel N. „Black Eyez: Memoirs of a Revolutionary“. OpenSIUC, 2008. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/278.
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Black Eyez: Memoirs of a Revolutionary engages in an investigation of the performative relationship between race and color. It offers a review of the genesis of race as a political invention, to articulate the intersubjective relationship between Black Power ideology and the Black Aesthetic. By highlighting the historical recovery of Black subjectivity, I argue Black aestheticians produced a form of performative decolonization. I then suggest the use of ethnographic dramaturgy as both an informed approach to staging the self, as well as a space to offer my personal performance philosophy. The script "Sole/Daughter" is offered as an augmentation of The Revolutionary Theatre's paradigmatic assumptions.
25
Byron, Christopher. „A marxian concept of human nature in defense of alienation a revolutionary exegesis of a revolutionary philosophy“. Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/664.
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Two long-standing and erroneous claims have plagued Marxism for the past century. First, Marx held no static view of human-nature. Second, Marx's theory of alienation was the naïve view of a young Marx, which was jettisoned in his wiser adult years. Both views are demonstrable false. Moreover, the validity of his theory of human nature, and alienation, are contingent upon the acceptance of each other. One cannot fully comprehend his view of alienation without understanding his view of human nature, and vice versa. Upon demonstrating Marx's theory of human nature, and defending it as a crucial bedrock for the theory of alienation, mainstream rejections of each will be considered, and critiqued. The constant misunderstanding of Marx's theory of human nature comes in his unique theory of essence. He is an essentialist, with a fluid conception of man's essence. One's historical essence is an ensemble of socio-historical reflections, dialectically interplaying off a historically transcending essentialism.B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
Philosophy
26
Kimber, Alan F. „Reconciliation in a revolutionary situation towards a model of pastoral care in a "post revolutionary" South Africa /“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p100-0094.
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Gibril, Suzan. „Control-(H)Alt-Delete the Ultras :Establishing and dismantling spaces of contention in revolutionary and post-revolutionary Egypt“. Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276981.
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The case of the Ultras’ mobilisation and their subsequent demobilisation in the Egyptian revolutionary and post-revolutionary context raises the question of the relationship between the notion of contention and repression, which are questions that are at the centre of debates in the literature. Based on a thorough analysis of the Ultras groups’ collective actions, this dissertation aims at understanding the mobilisation and demobilisation mechanisms at play in revolutionary and post-revolutionary Egypt. Inspired by the literature of contentious collective action and the sociology of sport in various national contexts, we aim at answering the following question: how and in what ways did the Ultras adapt their tools and spaces of mobilisation to avoid state repression? This further prompted the question of the Ultras’ impact on the making of spaces of contention and the general capacity of football fandom to encourage mobilisation. The generalised context of surveillance and control encouraged the development of alternative means and spaces to avoid state repression. Among these alternatives means and spaces, were the stadium, as well as the Ultras’ street art and songs. By investing and (re)possessing these spaces, we show that the Ultras were able to transform a space into an area of conflict and contestation. In other words, these alternative means and spaces can be seen as a way for them to break away from the shackles of social and institutional norms to oppose the general “paradigm of depression, control and normalisation of apathy”. The return to authoritarianism and the coming to power of General Abdel Fattah al Sisi (since June 2013), however, drastically impacted on collective action, as the various groups witnessed the progressive destruction of the spaces of protest and memorialisation that had been developing since the onset of the uprisings. In this regard, we investigate the issue of the demobilisation of the Ultras groups and progressive effacement of spaces of contention. Looking back on the events of the 2011 uprisings and the subsequent 2013 uprisings against president Morsi and regime response, we establish that the general disappearance of protest is linked to the banalisation of violence, which instilled this idea that brutality was commonplace, almost inconsequential because a part of Egyptians’ daily lives. We conclude the dissertation by reflecting on the delocalisation of dissent through the collective act of remembrance. Indeed, the new laws on social media suggest additional efforts from the regime to contain and control political dissent, further contributing to the expansion of the concept of “tentacular state”. In this regard, the acts of remembrance can be understood as a way for the social actors to redefine their repertoires of collective action. Through the digitisation and subsequent dissemination of narratives, photos, videos and sounds, social actors such as the Ultras repossess new spaces of dissent and resistance beyond their physical borders. Ultimately, the power of digitisation and collective acts of remembrance lies in their capacity and potential to stimulate dissent, thus securing political effects.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Clay, Richard Simon. „Signs of power : iconoclasm in Paris, 1789-1795“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317978/.
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This thesis is about iconoclasm in Paris, 1789-1795. Previous full-length studies on the subject have condemned revolutionary iconoclasm as 'vandalism' because, they claim, it showed barbaric disrespect for art's sacred, aesthetic and historical values. This thesis argues that such condemnations are anachronistic because they fail to recognise the variety of ways in which late eighteenth-century Parisians used art, assessed its value and established appropriate ways of treating it. For many eighteenth-century Parisians, religious and political art had a vital role to play in mediating struggles for meaning in the wider world. Many Parisians did not privilege the aesthetic and historical values of art, nor did they believe that such values offered necessary and sufficient grounds for automatically respecting art's physical integrity. This thesis explores the various ways in which different interest groups sought to preserve or destroy art for political and/or religious reasons, and the resulting tension between groups who did, or did not, believe that all art ought to be divorced from such struggles. The thesis draws on a wider range of manuscript and printed sources than have been used in previous studies, even the more recent articles that have avoided condemning iconoclasm. In order to explain the scale of official iconoclasm in Year II, this thesis also covers a longer period than most of the available literature on the subject. The methodology employed in this study focuses on fewer spaces than is usual in this field of research, establishing connections between specific iconoclastic events and local, as well as national, discourses. Close analysis of iconoclastic actions, and representations of them, are used to argue from the specific to the general, explaining iconoclasm and the development of iconoclastic and preservationist government policies. It is shown that iconoclasm occurred because art symbolically mediated contested power relations during the revolution.
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Brown, Philip. „Brass music during the American revolutionary era /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/11253.
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Bubenik, Jana Marie. „Jaroslav Hašek, a rebel or a revolutionary?“ Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63310.
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Owen, Kenneth. „Political community in revolutionary Pennsylvania, 1774-1800“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543627.
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Kumaraswami, Parvathi. „Reading women's self-writing from revolutionary Cuba“. Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401028.
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Cameron, Gregory Anthony. „Protest and cooperation in post revolutionary Zanzibar“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249657.
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Getova, Radosveta Valtchanova. „Monologue and dialogue in French revolutionary rhetoric“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398825.
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Ross, Anna. „Post-revolutionary politics in Prussia, 1848-1858“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648508.
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Nazemi, Nader. „War and state making in revolutionary Iran /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10766.
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Kelty, Mark J. „Jesusa Rodriguez : Mexico City's postmodern/permanent revolutionary /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9901247.
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Porter, Lindsay. „Popular rumour in Revolutionary Paris, 1792-1794“. Thesis, University of York, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/8816/.
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Rumours thrive in periods of social and political unrest; the combination of uncertainty and upheaval and a demand for information creates a crucible for the spread of unsubstantiated news. In such situations, even unconfirmed reports serve a purpose, allowing communities to give voice to their anxieties and hopes. An examination of the role and impact of rumour during the French Revolution has the potential to shed new light on the experiences of those who lived through it. Focussing on Paris during the most radical years of Jacobinism, this thesis explores the ways in which informal communication networks helped to shape popular perceptions of the Revolution. Adopting a different approach from George Lefebvre’s classic study, this thesis explores the role of rumour as a phenomenon in itself. It investigates the way in which the informal authority of the on dit (‘they say’) of the street was subject to a range of historical and contemporary prejudices and the extent to which it was monitored by the authorities. Drawing its conclusions from a close reading of the police archives in Paris, this thesis examines the potential of rumour to unite communities but also to divide them, as the power of on dit began to play an important role in denunciations.
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Scott, Richard. „Dreams and the passions in Revolutionary England“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5917/.
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Between 1640 and 1660, England suffered a profound political, religious and social revolution, with its roots in the broader crisis over the nature of religious truth precipitated by the long Reformation. This thesis explores one element of this crisis over divine truth - the nature and origins of dreams, their status as reliable knowledge, and pragmatic and psychological responses to them as experiences. Dreams are explored as a powerful conceptual category in a number of contexts, including medical literature and theological writings concerned with the soul, prophecy and cosmology; the sermons and confessional literature of puritan and Anglican divines; and a diverse range of ‘radical’ and ‘occult’ texts imported to England and produced at home after the lapse of censorship in the 1640s. The study not only gives renewed attention to changes in the concepts, identities and practices constructed around dreams in intellectual discourses, but demonstrates the many ways in which they were in contestation; draws out their intimate relationship to wider intellectual struggles of the day in greater depth than previous studies; and highlights a variety of heretofore unappreciated attempts to integrate regard for and study of dreams into Christian philosophical thinking in the seventeenth-century.
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Raškauskas, Kęstutis. „Revolutionary culture experiment in Lithuania (1927-1935)“. Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140213_112808-80698.
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The “Trečias frontas” journal (1930-1931) and its group have a wide historiographical layer. Nevertheless, there is a possibility to recreate wider context of the group’s activities and analyse this in the connection with activities of some artists and theatre actors. Therefore, this phenomenon could be named as the “experiment of revolutionary culture” and dated between 1927 and 1935. About twenty persons became the object of this research. Reconstruction of group members’ biographies in comparative mode reveals close personal ties and communication networks which affected political-social visions and were the core of complex public activities. Majority of the group members’ tried to become communist fellow-travellers. The corpus of Lithuanian Communist party leadership has had diverse attitudes towards these attempts and that initiated internal conflicts. Nevertheless, prevailed negative position and attempts failed. Minority of these revolutionary culture sympathizers became nonmarxist socialism supporters and their activities were especially difficult because of emigration and imprisonments. Existing historiography emphasizes these group members’ connections with communists. The perspective of this research is more about the difficult path of going left. Untapped archival material and its abundance enabled to enrich the existing historical narrative with new facts, characters, wider contexts, different perspectives and fresh analysis of their activities.“Trečio fronto” žurnalas (1930-1931 m.) ir jo leidėjų grupė yra susilaukusi plataus literatūrologų ir istorikų dėmesio. Visgi, galimos naujos tyrimų perspektyvos, leidžiančios sukonstruoti platesnį šios grupės veiklos kontekstą bei įvesti naujus personažus – aktorius ir menininkus. Dėl to pats reiškinys įvardijamas kaip revoliucinės kultūros eksperimentas, netolygiai vystęsis tarp 1927 ir 1935 m. Tyrimo objektu tapo apie dvidešimt herojų. Jų biogramų lyginamoji rekonstrukcija atskleidė išskirtinę draugystės ryšių įtaką politinių-socialinių pažiūrų tapsmui bei viešajai veiklai. Dauguma šios grupės narių mėgino tapti komunistų pakeleiviais. Lietuvos komunistų partijos vadovybė Maskvoje ir Lietuvoje nesutarė kaip vertinti šį šliejimąsi. Visgi nulėmė neigiamos nuostatos ir šliejimosi pastangos buvo sužlugdytos. Šis aspektas esamoje istoriografijoje nebuvo iki šiol atskleistas. Mažuma analizuojamos grupės aktyvistų tapo nemarksistinio socializmo šalininkais, o jų išskirtinai sunki veikla buvo paženklinta emigracijos ir kalėjimo bausmių. Egzistuojanti istoriografija pabrėžia trečiafrontininkų komunistinio pakeleiviavimo aspektą, bet šiame tyrime analizuojamų personažų atžvilgiu laikomasi platesnės kairėjimo perspektyvos. Taigi, iki šiol tyrinėtojų nepanaudotos archyvinės medžiagos gausa leido papildyti trečiafrontininkų istorijas naujais faktais, įvesti naujų personažų, išplėsti kontekstus bei siūlyti naujus jų veiklos vertinimus.
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Brandis, Dov Asher. „The 1979 Iranian revolution: the revolutionary revolution“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192268.
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McDougall, Brian Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. „Must workers' revolution always fail? Bolshevism, the revolutionary process and the revolutionary crises in Russia, Chile, Portugal and Poland“. Ottawa, 1991.
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Arasli, Jahangir E. „Pasdaran incorporated evolving from revolutionary to praetorian guard“. Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FArasli.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. ; Sotomayor, Arturo C. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 30, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Iran, Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, civil--military relations, civilian control, interservice rivalry. Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-124). Also available in print.
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Mejía, Glenda. „The representation of women in revolutionary Cuban cinema /“. [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19376.pdf.
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Melgar, Cesar. „The Shaphanites political allies to a revolutionary prophet /“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2006. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p077-0104.
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Carlson, Gary A. „An analysis of revolutionary Latin American liberation theology“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1991. http://www.tren.com.
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Johnson, Aaron Scott. „A revolutionary young Ottoman: Ali Suavi (1839-1878)“. Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=110365.
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This thesis is a study of the life and work of the nineteenth-century Ottoman Turkish journalist and activist Ali Suavi, best known for his failed attempt to overthrow Sultan Abdülhamit II in 1878. It includes a study not only of Suavi's Turkish newspaper work, but also of his oft-neglected European publications. It also includes a thorough overview of how our image of Suavi has been distorted in various ways over the years, and in particular by Turkish nationalist historiography. Far from being a Turkish nationalist or protonationalist, as many scholars have claimed, Ali Suavi was in fact an Ottoman patriot with pan-Islamic leanings. Ali Suavi, as well as the popular Ottoman Muslim resistance to Russian occupation in the Rhodope mountains in what is now Bulgaria in the 1870s, can best be understood as precursors not of Turkish nationalism but rather of the Ottoman Muslim nationalism that guided Young Turk policy during World War I and subsequently motivated the postwar Anatolian resistance, and which was only replaced by Turkish nationalism following the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923.Ce mémoire est une étude de la vie et de l'œuvre du journaliste et activiste politique turc ottoman du dix-neuvième siècle, Ali Suavi, devenu célèbre pour la tentative de coup d'état qu'il a dirigé contre le Sultan Abdülhamit II en 1878. Il s'agit non seulement d'une étude de ses écrits dans les journaux turcs, mais aussi de ses ouvrages européennes, qui ont trop souvent été négligées. Ce mémoire comprend également un aperçu global des diverses façons par lesquelles notre image de Suavi a été déformée au cours des années, en particulier par l'historiographie nationaliste turque. Loin d'être un nationaliste ou protonationaliste turc, comme de nombreux chercheurs l'affirment, Ali Suavi était en effet un patriote ottoman avec des tendances panislamiques. On ne devrait pas comprendre Ali Suavi et la résistance populaire des ottomans musulmans contre l'occupation russe dans les montagnes Rhodopes (dans ce qui est maintenant la Bulgarie) pendant les années 1870 comme des précurseurs du nationalisme turc, mais plutôt comme des précurseurs du nationalisme ottoman musulman qui a guidé la politique des Jeunes-Turcs pendant la Première Guerre mondiale et a ensuite motivé la résistance anatolienne d'après-guerre, et qui n'a été remplacé par le nationalisme turc qu'après la fondation de la République turque en 1923.
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Hodgetts, Timothy. „A revolutionary approach to improving combat casualty care“. Thesis, City University London, 2012. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/2040/.
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Background: Military medicine has historically advanced in war. Advances in concepts, technology, organisation and operational processes have occurred during the contemporary conflicts of the last decade. Aims: To determine whether the advances constitute a ‘Revolution in Military Medical Affairs (RM2A)’; to demonstrate my role within a revolutionary transformation; and to introduce new theory to determine if advances have been appropriately matched to clinical need. Definition: An RM2A is defined here as a radical change in the character or practice of military medicine. Methods: 20 papers are selected (15 first author; 5 second author) that describe the changes in modern combat casualty care. These are clustered into conceptual (doctrine) innovation; changes to organisational structure and operational processes; and advances in technology. These are analysed against Lambeth’s (1997) criteria for a Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA); Cohen’s (2009) three tests for an RMA, but adapted for an RM2A; and Toffler’s (1993) criteria for a ‘true revolution’. The null hypothesis for the novel theory (Homunculus Casualty Theorem) states that the concept, training, equipment and practice changes within the RM2A are not correspondingly or proportionately matched in importance to the immediately life-threatening injuries and physiology of contemporary combat trauma. Results: The creation of new concepts (
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Tudela, Francisco Jose. „Cuba's love affair with violence : 1940s revolutionary groups“. Thesis, University of Leeds, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597093.
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According to a number of scholars, the University of Havana during the 19405 was a dangerous place to study. Scholars also argue that the city of Havana was a dangerous place to live. Gunmen seemed to loiter on the corner of every building. These gunmen were action group members. The first part of this project investigates the portrayal of both these localities and the actions groups from contemporary and modem sources. The second part of the thesis investigates the revolutionary organisations and tries to gain an insight into their workings, ideologies, and overall character. Who were these action group members? Were they revolutionaries, as they refer to themselves, or were they terrorists? A crucial component to the investigation is examining violence. Were the Cuban citizenry 'terrorised'? What are the urban violence statistics? The project looks at assassination attempts to discover whether the city and the University of Havana were truly dangerous places. The third part of the thesis attempts to uncover the reasons why the histories describe Havana and the action groups in such a manner. In other words, the investigation reviews the causes of the portrayal or mischaracterisation. The research examines the potential of source misinterpretation, bias, etc.
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Butler, Krissie. „Deconstructing an Icon: Fidel Castro and Revolutionary Masculinity“. UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/hisp_etds/10.
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The goal of this project is to investigate the way in which various representations of Fidel Castro, between the years 1957-1965, have left an indelible mark on Cuba, transforming its landscape, I argue, through gendered means and conscious strategies. Thus it is less concerned with Fidel as an historical person than with examining with a gendered lens the ways in which he has been represented in foundational photographs, interviews, songs, and texts (both narrative and poetry as well as blogs). Drawing from theories of masculinity, which conceive masculinity as both a social construction and material body, my dissertation explores the ways in which these representations make visible a gendered body, mapping definitions of masculinity on Fidel, which are intimately linked to power. These constructions of Fidel’s masculinity, which are portrayed as hegemonic and a legitimating feature of patriarchal control, are a central feature of Fidel’s political authority and the Revolution’s hegemonizing project to shape Revolutionary men and women. I argue that representations of Fidel frequently invite a gendered encounter between the Comandante and his followers, resulting in the production of gendered Revolutionary subjects. The present study adds to current scholarship by shedding light on the ways in which gender foregrounds politics by problematizing the ways in which men are often at the center of political discourse. By decoding the foundations of Fidel’s “gendered” power, we find it to be a construction whose maintenance depends on the body’s ability to conform to hegemonic definitions of masculinity, thus reinforcing rather than Revolutionizing masculine paradigms of authority.