Zeitschriftenartikel: „Revolt Of 1857“

1

Singh, Raj Kumar. „Revolt of 1857 and ‘Awadh’: Reappraisal“. Asian Man (The) - An International Journal 8, Nr. 1 (2014): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/0975-6884.2014.00017.6.

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2

Young, Robert J., und Rudranshu Mukherjee. „Awadh in Revolt 1857-1858: A Study of Popular Resistance“. Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, Nr. 1 (Januar 1987): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603013.

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3

Metcalf, Thomas R., und Rudrangshu Mukherjee. „Awadh in Revolt, 1857-1858: A Study of Popular Resistance“. American Historical Review 91, Nr. 2 (April 1986): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858263.

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4

Singh, Ankit Kumar. „The Revolt of 1857 —The First War of Independence“. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-5 (31.08.2018): 1221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd17075.

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5

Stubbings, Matthew. „British Conservatism and the Indian Revolt: The Annexation of Awadh and the Consequences of Liberal Empire, 1856–1858“. Journal of British Studies 55, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2016): 728–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.73.

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AbstractThis article examines how the East India Company's 1856 annexation of the Indian Kingdom of Awadh informed British Conservative responses to the Indian Revolt in 1857 and 1858. Addressing scholarship on Britain's reaction to the revolt and political engagement with Indian empire, this study reveals that Conservatives interpreted this event with a veneration for locality and prescription. Criticism from company officials and Awadh's deposed royal family informed Conservative perceptions that British exploitation and westernization were responsible for military rebellion and popular upheaval. Principally, this reflected Conservative skepticism regarding liberal modernity as well as support for prescribed aristocratic, propertied, and established church interests in Britain. Their response, expressed in Parliament and supported in conservative periodicals, was the 1858 Queen's Proclamation authored by Edward Smith-Stanley, the 14th Earl of Derby's Conservative government. The proclamation established a lasting imperial framework which defined the crown's obligation to uphold India's political, social, and cultural differences and separation from Britain. Future Conservatives strengthened British views of India's distinctiveness by supporting perceived traditional leaders and customs over uniform western administration and education.

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6

Downs, Troy. „Rajput revolt in Southern Mirzapur, 1857–58“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 15, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1992): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856409208723166.

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7

Srivastava, Pramod Kumar. „Nationalism imagined? Hidden impacts of the uprising of 1857“. South Asia Research 38, Nr. 3 (12.09.2018): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728018796284.

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This article challenges the myth that Indian nationalism was a major cause of the Rebellion or Uprising of 1857, arguing rather that nationalism was its ultimate result. But it goes much further, demonstrating that this unsuccessful Uprising of 1857 generated a new consciousness, as it taught Indians about the need to learn to protect and represent themselves better. While the East India Company (EIC) swiftly regained control and transferred sovereignty to the British Crown on 1 November 1858, tightening the noose of colonial subjugation for almost another century, the article argues that significant loss of trust in the feudal lords in 1857 opened the door to a new form of consciousness about the need for more competence in self-rule. The analysis suggests, therefore, that a combination of declining medieval feudalism and growth of modern nationalism in India, guided in due course by better equipped elite members of the middle classes, began to germinate as a largely hidden, unintended consequence of the failure of the 1857 Revolt, a phenomenon noted, but underrated, by historical scholarship.

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Rao, Parimala V. „Modern education and the revolt of 1857 in India“. Paedagogica Historica 52, Nr. 1-2 (15.02.2016): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2015.1133668.

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9

Sapui, Meghna. „From the Table to the Trenches: The Chapati in The Wife and the Ward“. Victorian Literature and Culture 50, Nr. 4 (2022): 639–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150321000103.

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Nineteenth-century Anglo-Indian and British narratives represent the Indian Revolt of 1857 as an event with a rich gustatory grammar—a problem of greased cartridges, adulterated flour and salt, and mysterious chapatis. Contemporary colonial sources report the circulation of chapatis across North Indian villages on the eve of the revolt. To this day, these chapatis remain inscrutable. This essay traces the chapati from the Anglo-Indian table to the Kanpur trenches in the first English-language novel of the revolt, Edward Money's The Wife and the Ward (1859). The chapati, as a domestic edible, functions as an index of assimilation. It adulterates its Anglo-Indian eater bodily and morally. It weaves together adulteration and adultery, to demonstrate the gendered colonial politics of bodily purity. As a food of revolt, the chapati is portrayed as a text of Indian fears of bodily contamination. I argue that The Wife and the Ward displaces Anglo-Indian fears of bodily adulteration onto Indian rebels. I examine how the novel reworks Anglo-Indian panic to analyze its schizophrenic nature—consuming chapatis in India while upholding British racial politics of purity and contamination. This bifurcation is conjured in the very term “Anglo-Indian”: always imbricated in the simultaneous and contradictory impulses to assimilate while maintaining difference.

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Singh, Lata. „Courtesans and the 1857 Revolt: Role of Azeezun in Kanpur“. Indian Historical Review 34, Nr. 2 (Juli 2007): 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360703400204.

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11

Sharma, Yogesh. „Alexis de Tocqueville and the Indian Revolt of 1857–58“. Studies in History 24, Nr. 1 (Februar 2008): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764300702400104.

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12

English, Barbara. „DEBATE: THE KANPUR MASSACRES IN INDIA IN THE REVOLT OF 1857“. Past and Present 142, Nr. 1 (1994): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/142.1.169.

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13

Lahiri, Nayanjot. „Commemorating and remembering 1857: The revolt in Delhi and its afterlife“. World Archaeology 35, Nr. 1 (April 2003): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0043824032000078072.

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14

Mandala, Vijaya Ramadas. „Contesting the Colonizer or Hopeless Submission? Colonialism, Indigeneity, and Environmental Thinking in India, 1857–1910“. Asian Review of World Histories 9, Nr. 2 (16.07.2021): 189–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340093.

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Abstract This article examines in detail how the forms of national or indigenous consciousness emerged in the sphere of Indian political ecology between 1857 and 1910. The subjects of “ecological indigeneity” and “dispossession” formed as defining characteristics in the articulation of this ecopolitical thinking. The scholarship to date has produced voluminous writings on the political, economic, and social dimension of the histories of colonial unrest, but it has not adequately addressed the issue of how the subtext of environmentalism greatly mattered in shaping some of the resistance movements. Focusing on the period between the 1857 revolt and 1910, this study evaluates three groups – (1) the 1857 Indian rebels and the Gonds; (2) the ādivāsī tribes of Bastar in 1910; and (3) the early Indian Congress Nationalists in the 1880s – to elucidate the emergence of environmentalism and indigenous dispossession in colonial India, which became foundational in critiquing British interventionist policies.

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15

Irschick, Eugene F., Wayne G. Broehl und B. J. Moore-Gilbert. „Crisis of the Raj: The Revolt of 1857 through British Lieutenants' Eyes“. American Historical Review 93, Nr. 2 (April 1988): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860045.

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16

Moulton, Edward C., und Wayne G. Broehl. „Crisis of the Raj: The Revolt of 1857 Through British Lieutenants' Eyes.“ Pacific Affairs 61, Nr. 2 (1988): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759335.

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17

Malik, Salahuddin. „Muslim Historical Literature in the Era of Early Muslim Nationalism“. American Journal of Islam and Society 1, Nr. 2 (09.01.2021): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v1i2.2816.

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Mid-nineteenth century Muslim historical literature, particularly onthe mutiny-rebellion of 1857, presents an interesting contrast, and offersa fascinating study of the state of Muslim mind before and after 1857.This clearly comes out in the writings of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan(Risalah Asbab-i Baghawat-i Hind,‘ Tarikh Sarkashi Dil ’a Bijnawr,Hunter par Hunter, Loyal Mohammedans of India,), FatehMuhammad Ta’ib (Tarikh-i Ahmadi), Asad Ullah Khan Ghalib(Dastabu in Kulliyat-i Nathr-i Ghalib), Mawlana Altaf Hussain Hali(Hayati-i Jawid), Sayyid Zahiruddin Zahir Dihlawi (Dastan-i Ghadr),Faqir Muhammad (Jam’ al-Tawarikh), Allamah Fadl-i Haq (BughiHindwtan), Mu’inuddin Hassan Khan (“Narrative of Mainodin” inCharles T. Metcalfe’s Two Native Narratives of the Mutiny in Delhi).”Curiously, all of the above writers presented different interpretationsof the revolt of 1857. Indeed this had to be the case. During the revoltIndia lost freedom of the press; known different interpretations of the“mutiny” by natives were tantamout to treason and were visited bycondign punishments. This was particularly true of the Muslims. ManyMuslim newspapers were suppressed and their editors jailed. After the“special” treatment which the Muslims received upon the fall of Delhi,the followers of Islam could not be sure of their destiny in South Asia inthe post mutiny-rebellion period. It was so because the British assignedthe primary responsibility for the revolt to Indian Muslims and rightlyso. The reality of the excessively harsh British treatment of IndianMuslims is beginning to dawn upon the present-day British historians aswell. Professor Peter Hardy in his very recent book, The Muslims ofBritish India, observes: ...

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ANDERSON, CLARE. „The Transportation of Narain Sing: Punishment, Honour and Identity from the Anglo–Sikh Wars to the Great Revolt“. Modern Asian Studies 44, Nr. 5 (23.12.2009): 1115–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990266.

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AbstractThis paper examines fragments from the life of Narain Sing as a means of exploring punishment, labour, society and social transformation in the aftermath of the Anglo–Sikh Wars (1845–1846, 1848–1849). Narain Sing was a famous military general who the British convicted of treason and sentenced to transportation overseas after the annexation of the Panjab in 1849. He was shipped as a convict to one of the East India Company's penal settlements in Burma where, in 1861, he was appointed head police constable of Moulmein. Narain Sing's experiences of military service, conviction, transportation and penal work give us a unique insight into questions of loyalty, treachery, honour, masculinity and status. When his life history is placed within the broader context of continuing agitation against the expansion of British authority in the Panjab, we also glimpse something of the changing nature of identity and the development of Anglo–Sikh relations more broadly between the wars of the 1840s and the Great Indian Revolt of 1857–1858.

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Yadav, K. C. „1857 Uprising: ‘The Outburst’ in Haryana“. Indian Historical Review 49, Nr. 1_suppl (Juni 2022): S69—S80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221108351.

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A study of the events at both Ambala and Meerut indicates that the sepoys’ plan was to rise in revolt while the Europeans were attending the Sunday church services. They wanted to catch them, unaware and unguarded. The uprising of the sepoys at Ambala in the morning and at Meerut in the evening is explained by this fact. The rest of the details of the uprising were to be worked out locally by the leaders in the two cantonments. The existence of a premeditated plan of rising at Meerut—the 20th N.I. and 11th N.I. would rise and the 3rd Light Cavalry would follow them after releasing their fellows from the jail, was confessed by a native officer of the 3rd L.C. to Lt. Gough. The final part of the plan involved going to Delhi after completely destroying the Europeans at the two stations. The British were, however, too alert to be caught napping at Ambala, and the sepoys failed to translate their plans into action. But they succeeded at Meerut. Had the Ambala troops succeeded like those at Meerut, the British would have found their work of a century undone overnight.

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Baker, David. „Colonial Beginnings and the Indian Response: The Revolt of 1857–58 in Madhya Pradesh“. Modern Asian Studies 25, Nr. 3 (Juli 1991): 511–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013913.

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The Narmada valley and adjoining districts of Madhya Pradesh came under British administration following the defeat of Sagar and Nagpur in 1818. Known from 1820 as the Saugor and Nerbudda (Sagar and Narmada) Territories (map 1), the area was administered, variously, as an agency of the governor general or as a commissioner's division of the North Western Provinces. As officials made the area part of the British imperial and capitalist system, they met with increasing resitance from notables, smaller chiefs and malguzars. A first round of protests occurred between 1818 and 1826, though these proved no much for the new administration or the troops still in central India. A more determined agitation took place in 1842–43, to meet the same fate. In 1857–58 the traditional landowners launched a third and more coordinated revolt against British rele, but were again unable to dislodge it from the region. This essay explores the origins and nature of that revolt and it does so against the background of colonial beginnings in Madhaya Pradesh.

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21

Burton. „Insurgent Sepoys: Europe Views the Revolt of 1857, by Shaswati Mazumdar“. Victorian Studies 54, Nr. 4 (2012): 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.54.4.729.

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22

Downs, Troy. „Fear and loathing in Bhadohi: The revolt of the Monas Rajputs, 1857-58“. Indian Economic & Social History Review 27, Nr. 3 (September 1990): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469002700305.

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23

Downs, Troy. „Host of Midian: The Chapati Circulation and the Indian Revolt of 1857-58“. Studies in History 16, Nr. 1 (Februar 2000): 75–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764300001600104.

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24

Downs, Troy. „Bengal Regulation 10 of 1804 and Martial Law in British Colonial India“. Law and History Review 40, Nr. 1 (19.01.2022): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248021000560.

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This article examines the East India Company's Bengal Regulation 10 of 1804, a legal statute that enabled martial law to be enforced by the in British colonial India. The use made of this little studied yet significant emergency regulation, its perceived legal deficiencies, and in particular, the discord that arose between the military and civil authorities over how and who should be administer it will be discussed with reference to the promulgation of martial law by the British during the Cuttack Uprising of 1857, the Indian “Mutiny” or Revolt of 1857, and in response to the civil unrest in the Punjab during 1919. While martial law was itself ring fenced by legislation that determined the legal grounds for its inauguration and for its cessation, the implementation of martial law by the British military forces in India was marked by the absence of law.

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Belmekki, Belkacem. „Muslim Separatism in Post-Revolt India: A British Game of Divide et Impera?“ Oriente Moderno 94, Nr. 1 (02.07.2014): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340041.

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The emergence of a separatist tendency among the majority of the Muslim community in British India in the wake of the happenings of 1857 has been a bone of contention among scholars concerned with the history of the Indian Subcontinent. In this regard, various theories and explanations have been put forward. While some claim that this separatism was in fact a ploy used by the elite of the Muslim community to safeguard their interests, others consider the fear of the overwhelming Hindu majority as a bona fide factor that triggered alienation with the latter, and still others evoke the many religious cum cultural divergences that exist between the Muslims and Hindus. Nevertheless, the present article seeks to set out another element of equal importance, namely British rule, whose role was to a large extent instrumental in polarizing the Indian society, dividing it into two main separate communities, Muslim and Hindu.

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Jarman, Francis. „Azimullah Khan—A Reappraisal of One of the Major Figures of the Revolt of 1857“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 31, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2008): 419–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400802441912.

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27

Mukherjee, Rudrangshu. „“SATAN LET LOOSE UPON EARTH”: THE KANPUR MASSACRES IN INDIA IN THE REVOLT OF 1857“. Past and Present 128, Nr. 1 (1990): 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/128.1.92.

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28

Sivaramakrishnan, K. „A Limited Forest Conservancy in Southwest Bengal, 1864–1912“. Journal of Asian Studies 56, Nr. 1 (Februar 1997): 75–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2646344.

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During the period from 1795 to 1850, the East India Company Raj in India viewed forests chiefly as limiting agriculture. In Bengal, forested lands, classified as wastelands, had been included in zamindari (landlord) estates (Ribbentrop 1900, 60). Colonial administrators of this period also tended to perceive forests as being inexhaustible. Much of the woody vegetation, however, was not timber quality, being the product of a landscape long under shifting cultivation. The East India Company continued Indian rulers’ practices of selling blocks of forests or individual trees to timber merchants for a fixed down payment that encouraged great destruction and wastage in their extraction (Stebbing 1922, 35, 61). No attempts to introduce conservancy were made in the North West Provinces (NWP) or Bengal until after the revolt of 1857, even though the value of NWP sal (shorea robusta) forests was known from the time of the Gurkha wars in 1814–16, and the reports of Dr. Wallich, Superintendent of the Calcutta Botanical Gardens in 1825 (Stebbing 1922, 66–67, 201).

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Gupta, Amit Kumar. „The ‘Public’ Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1858–1878“. Indian Historical Review 47, Nr. 1 (22.05.2020): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983620922410.

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The first museum to be set up in India in 1814 by the British Orientalists underwent a significant change when the Government of India took it over in 1858. The change was shaped by the experience of the great Indian uprising of 1857 to which, most importantly, the ordinary people (artisans, peasants, the unemployed etc.) rallied. Though the Raj succeeded eventually in suppressing the Revolt, its officials were deeply disturbed by the popular uprising and its effects. Policies were designed thereafter with these anxieties in mind—notably the one for running the museum in Calcutta. The authorities designed the museum as a ‘public’ space rather than as an ‘imperial’ edifice, and they hoped to get over their prolonged alienation from the masses by opening its doors to the ordinary people. This article examines the background and intent of the establishment of the Museum in Calcutta and its administration in the nineteenth century, with particular attention to the conception of the ‘public’ that underpinned it. It also outlines how the public in question responded to the museum.

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Ganie, Zahied Rehman, und Shanti Dev Sisodia. „The Unsung Heroines of India's Freedom Struggle“. American International Journal of Social Science Research 5, Nr. 2 (17.03.2020): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v5i2.515.

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The history of Indian Freedom Struggle would be incomplete without mentioning the contribution of women. The sacrifice made by the women of India will occupy the foremost place. They fought with true spirit and undaunted courage and faced various tortures, exploitations and hardships to earn us freedom. When most of the men freedom fighters were in prison the women came forward and took charge of the struggle. The list of great women whose names have gone down in history for their dedication and undying devotion to the service of India is a long one. Woman's participation in India's freedom struggle began as early as in1817. Bhima Bai Holkar fought bravely against the British colonel Malcolm and defeated him in guerilla warfare. Many women including Rani Channama of Kittur, Rani Begum Hazrat Mahal of Avadh fought against British East India company in the 19th century; 30 years before the “First War of Independence 1857” The role played by women in the War of Independence (the Great Revolt) of 1857 was creditable and invited the admiration even leaders of the Revolt. Rani of Ramgarh, Rani Jindan Kaur, Rani Tace Bai, Baiza Bai, Chauhan Rani, Tapasvini Maharani daringly led their troops into the battlefield. Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi whose heroism and superb leadership laid an outstanding example of real patriotism .Indian women who joined the national movement belonged to educated and liberal families, as well as those from the rural areas and from all walk of life, all castes, religions and communities. Sarojini Naidu, Kasturba Gandhi, Vijayalakmi Pundit and Annie Besant in the 20th century are the names which are remembered even today for their singular contribution both in battlefield and in political field.

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Guenther, Alan M. „Christian Responses to Ahmad Khan's Commentary on the Bible“. Comparative Islamic Studies 6, Nr. 1-2 (29.12.2011): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v6i1-2.67.

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When Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan began publishing a commentary on the Bible in 1862, he intended the work to dispel the distrust between the Muslim and Christian communities that the Revolt of 1857 had heightened. While the Christians who responded to his efforts did laud his clarification of the traditional Muslim position on the trustworthiness of the Christian Scriptures, they generally interpreted the commentary in light of their own efforts to bring Christianity and civilization to India. They saw Ahmad Khan’s work to be a sign that Muslim prejudices and defences against Christianity were crumbling, and that the conversion of India was progressing. However, they were not prepared to consider it as increasing their own understanding of the Bible or even their understanding of Islam.

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Park, So-Young. „Analysis on the March 1 Movement and The revolt of 1857 in Korean and Indian History Textbooks“. Journal of Curriculum and Evaluation 22, Nr. 2 (Mai 2019): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29221/jce.2019.22.2.61.

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Downs, Troy. „Rural Insurgency During the Indian Revolt of 1857-59: Meghar Singh and the Uprising of the Sakarwars“. South Asia Research 22, Nr. 2 (September 2002): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272800202200202.

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Carter, Marina, und Crispin Bates. „Empire and locality: a global dimension to the 1857 Indian Uprising“. Journal of Global History 5, Nr. 1 (25.02.2010): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022809990337.

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AbstractThe Indian Uprising of 1857–59, during which thousands of Indian soldiers serving in the British army mutinied, joined by many civilians, led to the identification of a vast number of ‘rebels’ and discussions as to the most appropriate means of punishing them. The wholesale transportation of insurgents was considered a likely scenario in the charged atmosphere of late 1857. The uprising coincided with dramatic increases in the world market price for sugar, prompting British colonial producers to extend cultivation of cane and their political agents to suggest that the need for further plantation labour be met from among the likely Indian convict transportees. The empire-wide response to the events in India during 1857–59 is assessed in this article as an interesting case study of both reactions to a sensationalist news story and the manner in which British officials, keen to exploit the outcome of the revolt and to manipulate the labour market to the advantage of their respective colonies, competed with and contradicted one another. At the same time, the authors contend that arguably the more interesting aspects of the relationship between the Indian Uprising and the surge in numbers migrating to the sugar colonies were either neglected or carefully ignored by policy makers and commentators alike at the time, and have scarcely been investigated by historians since. The article suggests that many individuals who participated in the insurgency in India did indeed make their way overseas, quietly ignored, and only mentioned in subsequent decades when ‘scares’ about mutineer sepoys in their midst were raised in the colonial press as explanation for strikes and labour agitations on colonial sugar estates.

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Diamond, Jeffrey M. „The Orientalist-Literati Relationship in the Northwest“. South Asia Research 31, Nr. 1 (Februar 2011): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801003100103.

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Lahore emerged as a new intellectual centre in northwest India for British Orientalists and Indian intellectuals after the destruction of Delhi during the Great Revolt of 1857. Two prominent individuals who moved to Lahore at this time were Gottlieb Leitner, a philologist and Orientalist scholar, and Maulana Muhammad Hussain Azad, an Urdu poet, literary critic and teacher. Leitner, a naturalised British citizen who studied in Istanbul and completed higher education in Arabic and Turkish in London, became principal of the new Government College in Lahore in 1864. In this position, he exercised a deep influence on education in the northwest by promoting the development and study of vernacular (Urdu language) education, founding and leading a major scientific and literary organisation, the Anjuman-e Punjab. Having aroused strong British opposition, both to his ideas and his combative personality, Leitner’s support and assistance from the local literati allowed him to develop and implement his ideas. Leitner’s most significant partner was Muhammad Hussain Azad, also a new arrival to Lahore after fleeing Delhi in 1857. Leitner and Azad worked together in the Anjuman-e Punjab to promote their literary and social concerns. They became advocates of neo-Orientalist educational reforms through their public speeches and writing, including works in Urdu intended for, among others, the education of Maulvis. The bracketing of these European and Indian partners is conceptualised in this article through their roles as members of their respective communities as well as outsiders to these very communities. The analysis shows how their complex identities helped them to become highly influential figures in the new cultural environment of post-1857 Lahore.

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Anitoi, Galina. „Paradoxes of Transition. Dan Lungu, Iulian Ciocan and Dumitru Crudu’s Characters between Nostalgia and Change“. Philologia, Nr. 2(314) (August 2021): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/1857-4300.2021.2(314).04.

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One of the transition paradoxes from totalitarianism to democracy is nostalgia for the communist past that persists in society and 30 years after the fall of the totalitarian regime. This phenomenon represents, according to the specialists in the field, the expression of the revolt against the socio-political and economic transformations of the transition. Nostalgia becomes a place of refuge for those who do not find themselves in today's society. In the present work there will be analyzed the novels „Heaven of the Hens” and „I am a communist woman!” by Dan Lungu, „Slaughter in Georgia” and „People from Chisinau” by Dumitru Crudu, „Sasha Kozak’s Land” by Iulian Ciocan which configure literary typology of the nostalgic character after communism.

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Sonker, Amita. „Tracing the valour of Kunwar Singh and Amar Singh in the revolt of 1857: From Bihar to Oudh“. Social Ion 10, Nr. 2 (2021): 176–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2456-7523.2021.00016.1.

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Shankar, Devika. „Contested lands and contentious lines: Land acquisition for the railways in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Delhi“. Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2018): 491–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618796892.

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Through a focus on the acquisition of land for the railways in Delhi from 1860 to 1930, this article explores the variegated ways in which people could respond to the threat of forcible acquisition. Scholars have highlighted the extraordinary powers that had been vested in the colonial state through successive Land Acquisition Acts which had made the acquisition of land for ‘public purposes’ incontestable. Railway lines, moreover, first began to be constructed in Delhi at a time when the city was being violently reshaped in the aftermath of the revolt of 1857. The aggressiveness with which the state reorganised the city in the decades following the revolt, therefore, severely restricted the ability of Delhi’s residents to resist the acquisition of their lands, as did the growing rigidity of the legal structure meant to facilitate the acquisition of lands. In such circumstances, the valuation of land became one of the only grounds on which the state’s claims over lands could be challenged by landowners. Beginning with a discussion of some legal disputes over land valuation and compensation from Delhi in the early decades of railway construction, this article goes on to examine how, by the turn of the century, political developments at the local and national levels had begun to allow religious communities to assert collective rights that could place certain lands beyond the reach of the law of acquisition.

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Belmekki, Belkacem. „Muslim Volte-Face“. Anthropos 116, Nr. 1 (2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2021-1-67.

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The post-1857 revolt era represents one of the highly eventful phases in the history of the Muslims in British India. Perhaps the most striking event was the U-turn that occurred in the minds of the Muslim elite by the turn of the century whereby they became convinced that the old advice preached by the late community leader, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, regarding aloofness from politics was no longer helpful to the cause of their co-religionists. This change of heart was, in fact, spurred by new challenges that the Muslims of India were facing in the light of the new context in the Indian subcontinent. Therefore, the aim of this work is to look into these challenges which brought the followers of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan face to face with the option of entering politics, as an inevitable move in order to survive.

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Quaiser, Neshat. „Shireen Moosvi, ed., Facets of the Great Revolt: 1857, Delhi: Tulika Books, 2008, pp. 146 + xv, Rs 220 (paperback)“. History and Sociology of South Asia 4, Nr. 2 (Juli 2010): 165–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223080751000400208.

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Marques, Danilo Luiz. „“Fazendo desatinos e propalando ideias subversivas a ordem pública”: os marimbondos contrários a “Lei do Cativeiro” em Alagoas (1851-1852)“. Fronteiras & Debates 3, Nr. 2 (02.10.2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18468/fronteiras.2016v3n2.p25-47.

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Os estudos sobre o Brasil do século XIX vêm demonstrando que “o ‘povo’ se levantou em boa parte do Império”, sendo que as populações africanas e seus descendentes na diáspora tiveram protagonismos em quase todos os episódios “sediciosos” que ocorreram neste período, muitos dos quais ainda não tiveram uma maior atenção por parte dos historiadores. Um deles, é o movimento contrário a “lei do cativeiro”, ocorrido entre 1851 e 1852 em algumas províncias nordestinas, que causou um abalo nas autoridades do Império do Brasil. Após os negros papa-méis, em Alagoas e Pernambuco, estourou o “Ronco da Abelha”, episódio que ficou mais conhecido como revolta ou guerra dos “marimbondos”. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a maneira como as autoridades alagoanas receberam e agiram perante o caos que se instalou na província entre fins de 1851 e início de 1852. A documentação utilizada concentra-se em algumas notícias do periódico <em>Diário de Pernambuco</em> referente a Alagoas, e nas falas de autoridades presentes nos relatórios provinciais entre 1850-1855, principalmente a de José Bento da Cunha e Figueiredo, dirigida a Assembleia Legislativa da Província de Alagoas, em abril de 1852.

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Tom, Martin, und Balaji Ranganathan. „Beyond the Frame: Exploring Dimensions of Colonial Photography in India“. Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 11, Nr. 3 (01.01.2024): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v11i3.6913.

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The paper “Beyond the Frame: Exploring Dimensions of Colonial Photography in India” delves into the multifaceted dimensions of photography’s inception in India during the colonial era. Investigating photography as both an art form and a technological import by the British, it explores its role in representing and often misrepresenting India and its people. Focusing on early pioneers such as the Daniel brothers, Fox Talbot, Louis Daguerre, and Monsieur Montaino, the paper discusses the challenges of early photographic techniques and their evolution. It highlights figures like Linnaeus Tripe, John Murray, and Samuel Bourne, emphasizing their impact on documenting India’s landscapes, monuments, and social narratives during moments of historical significance like the 1857 revolt. Furthermore, the paper examines the colonial gaze inherent in early ethnographic photography and discusses the emergence of Indian photographers like Raja Deen Dayal. Overall, it underscores photography’s pivotal role in representing colonial power dynamics and cultural narratives in India, amalgamating art history, media theory, and postcolonial studies.

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Richards, John. „Warriors and the State in Early Modern India“. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, Nr. 3 (2004): 390–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520041974710.

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AbstractThis essay argues for reconsideration and greater scholarly attention to the insights of Prof. Dirk Kolff as expressed in his 1989 book, Naukar, Rajput and Sepoy and in later writings. Kolff described a fluid, pervasive military labor market in late Mughal and early colonial North India that made vast numbers of armed, largely peasant soldiers available to military contractors, rulers, and rebels alike. His formulation permits us to see that armed Indian peasants in this period had considerable agency and independence within a society that was riven with con flict. Such a reconsideration underscores the magnitude of the changes wrought in Indian society by violent British conquest, pacification and disarmament in rural society — especially after the failed 1857 revolt. L'article plaide pour une reconsidération et une réévaluation des idées du professeur Dirk Kolff, telles qu'elles sont présentées dans son ouvrage paru en 1989, Naukar, Rajput et Sepoy, et dans ses publications ultérieures. Kolff décrit un marché du travail militaire flexible et omniprésent en Inde Mogole et en Inde Septentrionale au début de l'ère coloniale, et qui a rendu disponible aux courtiers militaires, aux dirigeants et aux rebelles un grand nombre de soldats d'origine paysanne. Son exposé nous permet de voir comment, pendant cette période, les paysans indiens armés avaient une importance et une indépendance considérables dans une société fendue par les con flits armés. Une telle reconsidération souligne l'importance des changements dans la société indienne, déclenchés par la soumission violente, la paci fication et le désarmement par les Anglais — surtout après l'échec de la révolte de 1857.

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Hensel, Silke. „People Love Their Religion: Political Conflict on Religion in Early Independent Mexico“. Religions 12, Nr. 1 (16.01.2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010060.

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Global histories commonly attribute the secularization of the state exclusively to Europe. However, the church state conflict over these issues has been an important thread in much of Latin America. In Mexico, questions about the role of religion and the church in society became a major political conflict after independence. Best known for the Mexican case are the disputes over the constitution of 1857, which laid down the freedom of religion, and the Cristero Revolt in the 1920s. However, the history of struggles over secularization goes back further. In 1835, the First Republic ultimately failed, because of the massive protests against the anticlerical laws of the government. In the paper, this failure is understood as a genuine religious conflict over the question of the proper social and political order, in which large sections of the population were involved. Beginning with the anticlerical laws of 1833, political and religious reaction in Mexico often began with a pronunciamiento (a mixture of rebellion and petitioning the authorities) and evolved into conflicts over federalism vs. centralism.

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KLEIN, IRA. „Materialism, Mutiny and Modernization in British India“. Modern Asian Studies 34, Nr. 3 (Juli 2000): 545–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003656.

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British rule in India probably was in the reformist van of colonial regimes, but by Independence relatively few among the Indian populace had benefited notably from Western ‘modernization’. Although praised lavishly by a past generation of English historians for equipping India for ‘rapid progress’ under ‘the rule of law’, British policies hardly represented exemplary social engineering or ‘transformed’ the prosperity, health, well being, education or career opportunities of most Indians. Early in its sway the British raj conceived of implanting on the subcontinent modes of development responsible for England's rapid progress and prosperity and the advance of its peoples. Why, then, was the success not greater of Western programs, and why did policies of economic development leave at mid-twentieth century a majority of Indians living below poverty levels drawn close to subsistence? Was Western ‘reformism’ materially exploitative, or promising but checked by the regime's major political disturbance, the ‘Mutiny’ or Revolt of 1857, or were British policies culturally suppressive, or is more complex analysis needed to comprehend the Western impact?

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Alavi, Seema. „The Company Army and Rural Society: The Invalid Thanah 1780–1830“. Modern Asian Studies 27, Nr. 1 (Februar 1993): 147–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016097.

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Historians have generally explained the consolidation of Company power in terms of the superior fiscal base which it came to acquire in north India. Bayly argues that in the eighteenth century the ‘commercialisation of royal power’, begun under the Mughals, extended to meet the needs of military organization and growing bureaucratizationof the numerous small polities that succeeded the Mughals. He argues that in this perio Indian merchant capital was redeployed in the search for greater control over labour productivity through control over revenue collections of all sorts; and the unified merchant class met in the new qasbahs and the small permanent markets (ganjs) attached to them. It was here that theinfrastructure for Europea trade in, and ultimate dominion over, India was constructed.1 The efficiency and wide scale on which the Company could exercise and extend the pre-colonial practice of military fiscalism2 has provided another explanation for the dominant position it came to occupy more specifically, in south India.3 Yang highlights the role ofthe Indian elite in facilitating the Company's revenue collection and thereby contributin to its political dominance and stability in the Saran district of Bihar. He constructs a model of'limited Raj', to explain the a free flow of revenue. He analyses the dynamics ofthis 'limited Raj' by explaining its functioning at the lowest level where the power of the colonial state tapered off and the landholders' system of control took over. Yang argues that these two control systems collectively sustained British rule in the region.4 More recently the Company's superior power in north Indian politics has been explained in terms of its exclusive right to violence. R. Mukherjee, analysing the 1857 mutiny, arguesthat 'British rule in India, as an autocracy, had meti meticulously constructed a monopoly of violence. The revolt of 1857 shatteredthat monopoly by matching an official, alien violence by an indigenous violence of the colonised

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Minault, Gail. „Aloys Sprenger“. South Asia Research 31, Nr. 1 (Februar 2011): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801003100102.

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Aloys Sprenger (1813–1893) was an Austrian scholar with a medical degree who joined the British East India Company’s medical service in order to pursue in India his real passion, the study of oriental literatures. He became the Principal of Delhi College in 1845, and presided over an experiment in learning at Delhi College, an institution that taught both eastern and western literatures and sciences through the medium of Urdu. The college attempted to bring about a creative synthesis of the two curricula, via an active programme of translation and publication. Sprenger helped launch a series of scholarly journals published by the college, thus contributing to the dissemination of knowledge and the nurturing of a group of students and faculty with whom he maintained an active correspondence after leaving the college. This collection of letters has not been adequately evaluated earlier as an indication of the collaboration between western and Indian intellectuals in the period before the revolt of 1857. Most accounts of Sprenger’s contributions to Delhi College have been laudatory. There was, however, a darker side to Sprenger’s stewardship that deserves elucidation. Based on archival research, the present article seeks to evaluate Sprenger’s ambiguous intellectual legacy to Delhi College and to the evolution of education in British India.1

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Tronicke, Marlena. „“Through the Pen to Begin with”: Anticolonial Resistance in Tanika Gupta’s Adaptation of Great Expectations“. Journal of Contemporary Drama in English 10, Nr. 2 (01.11.2022): 283–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcde-2022-0022.

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Abstract Tanika Gupta’s neo-Victorian, postcolonial rewriting of Charles Dickens’s Great Expectations (2011) examines how India and Britain’s colonial history continues to shape both countries until the present day. The play is set in and around Calcutta in the years following 1861. Gupta thus not only relocates Pip’s transformation from village boy to metropolitan businessman to nineteenth-century India but also to a particularly fragile moment in the history of the British Empire: a subcontinent grappling with the aftermath of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, facing the early years of the British Raj. Gupta interrogates narrow understandings of “Victorian” as located within the British Isles, explicating the contrapuntal reading practice that Edward W. Said calls for when highlighting Victorian literature’s implicit endorsement of imperialist ideologies and politics. Examining the play’s engagement with imperial power structures, this article centres on those moments that hint at the destabilisation of, if not revolt against, British rule. Gupta juxtaposes canonised narratives of undisturbed imperial hegemony with a tale of incessant colonial resistance. In doing so, she challenges those historiographical as well as fictional (neo-)Victorian texts that silence the sustained efforts and influence of anticolonial movements and that frame the history of Empire in terms of continuity rather than rupture.

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Downs, Troy. „‘Putting the Saddle Back on the Right Horse’: British Suppression of Rural Insurgency in the Benares Division during the Indian Revolt of 1857–58“. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 37, Nr. 2 (20.02.2014): 306–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2013.868067.

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Fisher, Michael H. „Awadh in Revolt, 1857–1858: A Study in Popular Resistance. By Rudrangshu Mukherjee. Delhi and New York: Oxford University Press, 1984. xvi, 219 pp. Appendixes, Glossary, Bibliography, Index, Maps. Rs. 110; $24.95.“ Journal of Asian Studies 45, Nr. 1 (November 1985): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056872.

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