Zeitschriftenartikel: „Relations (general) with Cambodia“

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Burova, E. S., und V. M. Mazyrin. „Trade and Investment Cooperation Between Cambodia and Vietnam: Visible Progress and Hidden Issues“. Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), Nr. 11 (30.11.2023): 776–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2311-02.

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For a long time, geographically close countries were economically isolated from each other due to political factors, neglecting the obvious advantages of mutual cooperation. However, over the past two decades, the economic component has become the cornerstone of bilateral relations. Cooperation between Cambodia and Vietnam is developing dynamically and has a positive impact on the development of the economies of both countries. An increase in bilateral trade helps not only to meet the needs of the population and expand the sales market for products, but also to strengthen the export potential of Cambodia and Vietnam on the world market, what is more the latter at the expense of the former. There has also been an increase in intra-industry trade in recent years, indicating the beginning of vertical integration, taking into account identified comparative advantages. An important role is also played by Vietnam’s implementation of investment projects that fill empty niches, create the necessary infrastructure, make a significant contribution to socio-economic development, social security, stimulate the growth of budget revenues, and also create jobs in Cambodia. Vietnam has emerged as one of Cambodia’s most important trade and investment partners, increasing its presence in the neighboring market and playing an important role in the country’s development. Cambodia’s economy is booming, thanks in large part to developments in Vietnam’s (and, of course, China’s) sphere of influence. This confirms the theory of the benefits of flying “with a flock of geese.” Vietnam is historically and mentally inclined to help Cambodia through this influence, and apparently does not represent another model of relations. At the same time, there are also negative aspects of cooperation, such as inequality of trade and investment flows, Cambodia’s growing economic dependence on its neighbor, and weak integration. The study of the main aspects of Vietnam’s economic influence on Cambodia has become increasingly relevant in recent years. At the same time, the issue of Cambodian-Vietnamese trade and investment interaction has been poorly studied.

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Williams, Sarah. „Public International Law“. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 53, Nr. 1 (Januar 2004): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/53.1.227.

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In May 2003 the United Nations General Assembly approved an agreement between the United Nations and the Cambodian government (UN Agreement) providing for United Nations assistance in the establishment and operation of ‘Extraordinary Chambers’ within the domestic court structure of Cambodia.1The UN Agreement is the result of a lengthy process of negotiation between the United Nations and the Cambodian government, with the intervention of several interested states.2The final agreement reflects a compromise between the need to address impunity and the need to preserve Cambodian sovereignty.

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Marston, John. „Em Sokha and Cambodian Satirical Cartoons“. Asian Journal of Social Science 25, Nr. 1 (1997): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382497x00040.

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AbstractThe article examines the work of one Cambodian satirical cartoonist, Em Sokha, in the context of the historical background of cartooning in Cambodia and the developments in Cambodian print media since 1979. In particular, it looks at how Em Sokha's work has evolved in relation to alternating periods of freedom and control over the press during times of dramatic political change. It explores the implications of Em Sokha's use of distortion and the grotesque to express the violence of relations of power.

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Intan, Marshanda Fitria. „Urgensi Kerja Sama Sektor Pariwisata untuk Meningkatkan Hubungan Thailand-Kamboja Pasca Sengketa Kuil Preah Vihear“. SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, Nr. 1 (13.01.2022): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i1.1086.

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The Urgency of Tourism Sector Cooperation to Improve Thailand Cambodia Relations After the Dispute on the Preah Vihear Temple. This study aims to determine the urgency of cooperation in the tourism sector to improve relations between Thailand and Cambodia after the conflict dispute. Tracing data was carried out using literature study. The results show that the disputed conflict between Thailand and Cambodia which has made relations between the two countries worse has been resolved through the ASEAN mechanism in a peaceful manner. After the dispute was resolved, the two parties sought cooperation in the tourism sector to improve relations between the two, such as the implementation of a single visa and D3 tourism student exchange. So that cooperation in the tourism sector has an important role in restoring the relationship between the two.

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SIMONIYA, Aida A. „NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR“. Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, Nr. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.

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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The first visit of the head of State to Myanmar after the military coup was perceived as ensuring the legitimacy of the military administration. At the same time, due to a misunderstanding between the guest and the host party on the issue of the release of an Australian citizen, the leader of Cambodia "lost face". Noelene Heizer underestimated the power of public opinion. She was fiercely attacked by opponents of the military regime because of the use of an unsuccessful thesis about the "division of power". The Office of the Special Envoy tried to "save face" by insisting that Heizer had never suggested power sharing as an option, and the interview with N. Heizer was misinterpreted. The mission of the new ASEAN Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn, was not crowned with great success either. During his visit to Myanmar, he met only with representatives of the regime and did not meet with all interested parties, which contradicts the five-point consensus.

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Hung, Vo Minh, Nguyen Hung Vuong, Phan Thi Mai Tram, Nguyen Van Tuan und Vo Mau Thuong. „INCREASING SECURITY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION BETWEEN CAMBODIA-CHINA IN THE SECOND DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY“. Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, Nr. 2 (27.02.2024): e1482. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i2.1482.

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Purpose: The purpose of the article is to analyze the China-Cambodia system for the period 2010-2020 in the context of security and politics, thereby examining the quality of the relationship, as well as the achieved results and prospects of the bilateral relationship of both sides. Theoretical framework: The research is approached based on theoretical frameworks on international relations, including realism, and liberalism with basic arguments about the nation, the issue of power, the national interest, and the problem of harmonizing attractions. Design/methodology/approach: The research uses interdisciplinary methods in social sciences, such as historical and logical methods; international relations research methods; and politics. Findings: The China-Cambodia security and political system is a relationship that has gone through many ups and downs with its long history, basically throughout the process of the system is that the interests of the two sides are still the priority, although there are separate characteristics in general, the relationship between the two countries is quite close, with little fluctuations about the mutual benefit. Research practical and social implications: The article contributes to clarifying the Cambodia-China relationship and the impact of this relationship. The report can support further studies on this topic in the future in Vietnam. Originality/value: The study of Cambodia-China relations is critical in Vietnam, contributing to policy forecasting in international relations in East Asia.

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STEGMILLER, IGNAZ. „Legal Developments in Civil Party Participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia“. Leiden Journal of International Law 27, Nr. 2 (13.02.2014): 465–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156514000028.

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AbstractFor the first time in the history of international criminal justice, victims of mass crimes have been granted the status of so-called ‘civil parties’ at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). This status grants them – at least theoretically – the right to participate in the proceedings as a formal party with broad participatory rights similar to the those of the defence and the prosecution. While the ECCC is exemplary in how it has addressed the issue of victims’ participation, practical necessities and judicial skepticism have led to significant changes in the civil party mechanism and continuously constrained participatory rights. First, changes in the ECCC's Internal Rules have significantly altered the original civil party mechanism and led to a form of victim participation similar to the one practised at the International Criminal Court (ICC), thus departing from the true meaning of a partie civile. Judicial decisions by the ECCC's judges, as well as changes in the Internal Rules, have abrogated the strong civil party mechanism that was originally anticipated in Cambodian criminal procedure law. Second, the practical challenges surrounding victim participation have been enormous. The Court itself was struggling due to lack of funding and lack of prioritization of a meaningful outreach program for victims and civil parties. The ECCC's Public Affairs Section (PAS) and the Victims Support Section (VSS) held the responsibility of reaching out to the general Cambodian population. However, it was Cambodian NGOs that ultimately established a collaborative outreach system and collected more than 8,000 Victim Information Forms (VIFs). All these efforts notwithstanding, only political willingness and a Cambodian discussion of how to deal with the vast number of perpetrators beyond a handful of criminal trials, can lead to a process of coming to terms with one's past.

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Mohan, Mahdev. „The Paradox of Victim-Centrism: Victim Participation at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal“. International Criminal Law Review 9, Nr. 5 (2009): 733–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753609x12507729201318.

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AbstractIt has been claimed – though not proved – that victims will be benefited by participation in international criminal tribunals. This article interrogates this claim in the context of victim participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), commonly referred to as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal. Based on interviews with Cambodian victims and Tribunal affiliates, it examines why and how the Tribunal permits victims to intervene as les parties civile, pulling together the normative and legal basis for this mode of victim participation. This article does not purport to generalize with confidence about Cambodian victims in general, let alone all victims of mass atrocity. Instead, it simply seeks to move beyond vague speculations that victim participation in international trials is always therapeutic, and suggest a new indigenized victimology that the Tribunal should explore as the long-awaited trials of the Khmer Rouge unfold.

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Dany, Va, Michael Regan, Brishna Bajracharya und Ros Taplin. „The Role of Social Capital and Local Institutions in Coping with Climate Stresses: The Case of Krapum Chhouk Commune in Rural Cambodia“. Asian Journal of Agriculture and Development 10, Nr. 1 (15.06.2013): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37801/ajad2013.10.1.4.

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Social capital is a central requirement for a successful climate change adaptation, especially in Cambodia where formal institutions are still poorly developed. Collective action and not-for-profit bonding are important for climate change adaptation; however, these are not easily developed. This study examined the local institutions vital for the livelihoods of citizens who live in flood-prone Krapum Chhouk commune in rural Cambodia. Through observations and in-depth interviews with the local community, it investigated social capital in terms of the dynamics of relationships, relations of trust, and social norms and practices. This study found that most networks were profit-oriented. Traditional practices such as community assistance for either agricultural works or social welfare have been diluted, and relations of trust were an issue in some villages. The connections between local institutions were found to be lacking; cross-membership across institutions was limited. Overall, many indications of weakness were found in community institutions, which may have negative implications on addressing climate change.

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Ousaphea, Yuok. „Cambodia’s engagement on ASEAN regional security issues“. Международные отношения, Nr. 1 (Januar 2024): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2024.1.70116.

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This article examines Cambodia’s involvement in regional security issues within the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The relevance of the topic of the study is due to the growing tension in the region of the South China Sea, consisting in the confrontation between the USA and the PRC, and the increase in terrorist activities in South-East Asia. The author examines in detail the history of the formation and development of the ASEAN, the evolution of the association’s regional security system. The author closely analyzes the problems of regional security of ASEAN, the role of the Kingdom of Cambodia in solving previously mentioned problems. The study focuses on ASEAN regional security issues in South-East Asia. The study focuses on the role of the Kingdom of Cambodia in addressing ASEAN regional security concerns. This scientific article is based on the theory of neoliberalism. The main conclusions of the research are related to the study of the history of the formation and development of the ASEAN, the evolution of the association’s regional security system, the identification of key problems of ensuring ASEAN regional security, among which we can highlight the growth of terrorist activities, the tension between the United States and the People’s Republic of China, the lack of a legal framework to resolve or respond to military conflicts, the definition of the role of Cambodia in the settlement of regional security problems in ASEAN, based on the rich experience in the implementation of counter-terrorism activities and on leveling the rivalry of the PRC and the USA in the Asia-Pacific, built on strong bilateral relations as with the United States; just like in China. The scientific novelty of the study is the content-analysis of key ASEAN documents and the structuring of the ASEAN regional security system.

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Vuong, Thanh H. „La colonisation du Viet Nam et le colonialisme vietnamien“. Études internationales 18, Nr. 3 (12.04.2005): 545–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702210ar.

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To attack the rules is to outmaneuver the friends and foes at the lower level of the game of policies and alliances. The rules are at the higher level of the context of that game, the historical and cultural context of warring Viet Nam. What makes Viet Nam unique is its social organization based on a loosely knitted network of villages through deep and strong relations capable of repelling intruders and invading neighbors, both moving and still like the moon underneath. Here, the chinese civilization has made a new nation assimilating the model and resisting the domination. Elsewhere, the be same chinese civilisation has made another chinese provinces. History of Viet Nam is written by an advancing front of modest and primitive villages from a delta to the next, from the gulf of Tonkin to the gulf of Siam, « vietnamizing » the nature and the peoples on its passage by the plow and the sword. South Viet Nam was cambodian land a century ago and the french colonial administration put an end to the siamese-vietnamese « condominium » over Cambodia after a short 0 to 0 fight between Siam and Viet Nam, the first claiming its western part of the vietnamese colony de facto and de jure. Cambodia was then ruled by a vietnamese general governor assisted by two lieutenant governors. The present vietnamese occupation of Cambodia, in this perspective, may be both a « prelude » to the continuation of this advancing front of villages, the confrontation between Viet Nam and Thailand (fancy and hegemonostic name for Siam since 1939) for the leadership of South East Asia and a « fugue » for warring Viet Nam to solve its political and economical problems, a country and people forged in war and for war during these four decades. The vietnamese claim of the Mekong river as a link may be translated in german word as « Anschluss » or reunification.

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Young, Sokphea. „Protests, Regulations, and Environmental Accountability in Cambodia“. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, Nr. 1 (April 2019): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419845515.

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In the realm of global environmental governance, accountability has been key to the debate concerning pervasive environmental deterioration. Among the factors underlying this deterioration, a perceived challenge is the lack of clear mechanisms for identifying to whom the actors in environmental governance in general, and in other sectors, for example, hydropower, agricultural land, mining, and infrastructure in particular, are accountable to for their actions. To investigate the challenge of this situation, this article explores the ways in which the protest movements of grass-roots communities and non-governmental organizations endeavour to hold government and foreign corporations accountable for the actions they have taken which have contributed to environmental degradation in Cambodia. Drawing on two case studies, this article argues that these protest movements have played an increasing role in requiring environmental accountability from both government and corporations.

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MURATSHINA, Ksenia G., und Еvgeniya A. BORODINA. „CHINA’S CULTURAL ACTIVITY IN ASEAN COUNTRIES DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC“. Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, Nr. 4(57) (2022): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-57-231-240.

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This paper analyses, how the People’s Republic of China develops the cultural aspect of its contacts with the countries of Southeast Asia in the conditions, which are completely new for international diplomacy, – during the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors have studied China’s initiatives in its bilateral relations with Brunei, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Philippines and Singapore in 2020, 2021 and partly in 2022.

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Rangarajan, Akshatha. „Home: Photographs by Lim Sokchanlina and Yoppy Pieter“. Arts 12, Nr. 3 (02.06.2023): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12030117.

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Photography by Cambodian artist Lim Sokchanlina (b.1987) in his National Road Number 5 series and Indonesian artist Yoppy Pieter’s (b.1984) Saujana Sumpu series interpret the notion of placemaking. Sokchanlina and Pieter portray a fraught relationship between place and identity, integrating a sense of belonging integral to a residence and connecting the medium of photography with the appeal of a home. This article explores the conceptual and aesthetic strategies used by the artists to convey the personal and communal history of place in Cambodia and Indonesia. The artists explore a three-fold intent of place, as having a geographical presence, as an environment to conduct social relations, and as an entity encouraging inherent attachment, constantly shifting between the various connotations, creating intermediary nuances between the meanings. Their methodology of using placemaking to deconstruct the traditional model of a home using contemporary art with a community’s heritage creates a unique Southeast Asian identity. The interaction between people and spaces, the configuration of values and identities, and the manifestation of personal and collective memory consolidate the idea of placemaking with the aesthetics of home.

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Phorn, Chenla, und Safnil Arsyad. „Female and male Character Representation in English Textbooks of Cambodian Secondary Schools: A Sociolinguistic Analysis“. JET ADI BUANA 7, Nr. 02 (31.10.2022): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36456/jet.v7.n02.2022.6202.

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Gender representation in the textbook becomes a noticeable topic for many scholars and researchers since it is believed that the representation of female and male influence the learners in many ways. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to find out how female and male characters are represented in listening dialogues from English textbooks in Cambodian secondary schools. The quantitative approach was used in this research study. Moreover, the researcher used descriptive statistical analysis as a tool to investigate the frequencies of women and men characters. The representations appeared in 11 randomly selected conversations in each chapter of the English textbook namely English for Cambodia Grade 7. This method is analyzed based on an adopted model developed by Tahriri & Moradpour (2014) which focuses on three dimensions of gender relation, subject position, and content categories. After analysis, the findings demonstrated that most of the conversations are male-female relations. Three subject positions are shown. Meanwhile, the gender characters countered in all dialogues showed slightly different between women and men. Regarding the content categories, six different categories are found. This study confirms gender bias in textbook that female characters are perceived and presented as being less than their male counterparts.

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Kang, Kiwon. „Is Dollarization Good for Cambodia?“ Global Economic Review 34, Nr. 2 (Juni 2005): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080500117517.

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KUCHERENKO, Grigory N. „REAM NAVAL BASE AS ONE OF THE FACTORS OF TENSION IN RELATIONS BETWEEN CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES“. Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, Nr. 4(60) (2023): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2023-4-3-60-102-109.

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Since gaining independence, the Kingdom of Cambodia has been striving for neutrality in its foreign policy, which includes a ban on the deployment of foreign troops on its territory, refusal to join military-political blocs, and balancing the interests of China and the United States. At the same time, military cooperation with the PRC is perceived by Washington negatively. This article examines the impact of the Ream naval base on the interaction between Phnom Penh and the two superpowers, as well as on Chinese-US relations.

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Palmer, Emma. „Localizing international criminal accountability in Cambodia“. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 16, Nr. 1 (28.07.2015): 97–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcv013.

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Hill, Hal, und Jayant Menon. „Cambodia: Rapid Growth with Weak Institutions“. Asian Economic Policy Review 8, Nr. 1 (15.05.2013): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12003.

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Kucherenko, Grigory. „Peculiarities of the Development of Relations between Cambodia and China during the Spread of COVID-19“. South East Asia Actual problems of Development, Nr. 4 (53) (2021): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-123-131.

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The emergence of the disease that became known as Covid-19 has had an extremely negative impact on the international community, the growth rates of the economies of almost all countries of the world have experienced a significant decline or negative growth, economic ties have been weakened or have been completely interrupted, medicine of both developed and "third world" countries has also been forced to function under unprecedented pressure. Pre-pandemic health systems have demonstrated their fragility in the face of global infection and society's vulnerability to repeated lockdowns. In addition, the virus has also exacerbated several traditional and new security challenges, such as experts claiming that years of progress in protecting the environment could be lost due to underinvestment in decarbonization initiatives and infrastructure renewal caused by economic problems. All this has contributed to the fact that the perception of China in many countries of the world has deteriorated sharply, since it was China that experienced the first out-break, but Cambodia has continued its policy of strengthening ties with Beijing despite the negative phenomena caused by the pandemic.

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Kupriyanov, Denis Ye. „Trends in the Economic Development of Democratic Kampuchea (1975-1979)“. Scientific Bulletin of Mukachevo State University. Series «Economics» 8, Nr. 3 (09.09.2021): 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52566/msu-econ.8(3).2021.102-116.

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The relevance of the study is conditioned by the need to examine individual historical stages of Cambodia's economic development to establish the basis for further improvement of the economic system. The purpose of the research was to analyse analytically the development of the economy of Democratic Kampuchea and the role of friendly countries in it. The study on the stated subject was conducted using general scientific theoretical research methods, in particular, methods of analysis, synthesis, and comparison. The article examines the economy of Democratic Kampuchea in the middle of the second half of the 70s. It is determined that after gaining full independence from the French colonialists, followed by the struggle for independence against the Americans, and then the Khmer Rouge era, there was a need to restore and improve the country's economy. The study described the general state of the key industries of Democratic Kampuchea, in particular, light, food, agricultural engineering, heavy, electronic, construction, forestry, chemical, rubber, and military; the principles of conducting trade relations with the countries of the socialist and capitalist camps, and the development features of agriculture under the rule of the Khmer Rouge. The results of the analysis showed that during this period the republic managed to restore agriculture and ensure its subsequent growth, and the updated industry was already fully functioning with the help of the friend countries. The practical value of the study is determined by the integral characteristic of the economic system of Democratic Kampuchea, which contributes to the functional solution of the economic problems of modern Cambodia

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Oum, Sothea. „Comment on “Cambodia: Rapid Growth with Weak Institutions”“. Asian Economic Policy Review 8, Nr. 1 (15.05.2013): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12004.

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Warr, Peter. „Comment on “Cambodia: Rapid Growth with Weak Institutions”“. Asian Economic Policy Review 8, Nr. 1 (15.05.2013): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12005.

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Kang, Youngcheol, Zhengxun Jin, Changtaek Hyun und Hyeon Park. „Construction Management Functions for Developing Countries: Case of Cambodia“. Journal of Management in Engineering 34, Nr. 3 (Mai 2018): 05018004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)me.1943-5479.0000609.

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Chambers, Paul, und Andreas Ufen. „Causes, Effects, and Forms of Factionalism in Southeast Asia“. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, Nr. 1 (April 2020): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420916044.

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This paper is the introduction for a special issue which examines intra-party factions and factionalism in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia, looking at the cases of Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Timor-Leste, in that order and rounding up with a comparative conclusion. The study centres primarily upon one query: in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia, what accounts for the rise of factionalism in some party systems relative to others? The paper at hand frames this special issue, reviewing the literature and examining the causes, effects and forms of factionalism in general and more specifically in Southeast Asia.

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Grant, Jenna M. „From subjects to relations: Bioethics and the articulation of postcolonial politics in the Cambodia Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis trial“. Social Studies of Science 46, Nr. 2 (März 2016): 236–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312716632617.

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Wang, Jianwei. „Chinese Perspectives on Multilateral Security Cooperation“. Asian Perspective 22, Nr. 3 (Dezember 1998): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1998.a921090.

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Abstract: The article examines China’s evolving perceptions and consequent policy changes regarding multilateral security cooperation in the post-cold war period. At the global level the article discusses China’s changed atttitude toward UN peacekeeping operations. Since the early 1980s, China has gradually endorsed their legitimacy and increased its contribution and participation. While China in general supports most Chapter VI operations, it is nevertheless more reluctant to vote for Chapter VII operations. China’s involvement in the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) is analyzed to illustrate its cognitive and policy limitations. At the regional level, the article explores Chinese policy on various initiatives of multilateral security consultation and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, including relations with ASEAN and the multilateral security talks on the Korean peninsula. Overall, China has been more cautious about security multilateralism than about economic multilateralism. Yet in the Chinese foreign policy establishment, “new thinking on security cooperation” has been taking shape. It emphasizes a low degree of institutionalization, non-military alliances, and economic security.

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Hoang, Nhan Thanh Thi, Hoan Quang Truong und Chung Van Dong. „Determinants of Trade Between Taiwan and ASEAN Countries: A PPML Estimator Approach“. SAGE Open 10, Nr. 2 (April 2020): 215824402091951. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020919516.

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Taiwan and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) do not have any diplomatic ties, but they have enjoyed significantly economic benefits, especially bilateral investment and trade cooperation. Over the period 2000–2017, trade between Taiwan and ASEAN had significantly focused on manufactured goods embodied with high-skill and technology-intensive content. Using gravity model with a PPML (Poisson pseudo-maximum-likelihood) estimator, this article explores determinants of bilateral trade flows between them at both aggregate and sectoral levels. We found that economic scale and per capital income of ASEAN have much stronger effects than those of Taiwan at both aggregate trade and the degree of manufacturing. Results also show that bilateral trade between Taiwan and ASEAN has been efficiently performed over recent decades, except for cases of Myanmar and Cambodia. Hence, a dynamic approach should be taken by both sides to promote bilateral trade relations in future.

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Santoso, Djoen San, und Sothy Soeng. „Analyzing Delays of Road Construction Projects in Cambodia: Causes and Effects“. Journal of Management in Engineering 32, Nr. 6 (November 2016): 05016020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)me.1943-5479.0000467.

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van der Kraan, Alfons. „On Company Business The Rijckloff van Goens Mission to Siam, 1650“. Itinerario 22, Nr. 2 (Juli 1998): 42–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300011943.

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On 13 April 1650 the young Chief (Opperhoofd) of the Siam factory of Dutch East India Company (VOC), the Merchant (Koopman) Jan van Muijden, arrived at Batavia aboard the flute de Gecroonde Liefde (Crowned Love), with a cargo unusual even by the standards of this thriving stapling port. Aboard were a total of twelve elephants, a gift from the King of Siam and his Mandarins, Oya Sabartiban (Okya Sabartiban) and Oya Berckelang (Okya Phrakhlang), to Governor-General Cornelis van der Lijn and the four Councillors of the Indies present in Batavia at the time, one of whom was the Director-General and second-in-command François Caron. When Van Muijden stepped ashore, he presented Van der Lijn and the Councillors with a letter from Prasat-Thong, the King of Siam, in which the King requested several precious diamond rings for himself and for his Mandarin, Oya Sabartiban, ‘various curiosities from the Netherlands and elsewhere’, military assistance against his rebellious subjects in Cambodia and on the Malay peninsula, and an end to the all-too-frequent molesting by Company ships of Chinese and Portuguese vessels en route to Siam.

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Ra, Hee-Ryang. „Modeling the Dollarization: A Case Study for Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam“. Global Economic Review 37, Nr. 2 (Juni 2008): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080802021177.

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32

Muratshina, Ksenia G. „INDIA – SOUTHEAST ASIA DEFENSE COOPERATION: DYNAMICS, DIMENSIONS, SPECIFIC FEATURES“. Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, Nr. 4 (26) (2023): 274–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-274-293.

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This paper analyses the course of the defense cooperation between India and the countries of Southeast Asia (SEA). The author studies their bilateral relations during Narendra Modi’s premiership, starting from May 2014. Under Modi’s leadership, India-SEA ties strengthened, as a result of ‘Act East’ policy, taken as the substitution of ‘Look East’ concept. The paper outlines the key areas of bilateral defense cooperation, the factors of its development, and the impact of such ties on regional security. It is concluded that the scale of the cooperation differs significantly. The most diversified and robust ties are those of India with Vietnam, Indonesia, Myanmar, Singapore, and the Philippines, while the less intensive ones include the relationships between India and Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, Thailand, and Cambodia. India-Laos interaction is in fact unilateral, with India acting as a donor of aid. The relations with Timor-Leste lack defense cooperation so far. Generally, India’s motivation to build the defense partnerships in SEA is based on such incentives as the need to expand its strategic presence in this region, the counterbalance to China’s growing influence, and the promotion of its image of the Indo-Pacific leader, capable of protecting both its own security and that of the closest allies. Meanwhile, SEA countries accept Indian efforts primarily in order to increase their capacity and power balance in the region.

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Chen, Shihlun Allen. „The Development of Cambodia–China Relation and Its Transition Under the OBOR Initiative“. Chinese Economy 51, Nr. 4 (04.07.2018): 370–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10971475.2018.1457317.

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34

Marsh, Luke, und Michael Ramsden. „Joint Criminal Enterprise: Cambodia's Reply to Tadić“. International Criminal Law Review 11, Nr. 1 (2011): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x543948.

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AbstractThe doctrine of Joint Criminal Enterprise (JCE), which imposes individual criminal responsibility on an accused for their participation in a group's common criminal plan, rose to prominence in the ICTY Appeal Chamber decision, Prosecutor v. Tadić. Since Tadić, there has been a general reluctance by international ad hoc tribunals to review the legal foundation of JCE. However, on 20 May 2010, the ECCC Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) considered the applicability of JCE to the atrocities which occurred in Cambodia during 1975-1979 - the period within the tribunal's temporal jurisdiction. The PTC has, unlike any other ad hoc tribunal to date, subjected the reasoning in Tadić to close scrutiny. This article will analyse the PTC's decision. In squarely contradicting Tadić on the expanded form of JCE, its findings are to be welcomed. The PTC's decision should be upheld on appeal in order to uphold the principle of legality; to safeguard the continued respect, credibility and future legacy of the ECCC trial process.

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BUTKO, Aleksandr A. „THE POLICY OF LAOS, THAILAND, CAMBODIA AND VIETNAM IN RELATION TO THE MEKONG PROBLEM“. Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, Nr. 1 (58) (2023): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2023-1-1-58-045-057.

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Водная проблема Меконга оказывает значительное влияние на политику стран нижнего течения реки – Лаоса, Таиланда, Камбоджи и Вьетнама. Эти страны заинтересованы в увеличении использования его ресурсов, в первую очередь – энергетических. Несмотря на существующие опасения, касающиеся влияния гидро-энергетики на состояние экологической системы субрегиона, они наращивают сотрудничество в сфере трансграничной торговли электроэнергией. Привлечение внешних участников рассматривается в качестве важного фактора комплексного развития субрегиона, включающего, прежде всего, создание и совершенствование энергетической и другой инфраструктуры. Вовлечение как можно большего количества нерегиональных игроков в участие в субрегиональных процессах позволяет оказывать давление на КНР по вопросу водопользования, снижать вызванную американо-китайским противостоянием напряженность, а также создавать условия для здоровой конкуренции в развитии субрегиона.

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Shao, Kuo-kang. „Zhou Enlai's Diplomacy and the Neutralization of Indo-China, 1954–55“. China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 483–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039874.

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A vital key to Zhou Enlai's diplomacy in Indo-China during 1954 and 1955 was his systematic effort to “neutralize” the region. Zhou, as Chinese premier and foreign minister, laid the foundations of China's approach to Indo-China. Subsequently, his policy of neutralization and its application to Indo-China focused on the enlargement of the “area of collective peace” along China's southern frontiers. This general formula reflected Zhou's primary concern for China's territorial security and economic development. In Zhou's estimation the immediate western military threat to China's security could be curbed effectively if Indo-China became a “neutralized” region in which the three local states, that is, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, were not allowed to enter into alliances with any outside major powers. Only by terminating French colonial domination in Indo-China and restraining major-power interference in the internal affairs of these three states could the peace and stability of Indo-China be secured.

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„DOCUMENTATION: Statement by the Secretary-General of ASEAN Welcoming the Kingdom of Cambodia as the Tenth Member State of ASEAN, ASEAN Secretariat, 30 April 1999“. Southeast Asian Economies 16, Nr. 2 (1999): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/ae16-2h.

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Rasyidin, M., M. Saleh und Sri Hartati. „Analisis Hubungan Dinamis Instrumen Kebijakan Moneter di ASEAN“. Ekonomi, Keuangan, Investasi dan Syariah (EKUITAS) 4, Nr. 2 (04.12.2022): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47065/ekuitas.v4i2.2339.

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The central bank as the monetary authority has the right to conduct monetary policy through setting monetary targets such as interest rates, controlling the money supply and stabilizing the inflation rate. The main objective of monetary policy is that its achievements can only be seen from a long-term perspective, meaning that everything is prepared now to achieve the main goals in the future. Monetary policy can be expansionary or contractionary. The linkage between policy instruments and the main targets through transmission channels is known as the monetary policy transmission mechanism. This study examines the dynamic relationship between monetary policy instruments in ASEAN. This research model uses VECM (Vector Error Correction Model) by testing Stationarity Test (Unit Root Test), Optimum lag selection and cointegration test. The results showed that not all ASEAN countries have a dynamic relationship between monetary policy instruments. Only Indonesia and Brunei Darussalem have dynamic relations between monetary instruments. While Laos only relates to money supply and interest rates, while the dynamic relationship between inflation and interest rates only occurs in the Philippines, other ASEAN countries such as Cambodia, Myanmar, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam do not have a relationship between monetary policy instruments instruments.

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Legido-Quigley, Helena, Mishal Khan, Anna Durrance-Bagale und Johanna Hanefeld. „Something Borrowed, Something New: A Governance and Social Construction Framework to Investigate Power Relations and Responses of Diverse Stakeholders to Policies Addressing Antimicrobial Resistance“. Antibiotics 8, Nr. 1 (24.12.2018): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/antibiotics8010003.

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While antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has rapidly ascended the political agenda in numerous high-income countries, developing effective and sustainable policy responses in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) is far from straightforward, as AMR could be described as a classic ‘wicked problem’. Effective policy responses to combat AMR in LMIC will require a deeper knowledge of the policy process and its actors at all levels—global, regional and national—and their motivations for supporting or opposing policies to combat AMR. The influence of personal interests and connections between for-profit organisations—such as pharmaceutical companies and food producers—and policy actors in these settings is complex and very rarely addressed. In this paper, the authors describe the role of policy analysis focusing on social constructions, governance and power relations in soliciting a better understanding of support and opposition by key stakeholders for alternative AMR mitigation policies. Owing to the lack of conceptual frameworks on the policy process addressing AMR, we propose an approach to researching policy processes relating to AMR currently tested through our empirical programme of research in Cambodia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Tanzania. This new conceptualisation is based on theories of governance and a social construction framework and describes how the framework is being operationalised in several settings.

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Touch, Tharo, Chantha Oeurng, Yanan Jiang und Ali Mokhtar. „Integrated Modeling of Water Supply and Demand Under Climate Change Impacts and Management Options in Tributary Basin of Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia“. Water 12, Nr. 9 (02.09.2020): 2462. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w12092462.

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An integrated modeling approach analyzing water demand and supply balances under management options in a river basin is essential for the management and adaptive measures of water resources in the future. This study evaluated the impacts of climate change on the hydrological regime by predicting the change in both monthly and seasonal streamflow, and identified water supply and demand relations under supply management options and environmental flow maintenance. To reach a better understanding of the consequences of possible climate change scenarios and adaptive management options on water supply, an integrated modeling approach was conducted by using the soil and water assessment tool (SWAT) and water evaluation and planning model (WEAP). Future scenarios were developed for the future period: 2060s (2051–2070), using an ensemble of three general circulation model (GCM) simulations: GFDL-CM3, GISS-E2-R-CC, and IPSL-CM5A-MR, driven by the climate projection for representative concentration pathways (RCPs): 6.0 (medium emission scenario). The results indicated that, firstly, the future streamflow will decrease, resulting in a decline of future water availability. Secondly, water supply under natural flow conditions would support 46,167 ha of irrigation schemes and the water shortages will be more noticeable when environmental flow maintenance was considered. The study concludes that reservoir construction would be necessary for agriculture mitigation and adaptation to climate change. Furthermore, the water resources management options considering both supply and demand management are more effective and useful than supply management only, particularly in dealing with climate change impacts.

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Yoo, Keun Hwan, und Hye Won Yang. „A study on Korea's economic development strategy through ASEAN in the US-China hegemony competition“. Taegu Science University Defense Security Institute 7, Nr. 6 (31.12.2023): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37181/jscs.2023.7.6.039.

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The trade competition between the United States and China is fierce enough to affect relevant allies. Semiconductors play an important role in cutting-edge technology, so much so that they are called the rice of the high-tech industry. Since they are essential for automobiles, mobile phones, displays, etc., there is a need to ensure a safe supply chain in the industry. This study focused on the need to strengthen economic diplomacy using ASEAN to enhance Korea's national interests amid the US-China hegemony competition. ASEAN countries pursue practical benefits through hedging strategies. As the war in Ukraine continues and Israel and the Palestinian radical armed group led by Hamas are at war, an international security crisis is emerging, and ASEAN countries are converging on the need for strategic cooperation. The United States has consistently made efforts to improve relations, emphasizing a pivot to Asia. China believes that it is necessary to secure Chinese influence in the Southeast Asian region and is actively participating in ASEAN. Korea In order to strategically overcome this difficult situation, we must strengthen cooperation with ASEAN countries and promote economic diplomacy to secure practical benefits. Korea should strengthen economic diplomacy with ASEAN and make strategic efforts to create a win-win relationship when ASEAN countries achieve rapid economic growth in the future. Korea should secure its national interests by cooperating with Vietnam, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia and strengthening economic diplomacy.

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Berents, Helen. „Child Security in Asia: The Impact of Armed Conflict in Cambodia and Myanmar. By Cecilia Jacob. London: Routledge, 2016.“ Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 22, Nr. 4 (19.08.2016): 596–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02204010.

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43

Morag, Raya. „A New Paradigm for the Genocidal Interview: The Documentary Duel and the Question of Collaboration“. Panoptikum, Nr. 29 (30.06.2023): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/pan.2023.29.05.

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A global boom in mainly documentary films interviewing perpetrators recognizes the current shift from the era of the witness to that of the perpetrator. Post Khmer-Rouge Cambodian cinema (1989–present) is a unique and highly important case of perpetrator cinema. It proposes for the first time in cinema direct confrontation between first-generation survivor-filmmakers and perpetrators, a new form of genocidal interview: the documentary duel. Enabled both by the intimate horror of the autogenocide and the Khmer Rouge tribunal (the ECCC), dueling with high-ranking perpetrators shifts power relations between the two. In contrast, dueling with low-ranking perpetrators and collaborators, never to be tried, does not generate this much-desired shift. Thus, Cambodian collaboration revealed through cinema stresses the immense importance of the law in promoting familial-social-cultural processes of acknowledgement of accountability. Further, Cambodian duel documentaries constitute the ethics of “moral resentment” (my term), while objecting to and disrupting the political view that reconciliation is the only legitimate response to the atrocious past.

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Mustofa, Ali, Dwi NCS Kusumaningtyas, Ephrilia Noor Fitriana und Silvy C. Adelia. „Postcolonial performativity analysis and its relation to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of Southeast Asian BL-themed short movies“. E3S Web of Conferences 513 (2024): 04011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202451304011.

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This study looks at how sex, love, and gender are portrayed in Southeast Asian boys-love (BL)-themed short films. In the popular Japanese subgenre known as “boys love,” male characters are explored in their romantic and frequently sexual interactions. But Southeast Asia, where the genre has a devoted following, has seen a substantial increase in its appeal. Understanding how sex, love, and gender are portrayed within this cultural framework is the main goal of this study. To evaluate a variety of Southeast Asian boys who enjoy short films, the research draws on a multimodal analysis which conforms multidisciplinary model of analysis. Departing from queer studies and postcolonial performativity, this study employs careful analysis on the issues of sex, love, and gender between young men in different contexts of region such as Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The results of this study add to the body of knowledge on boys’ love and shed light on the distinctive cultural characteristics of Southeast Asian countries. This research offers insight into the negotiating of cultural norms and expectations within the setting of romantic and sexual interactions by looking at how sex, love, and gender are represented in these short films. The study also looks at how these films could contradict or support regional gender norms and conventional roles. In the end, this study seeks to deepen a comprehension of the relationship between sex, love, and gender in Southeast Asian boys’ short movies and its possible ramifications for more general understanding on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

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Kucherenko, Grigory N. „The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations“. South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, Nr. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.

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Dutton, Yvonne M. „Hybrid Justice: The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. By John D. Ciorciari and Anne Heindel. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014.“ Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 22, Nr. 3 (19.08.2016): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02203010.

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Bektimirova, Nadezhda N. „Prospects of Cambodia-USA Relations“. South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, Nr. 1(50) (2021): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-155-165.

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The article evaluates the prospects of Cambodia-USA relations under President Joe Biden’s administration. The author shows that traditionally relations have been developing unevenly. Over the past decade the shape of bilateral relations has been strongly influenced by a third party – China. Cambodia’s close cooperation with China is viewed negatively by US officials. Since Cambodia’s foreign policy agenda for the next three years is highly likely to be determined by the country’s electoral cycles, Hun Sen has little room for manoeuvre, given the USA’s support of Cambodian opposition parties and harsh criticism of human rights in Cambodia. Under these circumstances Hun Sen feels compelled to increasingly lean towards China.

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Leng, Thearith, und Vannarith Chheang. „Are Cambodia-U.S. Relations Mendable?“ Asia Policy 28, Nr. 4 (2021): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0059.

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Pheakdey, Heng. „Cambodia-China Relations: A Positive-Sum Game?“ Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, Nr. 2 (Juni 2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100203.

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China has re-emerged to become a dominant foreign player in Cambodia. Politically, Cambodia is one of China's oldest and closest allies. Economically, China is Cambodia's top foreign investor, a major donor, and an increasingly important trading partner. Culturally, Chinese values are deeply embedded in many aspects of Cambodian society. However, China's dominance is surrounded by renewed controversies. While the government warmly welcomes Chinese aid, saying that it comes with no strings attached, many experts are concerned that China is providing aid for more nefarious reasons. Critics also accuse Chinese investment and aid of having exacerbated corruption, weakened governance and harmed human rights, and of ruining Cambodia's natural resources and environment. With such controversies, it is relevant and significant to assess the roles that China has played and continues to play in Cambodia's socio-economic development. Using expert interviews, media analysis and an extensive literature review, this paper uniquely contributes to the existing discussion on China–Cambodia relations by closely examining the controversies of China's investment and aid, critically analysing China's interests in Cambodia, and asking if the relationship between the two nations is a positive-sum game.

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Lamant, Pierre L. „Les prémices des relations politiques entre le Cambodge et la France vers le milieu du XIXe siècle“. Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 72, Nr. 267 (1985): 167–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.1985.2465.

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