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1
Clarke, Killian. „When Do the Dispossessed Protest? Informal Leadership and Mobilization in Syrian Refugee Camps“. Perspectives on Politics 16, Nr. 3 (21.08.2018): 617–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718001020.
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Refugees are often considered to be among the world’s most powerless groups; they face significant structural barriers to political mobilization, often including extreme poverty and exposure to repression. Yet despite these odds refugee groups do occasionally mobilize to demand better services and greater rights. In this paper I examine varying levels of mobilization among Syrian refugees living in camps and informal settlements in Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan in order to explain how marginalized and dispossessed groups manage to develop autonomous political strength. I explain the surprisingly high levels of mobilization in Jordan’s Za’atari Camp compared to the relative quiescence of refugees in Turkish camps and Lebanese informal settlements as the product of a set of strong informal leadership networks. These networks emerged due to two unique facets of the refugee management regime in Jordan: the concentration of refugees in the camp, and a fragmented governance system. In Turkey and Lebanon, where these two conditions were absent, refugees did not develop the strong leadership networks necessary to support mobilization. I develop this argument through structured comparison of three cases and within-case process tracing, using primary source documents from humanitarian agencies, contentious event data, and 87 original interviews conducted in the summer of 2015.
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Masterson, Daniel, und M. Christian Lehmann. „Refugees, Mobilization, and Humanitarian Aid: Evidence from the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon“. Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, Nr. 5 (12.11.2019): 817–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719885176.
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This article examines whether refugees are prime candidates for recruitment into armed groups and whether humanitarian aid to refugees impacts their choice to join armed groups. First, our original survey data of 1,358 Syrian households in Lebanon provide evidence that mobilization among the refugee population is low at baseline—the first empirical estimates of the magnitude of the rate of Syrian refugees returning home to fight. Second, leveraging as-if random assignment around a strict altitude cutoff for a United Nations cash transfer program for Syrian refugees, we find little evidence that the aid program had a large effect on mobilization. If anything, our estimates indicate a small decrease in mobilization. Our results stand in contrast to published literature arguing that refugees are prime candidates to join armed groups and humanitarian aid to refugees may support armed groups and fuel recruitment.
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Koca, Burcu Togral. „New Social Movements: “Refugees Welcome UK”“. European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, Nr. 2 (29.01.2016): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n2p96.
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This study addresses the dynamics of new social movements with a special emphasis on the “Refugees Welcome UK” in the light of the Syrian refugee crisis. Since March 2011, over four millions of people have fled civil war in Syria and sought refuge mainly in neighbouring countries, such as Turkey, Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon. However, precarious living circumstances and uncertain legal status in these countries have forced hundreds of thousands of Syrians to head for Europe in quest for a better life. The European countries, on the other hand, have adopted restrictive approaches towards Syrian refugees. Among these European countries, the UK has been the most criticized one because of its indifference to the plight of Syrian refugees. Under the leadership of David Cameron, the UK has taken a restrictive stance on accepting Syrian refugees and resisted any solution attempts at the EU level. Contrary to this anti-refugee approach at the state level, there emerged social movements in support of refugees throughout the UK. The most prominent one is the “Refugees Welcome” movement engaging in various strategies, ranging from seeking donation to raising public awareness. Building upon the insights of “New Social Movements” paradigm and using documentary analysis, this article explores the dynamics of this movement, its demands and objectives, social base, organizational structure, mobilization strategies and medium of action and social location. The article seeks to contribute both to the literature on social movements and to the current debate on refugees.
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Ekman, Mattias. „Anti-refugee Mobilization in Social Media: The Case of Soldiers of Odin“. Social Media + Society 4, Nr. 1 (Januar 2018): 205630511876443. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118764431.
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In the wake of the international refugee crisis, racist attitudes are becoming more publicly evident across the European Union. Propelled by the attacks in Köln on New Year’s Eve 2015 and harsher public sentiments on immigration, vigilante gangs have emerged in various European cities. These gangs mobilize through social media networks and claim to protect citizens from alleged violent and sexual attacks by refugees. This article analyzes how racist actors use social media to mobilize and organize street politics targeting refugees/immigrants. The aim is to explore the relation between social media and anti-refugee mobilization in a time of perceived insecurity and forced migration. The study uses the vigilante network Soldiers of Odin as a specific case, looking at (1) how they communicate through social media, (2) how they are represented in the large “alternative” space of right-wing online sites, and (3) how they are represented in traditional mainstream news. Using a critical adaption of Cammaerts’ theory of “mediation opportunity structure,” the article explicates the (inverted) rationale of racist online networks. Using quantitative and qualitative content analysis, both social media content and traditional news media are examined. The results show that although racist actors succeed in utilizing many of the opportunities embedded in social media communication and protest logic, they are also subject to constraints, such as a lack of public support and negative framing in news media. The article calls for more research on the (critical) relationship between uncivil engagement and social media networks.
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Sunata, Ulaş, und Salіh Tosun. „Assessing the Civil Society’s Role in Refugee Integration in Turkey: NGO-R as a New Typology“. Journal of Refugee Studies 32, Nr. 4 (17.09.2018): 683–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fey047.
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Abstract After the Syrian refugee influx in Turkey, the aspect of civil society in integration needs further clarification and categorization. Therefore, in this study, we aim to develop a general typology of NGOs (non-governmental organizations) that are active in immigration and immigration-related areas (NGO-R; non-governmental organizations—refugees). Our findings show that NGO-Rs play crucial roles in helping the refugees to access the rights provided by state, in integrating them into society at the local level by creating new social spaces and in sending humanitarian aid to the people of concern in Syria. Additionally, we claim that the refugee crisis facilitated the opportunities both for active citizenship as demanded and for new mobilization to manage the humanitarian and integration assistance towards the Syrians. Lastly, our fieldwork shows that religious and belief motives are the main factors playing a large part in the creation and maintenance of the NGO-R activities and refugee community organizations (RCOs) can have a distinctive integrative function by preferring to stay outside the mainstream channels.
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Lee, Soon-wook. „The Refugee Literary Societies and Wartime Mobilization in Busan“. Journal of Yeongju Language & Literature 41 (28.02.2019): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30774/yjll.2019.02.41.451.
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Thomaz, Diana. „What’s in a Category? The Politics of Not Being a Refugee“. Social & Legal Studies 27, Nr. 2 (15.12.2017): 200–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917746488.
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How are refugees perceived and governed in contemporary politics? What sort of sovereign responses has been advanced to govern and discipline the movement of people in a globalizing world? The article discusses how the ‘figure of the refugee’ (Scheel and Squire, 2014) or the ‘refugee label’ (Zetter, 1991, 2007) has changed once the Cold War ended and growing numbers of asylum seekers from the global South began searching for protection in the North. It attributes the restrictive character of contemporary asylum politics both to a perception of refugees as abject masses from the South and to sovereign states’ responses to a globalizing reality. In this context, I argue that access to asylum has been restricted both through the mobilization of new sovereign borders that seek to contain the mobility of asylum seekers perceived as villains, and through the creation of new categories or legal limits, in the form of temporary protection statuses to those perceived as passive victims. By focusing on the latter strategy, I briefly explore how Haitian asylum seekers have been labelled as ‘humanitarian immigrants’ in Brazil, highlighting the productivity of this legal limit.
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Manea, Dragoș, und Mihaela Precup. „Infantilizing the Refugee: On the Mobilization of Empathy in Kate Evans’ Threads from the Refugee Crisis“. a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 35, Nr. 2 (03.05.2020): 481–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08989575.2020.1738078.
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Schulze, Pamela A. „Mobilization toward What Must Be: A Call to Action on Behalf of Refugee Children“. Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 4, Nr. 1 (März 2003): 96–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/ciec.2003.4.1.10.
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Much has been written about the plight of refugee children and families. The authors of these articles generally make a case for greater involvement by the international community on behalf of refugee children. All too often, these eloquent and moving calls to action fall on deaf ears. In particular, this author argues that academics in the field of child development, who tend to be socialized to define and debate issues rather than act on them, are often slow to act on issues of concern. In this colloquium, the author provides several examples of ways that professionals in early childhood can help to promote the healthy development of refugee children, and she advocates for all of us to take on this responsibility, as it is consistent with our professional, personal, and moral obligation to promote the developmental well-being of all young children.
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Khalili, Laleh. „GRASS-ROOTS COMMEMORATIONS: REMEMBERING THE LAND IN THE CAMPS OF LEBANON“. Journal of Palestine Studies 34, Nr. 1 (2004): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.34.1.6.
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The Oslo negotiations——and the specter of a Palestinian renunciation of the right of return——greatly increased the insecurities of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The new uncertainties in turn triggered the emergence in the refugee camps of commemorative practices different from those previously sponsored by the Palestinian leadership. The new forms of commemoration, centered on the villages left behind in Palestine in 1948 and including popular ethnographies, memory museums, naming practices, and history-telling using new technologies, have become implicit vehicles of opposition and a means of asserting the refugees' membership in the Palestinian polity. Beyond reflecting nostalgia for a lost world, the practices have become the basis of the political identity of the younger generations and the motivation for their political mobilization.
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Ojala, Markus, Sigrid Kaasik-Krogerus und Mervi Pantti. „Presidential speeches and the online politics of belonging: Affective-discursive positions toward refugees in Finland and Estonia“. European Journal of Cultural Studies 22, Nr. 2 (08.02.2019): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549418823059.
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The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ has added urgency to the social dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in European societies. This study explores how emotions figure in this politics of belonging by studying their discursive mobilization in Finnish and Estonian public debates on asylum seekers. Focusing on presidential speeches addressing the refugee issue, on the one hand, and their reception by online commenters on popular tabloid news sites, on the other, the comparative analysis highlights both similarities and differences in how emotional expressions are employed in these two countries with very different experiences of taking refugees. Despite employing common discursive elements in their speeches, the diverging national contexts prompted the two presidents to emphasize contrasting emotional positions: the insecure Finn, threatened by abusive asylum seekers, and the compassionate Estonian, capable of identifying with the plight of refugees. In contrast, the reactions to speeches by Finnish and Estonian citizens on tabloid news sites demonstrated highly converging emotional positions. Online comments in both countries revealed deep anger and distrust of political elites among tabloid news audiences, articulating a complex relationship with the nation as a divided and exclusive political community.
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Kende, Anna, Nóra Anna Lantos, Anna Belinszky, Sára Csaba und Zsófia Anna Lukács. „The politicized motivations of volunteers in the refugee crisis: Intergroup helping as the means to achieve social change“. Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, Nr. 1 (15.05.2017): 260–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.642.
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The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe despite the government’s hostile stance. We conducted a survey (N = 1459) among people who were active in supporting refugees and providing services to them to test the hypothesis of whether volunteers in the context of this humanitarian crisis had social change motivations similar to those engaged in direct political activism. Hierarchical regression analysis and mediation analysis revealed the importance of opinion-based identity and moral convictions as predictors of volunteerism, while efficacy beliefs and anger only predicted political activism. Our findings suggest that volunteers engaged in helping refugees based on motivations previously described as drivers of mobilization for political activism, but chose volunteerism to alleviate the problems embedded in the intergroup situation. Although the context of the refugee crisis in Hungary may have been somewhat unique, these findings have implications for other asymmetrical politicized intergroup relations in which advantaged group members can choose to offer humanitarian aid, engage in political actions to change the situation, or do both. Background The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe. Because of the Hungarian government’s explicitly hostile stance toward refugees, offering volunteer help was treated as an expression of political dissent by authorities. Why was this study done? We investigated the motivations of volunteers within this political climate. The psychological motivations to engage in political protest and volunteerism can be distinguished based on previous research. Volunteerism is the intentional engagement in helping for the benefit of others; it can be long term or flare up in moments of crisis, but it does not necessarily entail intentions to bring about change. In contrast, engagement in political protest is motivated by peoples’ intentions to address injustice and achieve change. As the refugee crisis evoked both types of actions (volunteerism and political protests), it provided us with the opportunity to investigate whether volunteering was driven by (1) motivation to bring about social change, (2) identification with the pro-refugee movement, and (3) experiencing a violation to their moral principles, all of which are typical for political activists. What did the researchers do and find? We conducted a survey among people who were active in supporting refugees, or participated in political protests. 1459 participants completed our online survey. We measured their level of moral conviction, identification with the pro-refugee opinion group, anger about the situation, and belief in their group’s efficacy to achieve change. Our results showed that identification with the pro-refugee movement and moral conviction were important motivations primarily for volunteers, while belief in the efficacy of the movement and anger were more closely related to engagement in political activism. What do these findings mean? We therefore suggest that activities of pro-refugee volunteers became the means to express moral convictions and a desire for social change. We used the case of the refugee crisis to draw attention to the importance of understanding the similarities and differences in the paths toward volunteerism and political activism, in terms of peoples’ motivation to achieve change, as social movements are just as dependent on mobilizing allies for political actions as they are on mobilizing volunteers.
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Muscolino, Micah S. „Refugees, Land Reclamation, and Militarized Landscapes in Wartime China: Huanglongshan, Shaanxi, 1937–45“. Journal of Asian Studies 69, Nr. 2 (26.03.2010): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810000057.
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This article investigates relationships between refugee flight and environmental change during the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–45 through a study of land reclamation projects in Shaanxi's Huanglongshan region. During the conflict with Japan, China's Nationalist government resettled thousands of refugees who fled war-induced natural disasters in Henan to Huanglongshan to reclaim uncultivated wastelands. Land reclamation reflected an ongoing militarization of China's environment, as political leaders looked to land reclamation to provide relief for refugees, further economic mobilization by exploiting untapped natural resources, and foster an ethos of dedication and self-sacrifice for the nation. Unrestrained land clearance decimated forests that had returned to Huanglongshan's hillsides since its abandonment during the rebellions of the late Qing. By compelling displaced people to cultivate marginal lands, war also threatened the health of refugees by exposing them to endemic disease. Yet the militarizing logic that motivated these reclamation initiatives continued to reshape China's natural landscape long after the Sino-Japanese War ended.
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Sechehaye, Hélène, und Marco Martiniello. „Refugees for Refugees: Musicians between Confinement and Perspectives“. Arts 8, Nr. 1 (16.01.2019): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8010014.
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Driven by the solidarity movements following the “refugee crisis” of 2015, the Brussels-based non-profit organization Muziekpublique, specialized in the promotion of so-called “world music”, initiated the Refugees for Refugees project. This album and performance tour featured traditional musicians who had found asylum in Belgium and had artistic, political, and social goals. In comparison to the other projects conducted by the organization, each step of the project benefited from exceptional coverage and financial support. At the same time, the association and the musicians were facing administrative, musical, and ethical problems they had never encountered before. Three years after its creation, the band Refugees for Refugees is still touring the Belgian and international scenes and is going to release a new album, following the will of all actors to go on with the project and demonstrating the important social mobilization it aroused. Through this case study, we aim at questioning the complexity of elaborating a project staging a common identity of “refugees” while valuing their diversity; understanding the reasons for the exceptional success the project has encountered; and determining to what extent and at what level it helped—or not—the musicians to rebuild their lives in Belgium.
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Kevers, Ruth, Peter Rober und Lucia De Haene. „Unraveling the Mobilization of Memory in Research With Refugees“. Qualitative Health Research 28, Nr. 4 (18.12.2017): 659–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732317746963.
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In this article, we explore how narrative accounts of trauma are co-constructed through the interaction between researcher and participant. Using a narrative multiple-case study with Kurdish refugee families, we address how this process takes place, investigating how researcher and participants were engaged in relational, moral, collective, and sociopolitical dimensions of remembering, and how this led to the emergence of particular ethical questions. Case examples indicate that acknowledging the multilayered co-construction of remembering in the research relationship profoundly complicates existing deontological guidelines that predominantly emphasize the researcher’s responsibility in sensitively dealing with participants’ alleged autobiographical trauma narratives. Instead, our analysis invites qualitative researchers to engage in a continued, context-specific ethical reflection on the potential risks and benefits that are invoked in studies with survivors of collective violence.
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Burgard, Antoine. „‘The fight on educating the public to equal treatment for all will have to come later’: Jewish Refugee Activism and Anti-Immigration Sentiment in Immediate Post-War Canada“. London Journal of Canadian Studies 34, Nr. 1 (14.11.2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2019v34.006.
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Canadian immigration policy of the 1930s and 1940s was the most restrictive and selective in the country’s history, making it one of the countries to take the smallest number of Jewish refugees fleeing the Nazi persecution. After the war, Canada slowly opened its borders, but only through small token gestures in 1947 and 1948. This article explores how the main Canadian Jewish organization lobbied for the welcoming of more Jewish refugees and migrants in the immediate aftermath of the war. It examines how their perception of the public’s anti-Jewish immigrant sentiment and of the Canadian immigration policy’s discriminatory mechanisms informed their strategies. During that period, the Canadian Jewish Congress prioritized constant and subtle action with the government instead of trying to set up mass mobilization campaigns. This strategic shift is an overshadowed but essential chapter of both Jewish and human rights histories in Canada. This article invites a re-evaluation of Jewish activism’s role in ending ethnic selection in the Canadian immigration policy and promoting refugee rights. It contributes to broadening our understanding of how minority groups lobbied and worked with hostile media and authorities.
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Salehyan, Idean. „Transnational Rebels: Neighboring States as Sanctuary for Rebel Groups“. World Politics 59, Nr. 2 (Januar 2007): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0024.
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To what extent do international factors affect domestic conflict processes? How do external conditions affect the state's repressive capabilities and the opportunities for opposition groups to mobilize, launch an insurgency, and sustain it? This article argues that because state strength is limited by international boundaries, rebel groups often organize transnationally in order to evade repression. External bases, refugee communities, and characteristics of neighboring states are expected to increase the likelihood of civil war onset and continuation. Importantly, external mobilization is difficult for states to monitor and verify, a factor that exacerbates bargaining problems and increases the probability of armed conflict. These claims are tested through a quantitative analysis of civil conflicts from 1951 to 1999. Results suggest that weak neighbors, rival neighbors, and refugee diasporas contribute to rebellion and that conflicts endure longer when rebels have access to external bases.
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Doerr, Nicole. „How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts“. Visual Communication 16, Nr. 3 (26.06.2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.
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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.
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Hedman, Eva-Lotta E. „Refuge, Governmentality and Citizenship: Capturing ‘Illegal Migrants’ in Malaysia and Thailand“. Government and Opposition 43, Nr. 2 (2008): 358–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.00258.x.
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AbstractThis article directs attention to dynamics of refuge and governmentality in a region of the ‘global South’, South-East Asia, and brings into focus the major recipients of (forced) migrants, Malaysia and Thailand, neither of which is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, or the 1967 Protocol. Against the backdrop of the illuminating contrast offered by the Thai case, this article argues that, in the case of Malaysia, the mobilization of ‘volunteers of the nation’ in campaigns against ‘illegal migrants’ serves as a performative (re)enactment of ethnic identity and national citizenship in the making of Malays and Malaysians in this postcolonial ‘plural society’. The article explores the wider consequences of the (re)production of (il)legality and identity as a social reality experienced not merely by (forced) migrants, and not only at the border, but also by government officials and national citizens actively mobilized in high-profile campaigns to flush out ‘illegal migrants’ from markets, construction and plantation sites, as well as dwellings in kampong neighbourhoods, city blocks and jungle sites across Malaysia.
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Youkhana, Eva, und Ove Sutter. „Perspectives on the European Border Regime: Mobilization, Contestation and the Role of Civil Society“. Social Inclusion 5, Nr. 3 (19.09.2017): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i3.1127.
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This issue examines politics and practices that challenge the European border regime by contesting and negotiating asylum laws and regulations, practices of separation in refugee camps and accommodation centers, as much as political acts by undocumented migrants and activists seeking alternative ways of cohabitation. The different contributions all highlight the role of civil society initiatives during the migration movements in 2015 and 2016 in Europe by discussing critical perspectives on the European border regime and by looking at migration as a contesting political force. Topics related to mobilization and the appropriation of public spaces to actively declare one’s solidarity, political activism to contest borders and boundary-making approaches (no border movements) and the engagement into voluntary work are critically reflected.
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Lemes Costa Júnior, Hélio, und Letícia Almeida Amaral. „IMMERSION FOR MOBILIZATION: USE OF 360-DEGREE VIDEOS AND VIRTUAL REALITY IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION“. International Journal of Management, Innovation & Entrepreneurial Research 6, Nr. 1 (29.03.2020): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/ijmier.2020.615.
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Purpose of the study: The article presents ongoing research that experiments the use of technological innovations in public administration. The hypothesis is that technologies can promote mobilization through immersion in virtual reality.
Methodology: The technologies chosen were the videos produced in 360-degree cameras and virtual reality glasses, to bring public policymakers closer to the realities that such policies will address.
Main Findings: This paper presents the theoretical basis, techniques and methodologies used to achieve the objectives and the current state of research, allowing new suggestions from academic and scientific peers to contribute to the improvement of this work.
Implications: This study was based on UN (United Nations) experiences in trying to raise funds for Syrian refugee camps in Jordan.
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Stranger-Johannessen, Espen, Liam Doherty und Bonny Norton. „The African Storybook and Storybooks Canada: Digital Stories for Linguistically Diverse Children“. Language and Literacy 20, Nr. 3 (19.07.2018): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20360/langandlit29413.
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Storybooks Canada (storybookscanada.ca) makes multilingual audiovisual stories available in multiple languages to promote language and literacy development. Building on a long tradition of freely available, open educational resources, Storybooks Canada provides online, multimodal, mobile- and teacher-friendly access to 40 African stories in 21 of the most commonly spoken languages in Canada (including English and French)—making it possible to support and encourage the multilingualism of heritage language, immigrant, and refugee students. In doing so, the project demonstrates the potential for working against the normalized North-South directionality of knowledge flows to develop a more equitable ecosystem for the mobilization of knowledge.
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Majewski, Piotr. „Polska dla Polaków, nie żaden kurwa Ahmed – analiza narracji islamofobicznych w polskim rapie“. Kultura Popularna 3, Nr. 53 (26.02.2018): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.8272.
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The “invented” Muslim-migrants became contemporary “folk devils”. They are portrayed by the media – which play a crucial role in this process – as deviants, who pose a threat to the social order, national culture and values shared by all the Polish people. Thus, refugees, perceived en masse as Islamic fundamentalists, became an object of media symbolization. This mechanism allows for a mobilization against those who would like to welcome refugees to Poland – various traitors of the fatherland, lefties, liberals, post-communists or opposition politicians, who “collaborate” with the European Union and the Venice Commission. Paradoxically, the hunt for “Muslim witches” does not intend to eliminate them, but rather discursively construct them through moral panic. The Islamophobic rap demonstrates the relationship between the Polish and the followers of Islam through binary oppositions. The Muslims and the Polish are presented as two antagonistic civilizations, although the positive connotations of this notion are rather reserved for the Polish Catholics, the sole guardians of the Christian Europe. Within this narrative the category of “Muslim” (Islamist, Arab, refugee, etc.) is essentialized, as well as the category of the “true” Polish (patriot, Catholic, heterosexual man, etc.). Anti-Muslim rappers firmly announce that if Poland decided to accept any refugees, the Polish would become a minority in their own country, stripped of their culture and faith, possibly even persecuted. They seek evidence for such extraordinary claims in the alleged transformations that other European states underwent. These radical changes are the result of an array of criminal policies introduced by the European elites, who consciously unleashed an ideological war, instrumentally utilizing Muslims as a weapon.
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Kluknavská, Alena, und Josef Smolík. „We hate them all? Issue adaptation of extreme right parties in Slovakia 1993–2016“. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, Nr. 4 (28.09.2016): 335–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.002.
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This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievements were affected mainly by their internal party stability. In the late 2000s, the extreme right has, however, begun to adopt a strategy that has bridged nationalist, populist and xenophobic discourses, with stronger success during the economic and refugee crises in Europe.
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Abusalim, Jehad. „The Great March of Return: An Organizer's Perspective“. Journal of Palestine Studies 47, Nr. 4 (2018): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.90.
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This essay explores the genesis of the Great March of Return in the context of a fragmented Palestinian body politic, blockade, and occupation, highlighting two major issues: the Palestinian refugee plight and the decade-long blockade on Gaza. The essay argues that the march represented a rare opening for Palestinians in the Gaza Strip to reclaim a factionally controlled political sphere, and demonstrates that the organizers of the march valiantly strove to keep it going in the face of insurmountable challenges. It also contends that Israel's bloody crackdown, the difficulties of organizing in a divided Palestinian body politic, and international inaction were factors in the protest's loss of momentum, which ultimately set back the mass mobilization of the Gaza Strip. The march left Palestinians with many questions about the viability of nonviolent methods in the face of disproportionate Israeli force.
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Dorjee, Kunchok, Sonam Topgyal, Chungdak Dorjee, Tenzin Tsundue, Tenzin Namdol, Tenzin Tsewang, Tenzin Nangsel et al. „High Prevalence of Active and Latent Tuberculosis in Children and Adolescents in Tibetan Schools in India: The Zero TB Kids Initiative in Tibetan Refugee Children“. Clinical Infectious Diseases 69, Nr. 5 (20.11.2018): 760–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cid/ciy987.
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Abstract Background Tuberculosis (TB) prevalence is high among Tibetan refugees in India, with almost half of cases occurring in congregate facilities, including schools. A comprehensive program of TB case finding and treatment of TB infection (TBI) was undertaken in schools for Tibetan refugee children. Methods Schoolchildren and staff in Tibetan schools in Himachal Pradesh, India, were screened for TB with an algorithm using symptoms, chest radiography, molecular diagnostics, and tuberculin skin testing. Individuals with active TB were treated and those with TBI were offered isoniazid-rifampicin preventive therapy for 3 months. Results From April 2017 to March 2018, we screened 5391 schoolchildren (median age, 13 years) and 786 staff in 11 Tibetan schools. Forty-six TB cases, including 1 with multidrug resistance, were found in schoolchildren, for a prevalence of 853 per 100 000. Extensively drug-resistant TB was diagnosed in 1 staff member. The majority of cases (66%) were subclinical. TBI was detected in 930 of 5234 (18%) schoolchildren and 334 of 634 (53%) staff who completed testing. Children in boarding schools had a higher prevalence of TBI than children in day schools (915/5020 [18%] vs 15/371 [4%]; P < .01). Preventive therapy was provided to 799 of 888 (90%) schoolchildren and 101 of 332 (30%) staff with TBI; 857 (95%) people successfully completed therapy. Conclusions TB prevalence is extremely high among Tibetan schoolchildren. Effective active case finding and a high uptake and completion of preventive therapy for children were achieved. With leadership and community mobilization, TB control is implementable on a population level.
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Carpi, Estella, Sandy F. Chang, Kristy A. Belton, Katja Swider, Naluwembe Binaisa, Magdalena Kubal-Czerwińska und Jessie Blackbourn. „Book Reviews“. Migration and Society 2, Nr. 1 (01.06.2019): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2019.020113.
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THE MYTH OF SELFRELIANCE: Economic Lives Inside a Liberian Refugee Camp. Naohiko Omata. New York: Berghahn Books, 2017. 194 pages, ISBN 9781785335648 (hardback).DIASPORA’S HOMELAND: Modern China in the Age of Global Migration. Shelly Chan. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018. 280 pages, ISBN 9780822370420 (hardback), 9780822370543 (paperback).NONCITIZENISM: Recognising Noncitizen Capabilities in a World of Citizens. Tendayi Bloom. New York: Routledge, 2018. 222 pages, ISBN 9781138049185 (hardback).PROTECTING STATELESS PERSONS: The Implementation of the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons across EU States. Katia Bianchini. Brill Nijhof: Leiden, 2018. 382 pages, ISBN 9789004362901 (hardback).HOPE AND UNCERTAINTY IN CONTEMPORARY AFRICAN MIGRATION. Nauja Kleist, and Thorsen Dorte, eds. New York: Routledge, 2017. 200 pages, ISBN 9781138961210 (hardback).THE IMPACT OF MIGRATION ON POLAND: EU Mobility and Social Change. Anne White, Izabela Grabowska, Paweł Kaczmarczyk, and Krystyna Slany. London: UCL University Press, 2018. 276 pages, ISBN 9781787350687 (open access PDF).UNLEASHING THE FORCE OF LAW: Legal Mobilization, National Security, and Basic Freedoms. Devyani Prabhat. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. 225 pages, ISBN 9781137455741 (hardback), ISBN 9781349928118 (paperback).
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Nassour, Sahar, Gladys Honein-AbouHaidar, Stephen Kodish und Lamis Jomaa. „Cash Plus Social and Behavioral Change Communication Approaches to Improve Food Security: Findings From Formative Research With Syrian Refugees in Lebanon“. Current Developments in Nutrition 5, Supplement_2 (Juni 2021): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdn/nzab035_074.
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Abstract Objectives This study aimed to complement existing cash transfer programs and at improving food security among Syrian refugees (SR) in Lebanon by (1) examining their food literacy and food purchasing behaviors and (2) developing a social and behavioral change communication (SBCC) strategy. Methods This qualitative study was conducted (Jan – Feb 2020) in two phases: Phase1 included 2 focus group discussions (FGD) among 21 SR women receiving cash assistance in Tyre, Lebanon to identify food literacy gaps and preferred health communication channels. In addition, in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants (KI) from international and non-governmental organizations working with SR; Phase 2 utilized qualitative findings for the development of a culturally-appropriate SBCC strategy to improve the food purchasing and healthy dietary behaviors of SR. Five months after phase 2, key findings were shared with KI through interviews in a form of ‘member checking’ to enhance data credibility and inform the interpretations of study findings in the context of COVID-19. An inductive approach to textual analysis was used to identify key themes and sub-themes for interpretation. Results Three major themes emerged from phase 1 data: Theme 1 reflected the highly precarious conditions of settlement camps that make it difficult for refugees to be food secure. Theme 2 suggested several determinants of food purchasing behaviors (limited nutrition knowledge, poor dietary habits contributing to sub-optimal dietary diversity, and limited exposure to nutrition education on food resource management and budgeting). Theme 3 revealed important nutrition education needs, as well as preferred channels to receive such information (e.g., group education, one-on-one counselling sessions, and WhatsApp-based messaging). Other communication channels suggested by KI, and that differed from those suggested by the refugee community in phase 1, included mass media campaigns and community mobilization. Conclusions Due to both environmental challenges and individual-level factors, SR living in Tyre, Lebanon were found to have poor dietary choices, thus an SBSS strategy tailored to their needs may help improve their food purchasing behaviors and alleviate their food insecurity levels. Funding Sources University Research Board grant at the American University of Beirut, Lebanon.
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Akcasu, A. Ebru. „Migrants to Citizens: An Evaluation of the Expansionist Features of Hamidian Ottomanism, 1876–1909“. Die Welt des Islams 56, Nr. 3-4 (28.11.2016): 388–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p06.
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Hamidian Ottomanism (1876–1906) evolved by official design into a nationalist ideology with expansionist ambitions. In analyzing established evaluations of self-legitimating Sunni-Ottoman exclusivist policies in reference to the regime’s interactions with domestic and potential (non-refugee, Muslim) migrants, it becomes evident that this formulation was not a singular narrative composed of two symbiotic components, but was instead bifurcated into distinct discourses. The merging of the two in the state’s dialogue with native, Sunni Muslims blurs the fact that the Hamidian state propa-gated Ottomanism in two spheres: territorial and extraterritorial (natural-born Sunni Ottomans were members both of the territorial nation and of the extraterritorial umma, and thus recipients of both discourses). The ‘Ottoman’ component of ‘Sunni-Ottoman’ exclusivism took precedence over territorial migrants. In the process of the state’s rationalization, the Nationality Law of 1869 had equalized access to membership; the generic Ottoman national was ethno-religiously neutral and did not have a race or creed. The utilization of divine appeal and caliphal authority was, instead, essential to extraterritorial Ottomanism, which prepared the government for immigration without necessarily soliciting it. When this Ottomanism did engender the mobilization and relocation of ideological adherents, however, in the final act of naturalization, national interest outranked all other allegiances, thus exposing ‘Ottomanism’ as the sole ‘exclusivity’ enforced by the Hamidian regime in the rational, domestic field.
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Dandachi, Iman, Eid Azar, Ramzi Hamouch, Peter Maliha, Samah Abdallah, Elie Kanaan, Rebecca Badawi, Tamara Khairallah, Ghassan M. Matar und Ziad Daoud. „Acinetobacter spp in a Third World Country with Socio-economic and Immigrants Challenges“. Journal of Infection in Developing Countries 13, Nr. 11 (30.11.2019): 948–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3855/jidc.11341.
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Introduction: In the last decade, Acinetobacter species have taken a major public health concern. This is mainly due the increased resistance to a wide range of antibiotics causing treatment challenges. In view of the constant population mobilization and the economic crisis that Lebanon is currently facing, it becomes a necessity to re-evaluate the real threat of Acinetobacter spp and its implication in the one health.
Methodology: This review was conducted through the analysis of 45 research papers and reports pertaining to Acinetobacter spp performed in Lebanon. More than 82% of the papers consulted were published in international journals and more than 70 percent of them had received impact factor.
Results: An in depth description of the involvement of this organism in human infection and its role as potential pathogen or simple colonizer was performed. In addition, the different aspects of resistance, mostly to carbapenems and colistin was studied and summarized. While in animals and environment, susceptible strains were mostly isolated, OXA-23/OXA-24 were predominant in humans. Recently, NDM-1 producing Acinetobacter spp was detected in a Syrian refugee which then was reported in Lebanese patients. The bacterial identification procedures are non-systematic and not always reliable in the Lebanese studies presenting sometimes discrepancies an inconsistency.
Conclusion: Acinetobacter is commonly isolated Lebanon. In view of the spread of resistance among these isolated and their dissemination, Infection control measures attempting to control the spread of this genus in and outside hospitals are lacking and thus require more attention and stewardship activities.
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Kleres, Jochen. „Feeling the Refugee Crisis: Civic Mobilizations in Germany“. MONDI MIGRANTI, Nr. 3 (Januar 2018): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mm2017-003007.
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Haer, Roos, und Tobias Hecker. „Recruiting Refugees for Militarization: The Determinants of Mobilization Attempts“. Journal of Refugee Studies 32, Nr. 1 (17.04.2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fey002.
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Hammond, John L. „War-Uprooting and the Political Mobilization of Central American Refugees“. Journal of Refugee Studies 6, Nr. 2 (1993): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/6.2.105.
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Khoury, Rana B. „Aiding Activism? Humanitarianism’s Impacts on Mobilized Syrian Refugees in Jordan“. Middle East Law and Governance 9, Nr. 3 (11.11.2017): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00903001.
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A common narrative of the Syrian conflict suggests that it began with a grassroots uprising and devolved into a violent war between armed actors, leaving civilians to become victims or warriors. A more careful consideration of developments in and around Syria uncovers evidence of continued unarmed mobilization among civilians. Indeed, refugees in neighboring countries like Jordan are deeply engaged in humanitarian, developmental, and political endeavors. In this study, qualitative research and a unique survey together demonstrate that Syrians in Jordan have engaged in abundant activism on behalf of the Syrian cause. Still, the overwhelming militarism and humanitarianism that have characterized the Syrian crisis have had their impacts: activist organization is constricted and configured by security imperatives and, paradoxically, by the aid regime assisting civilians in the conflict. In turn, activism has evolved from grassroots mobilization to a formal and aid-based response to a humanitarian crisis.
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Lindemann, Stefan, und Andreas Wimmer. „Repression and refuge“. Journal of Peace Research 55, Nr. 3 (07.03.2018): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317747337.
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This article asks why ethnic exclusion from executive-level state power leads to armed conflict in some cases but not in others. To resolve this puzzle, it focuses on the possible role of five additional, qualitatively coded factors that have been considered by either grievance or opportunity theories of civil war but for which quantitative data are not readily available. To assess the combined relevance of these factors, the authors use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to explore the diverging conflict trajectories of 58 ‘most similar’ ethnic groups. These groups have a uniformly high conflict propensity because they are politically excluded, situated in poor countries, live geographically concentrated, and comprise substantial parts of the population; yet, only 25 of them actually experienced violent conflict. The results show that the resentment created by ethno-political exclusion translates into violent conflict if the state reacts against initial protests and mobilization with indiscriminate violence, and if there is a refuge area either within or outside the country that allows regime opponents to organize armed resistance. Moreover, a more processual analysis of conflict dynamics reveals that the conditions conducive to ethnic rebellion appear in a particular temporal sequence with a clear and universal escalation pattern.
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Frisina, Annalisa, und Stefania Muresu. „Ten Years of Participatory Cinema as a Form of Political Solidarity with Refugees in Italy. From ZaLab and Archivio Memorie Migranti to 4CaniperStrada“. Arts 7, Nr. 4 (06.12.2018): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts7040101.
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This paper introduces the context of European mobilizations for and against refugees and how participatory cinema has become a way of expressing political solidarity with refugees in Italy. We present and discuss ten years of the artistic work of ZaLab and Archivio Memorie Migranti and focus on two film projects of 4CaniperStrada. Central to the production of participatory cinema in Italy is challenging the mainstream narrative of migration through the proactive involvement of asylum seekers, with their political subjectivity, by using a self-narrative method.
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Mešić, Nedžad, Magnus Dahlstedt, Andreas Fejes und Sofia Nyström. „Use-Values for Inclusion: Mobilizing Resources in Popular Education for Newly Arrived Refugees in Sweden“. Social Inclusion 7, Nr. 2 (27.06.2019): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.1971.
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In times of market reforms and international migration, the Swedish welfare model has been seriously challenged. In the context of the arrival of refugees in 2015–2017, the state turned to civil society in facing up to the challenges. In this article, we direct our attention to the Workers’ Educational Association’s (ABF) state-funded work with refugees, with a specific focus on the activities conducted, the resources making them possible and the use-value of the resources mobilised. The article is based on observations and interviews with study circle leaders, managers and asylum seekers. The analysis illustrates that ABF, in line with its historical legacy, the broader workers’ movement, the strong notion of popular education as ‘free and voluntary’, has, with its well-established connections throughout the country, not solely taken on the task defined by the state. In solidarity, ABF has also responded to the needs of the refugees. As highlighted in the analysis, ABF has mobilized a wide range of resources, not least providing refugees with social networks and help in contacting the authorities. With such mobilization, opportunities were provided for the inclusion of refugees in Sweden.
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Dragojević, Mila. „Memory and identity: intergenerational narratives of violence among refugees in Serbia“. Nationalities Papers 41, Nr. 6 (November 2013): 1065–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801415.
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This article examines the role of the intergenerational memory of the Second World War (WWII) in identity formation and political mobilization. An existing explanation in the ethnic-conflict literature is that strategic political leaders play a crucial role in constructing and mobilizing ethnic identities. However, based on 114 open-ended interviews with individuals born in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia, conducted in Serbia during 2008–2011, nearly a third of the respondents make spontaneous references to WWII in their statements, usually drawing parallels between the cycle of violence in the 1990s and that in the 1940s. The question this article asks, then, is why some respondents make references to WWII spontaneously while others do not. It is argued that intergenerational narratives of past cycles of violence also constitute a process of identity formation, in addition to, or apart from, other processes of identity formation. The respondents mention WWII violence in the context of the 1990s events because they “recognize” elements, such as symbols, discourse or patterns of violence, similar to those in the intergenerational narratives and interpret them as warning signs. Hence, individuals who had previously been exposed to intergenerational narratives may be subsequently more susceptible to political mobilization efforts.
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Gottvall, Maria, Sara Sjölund, Charlotta Arwidson und Fredrik Saboonchi. „Health-related quality of life among Syrian refugees resettled in Sweden“. Quality of Life Research 29, Nr. 2 (15.10.2019): 505–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11136-019-02323-5.
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Abstract Purpose The main purpose of this study was to assess health-related quality of life (HRQoL) among Syrian refugees resettled in Sweden. Further, we wanted to investigate whether sex, age, education, area of residence, cohabitation and social support were associated with HRQoL in this population. Methods This is a cross-sectional study including 1215 Syrian refugees from a randomly selected sample frame resettled in Sweden between the years 2011 and 2013. HRQoL was measured by the EQ-5D-5L descriptive system, and EQ-5D-5L index values were calculated. Associations between sex, age, education, area of residence, cohabitation, social support and EQ-5D-5L were investigated using multiple linear regression analysis. Results Depression/anxiety was the most commonly (61.9%) reported EQ-5D-5L problem among the group of Syrian refugees. The mean EQ-5D-5L index value was found to be 0.754. Male sex, younger age, cohabitation and social support were found associated with a higher EQ-5D-5L index score. Conclusions Our results concerning long-lasting health problems among the study population indicate that there is a profound need for policies and interventions promoting refugees’ health. Our results also show that social support, a modifiable factor, is relevant to refugees’ overall health, pointing to the importance of public health interventions and policies targeting the facilitation, mobilization and enhancing of refugees’ social support.
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Salamah, Salim. „The Unacknowledged Syrians: Mobilization of Palestinian Refugees of Yarmouk in the Syrian Revolution“. Confluences Méditerranée N° 99, Nr. 4 (2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.099.0047.
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Al-Harithy, Howayda, Abir Eltayeb und Ali Khodr. „Hosting Syrian Refugees in Saida (Lebanon) Under Protracted Displacement: Unfolding Spatial and Social Exclusion“. International Journal of Islamic Architecture 10, Nr. 2 (01.07.2021): 413–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijia_00050_1.
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Lebanon has witnessed multiple waves of displaced peoples throughout its recent history, including the displacement of Palestinians to Lebanon after the occupation of Palestine in 1948, the internal displacement of families from occupied Southern Lebanon after the Israeli invasion of 1978, and the influx of Syrian refugees after the outbreak of the Syrian crisis in 2011. Many Syrian families had to reconstitute their lives in Lebanon because of the crisis in their country, often in tented and informal settlements or in overpopulated or even abandoned buildings. This article focuses on the process of hosting Syrian refugees in Saida in Southern Lebanon after 2011. It explores service provisions and the two dominant types of housing for Syrian refugees: collective shelters and single apartments within local neighbourhoods. The article argues that mechanisms of exclusion emerge with intensity in cities like Saida that have received and accommodated multiple waves of displacement. Such mechanisms of exclusion in Saida are politically attuned to the historical depth of the hosting experience and emerge at multiple levels, both social and spatial. This is despite Saida’s mobilization to provide aid, and its departure from housing refugees in camps, which is based on a model of containment, and its move toward housing refugees across the urban landscape, which is based on a model of disbursement.
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Quinsaat, Sharon Madriaga. „LINKAGES AND STRATEGIES IN FILIPINO DIASPORA MOBILIZATION FOR REGIME CHANGE*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, Nr. 2 (01.06.2019): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-2-221.
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Over the last century, the activities of migrants and refugees have been crucial in homeland democratization. How does the relationship between the homeland and hostland shape their strategies? Comparing the activism of Filipinos in the U.S. and in the Netherlands from 1972–1982 against the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, this study shows that linkage influences the demands, arenas, and tactics of movement actors. Analysis of archival and interview data shows that activists in the U.S. pursued foreign policy lobbying due to strong linkage between the U.S. and the Philippines, which provided activists an accessible institutional target, channel, and resources for their claims making. In contrast, through transnational advocacy networks, Filipinos in the Netherlands engaged in naming and shaming in nongovernment tribunal due to weak Dutch-Philippine state relations. The article considers the relationship between two polities and societies as a shifting transnational field of relations that shapes the agency of actors in cross-border activism.
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Milner, Neal. „The Right to Refuse Treatment: Four Case Studies of Legal Mobilization“. Law & Society Review 21, Nr. 3 (1987): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3053378.
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Alcalde Villacampa, Javier, und Martín Portos García. „Stop Mare Mortum y el movimiento de solidaridad con las personas refugiadas en Barcelona“. Empiria. Revista de metodología de ciencias sociales, Nr. 52 (01.09.2021): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/empiria.52.2021.31368.
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Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia la evolución de las redes activistas locales. Buscando arrojar luz sobre las dinámicas de meso-movilización, analizamos la plataforma Stop Mare Mortum (SMM). Con un alto nivel de politización y centrándose en las personas refugiadas en tránsito, esta iniciativa nacida de una pequeña red de círculos activistas creció hasta convertirse en una plataforma paraguas con gran capacidad para coordinar iniciativas de la sociedad civil. Junto con una combinación única de emociones y marcos de movilización, la habilidad de SMM para adaptar sus estrategias, repertorios de acción y estructuras organizativas a un contexto cambiante explican su capacidad de movilización y el carácter transversal de sus bases. The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM’s ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency.
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Chan, Shelly. „The Disobedient Diaspora: Overseas Chinese Students in Mao’s China, 1958-66不歸順的流散者: 僑生在毛澤東時代中國 (1958-66)“. Journal of Chinese Overseas 10, Nr. 2 (26.11.2014): 220–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341282.
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Between 1950 and 1966, about 60,000 overseas Chinese youth, officially known as qiaosheng, entered the People’s Republic of China (prc) as students and refugees from Southeast Asia. In the state archival record, qiaosheng appeared collectively “disobedient” to socialism, first cast as “capitalist” during the Great Leap Forward (1958-60) and later as a “two-faced” threat during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Not to be taken as face value, their supposed “disobedience” illustrated the broad and complex challenges that the diaspora posed to Mao’s China. Even as the Party-state valued the mobilization of overseas Chinese resources, a combination of massive inflows of refugees from abroad and radical transformation at home produced many conflicts over qiaosheng across the 1950s and 1960s. Thus, the narrative of “disobedience” revealed not only an unstable relationship between China and the diaspora, but also how the diaspora functioned as a key site whereby differences between socialism and capitalism were worked out.
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Togia, Athanasia, Theodoros N. Sergentanis, Michael Sindos, Dimitrios Ntourakis, Evangelos Doumouchtsis, Ioannis N. Sergentanis, Constantinos Bachtis, Demetrios Pyrros und Nikolaos Papaefstathiou. „Drug Abuse-Related Emergency Calls: A Metropolis-Wide Study“. Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 23, Nr. 1 (Februar 2008): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00005537.
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AbstractIntroduction:Drug abuse is an important sociomedical problem in large metropolitan areas. Drug addicts represent a group with particularities, since they hesitate to seek medical care and often refuse hospitalization. Therefore, there is a scarcity of data on drug abuse-related calls. The burden imposed by such calls on emergency health services has not been evaluated in detail.Objectives:The objectives of this study are to: (1) assess the profile of drug abuse-related calls in a large European metropolis, including the spatiotemporal distribution, as well as the frequency and variability of cancellations; and (2) evaluate the mobilization of emergency prehospital care services in response to the calls.Methods:In 2005, the Hellenic National Centre for Emergency Care received 5,836 emergency drug abuse-related calls pertaining to the metropolitan area of Athens, Greece. The analysis focused on: (1) spatiotemporal features of calls/cases; (2) step-by-step cancellation rates in the mobilization of ambulances or other means (mobile intensive care units, specially equipped motorcycles, and super-mini city cars); and (3) response time of the mobilized means. Pearson's chi-square, goodness-of-fit chi-square, and the Kruskal-Wallis tests were used as appropriate.Results:Drug abuse-related calls represented 2% of all emergency calls. Only one-third of these cases were transported to the Accident and Emergency Departments of area hospitals. A total of 9% of the calls were cancelled before transportation arrived; another 20% of victims could not be found when authorities arrived on-scene, and 36% of patients refused transport to the hospital. The cancellation rate is significantly higher in the evening and at night, as well as in summer and autumn. The major burden is imposed on the municipality of Athens (67% of all calls).Conclusions:Drug abuse-related calls represent a significant load for emergency medical services in metropolitan Athens. However, a relatively small percentage of the drug addicts finally are transported to the hospital. Appropriately equipped motorcycles seem to be an effective means for the prehospital management of drug-abuse cases.
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Pohland, F. G., und J. P. Gould. „Co-Disposal of Municipal Refuse and Industrial Waste Sludge in Landfills“. Water Science and Technology 18, Nr. 12 (01.12.1986): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1986.0173.
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The results of a 2-year pilot-scale investigation on the codisposal of heavy metal sludge with municipal refuse, under the influence of leachate containment and recycle, are used to illustrate and describe the effects of various metal loadings on the normal progress of waste stabilization and to assess associated assimulative capacity. Evidence of metal precipitation as sulfides or hydroxides and subsequent removal by filtration and sorption in the refuse mass was demonstrated. Conversely, the mobilization of heavy metals was shown to be enhanced by complexation with humic-like substances which also tended to reduce overall toxic effects. Whereas, high heavy metal loadings exhibited a clear inhibitory effect, a definite capacity for assimilation and acclimation at low to moderate levels was established.
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Debata, Mahesh, und Robert Tian. „A Cultural Rights Approach vs. Nationalist Mobilization: An Applied Anthropological Case Study of the Uyghur Diaspora Community“. Practicing Anthropology 33, Nr. 4 (01.09.2011): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.33.4.aj10000400566154.
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We discuss the political activities of a population of Uyghur migrants in the United States who are mainly political refugees. Our interest in this topic was triggered by the activities of Uyghur diaspora organizations over the past decade, and the Chinese government's accusations that some Uyghur overseas organizations are terrorist organizations (Mackerras 2004, Shichor 2007, Tian 2004). We have been involved with different communities at various times between 2004 and 2008. Data collected for this study were gathered through participant observation, personal interviews, local newspapers and online discussion groups. We interviewed a random sample of 25 informants from different regions. We also participated in organizational meetings and community parties. Due to the sensitive nature of the study, all the Uyghur informants' names are pseudonyms. Our aim is to raise awareness and share with other applied anthropologists what we have learned about avoiding the unnecessary misuse of resources.
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Witteborn, Saskia. „Identity Mobilization Practices of Refugees: The Case of Iraqis in the United States and the War in Iraq“. Journal of International and Intercultural Communication 1, Nr. 3 (August 2008): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17513050802101781.
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Millns, Susan, und Charlotte Skeet. „Gender Equality and Legal Mobilization in the United Kingdom: Using Rights for Lobbying, Litigation, Defense, and Attack“. Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 28, Nr. 02 (26.06.2013): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2013.20.
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Abstract This article analyzes women’s contemporary use of rights to mobilize and pursue claims for gender equality and gender justice in the United Kingdom. Empirically, the paper explores the growth of rights discourse and activity against the backdrop of a stronger constitutionalization of women’s rights at national, European, and international levels. It does this through an exploration of individual and collective lobbying and litigation strategies in relation to violence against women. The paper first examines this in the context of the right to bodily integrity through examples of the ways in which sexual violence and domestic abuse are addressed within the criminal justice system. The paper then addresses the right to be free from violence for women seeking refuge and asylum. The research reveals the need for varied strategies that target all aspects of the legal and political systems in order to ameliorate the protection and implementation of women’s rights.