Dissertationen zum Thema „Rape – united states – public opinion“
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MACGREGOR, JANET CATHERINE BROOKFIELD. „COLLEGE STUDENTS' ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE: A COMPARISON OF NEW ZEALAND AND THE UNITED STATES“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184216.
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This cross-cultural study used the "Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Survey" (ARVS), designed by Ward (1984), to examine the attitudes of college students in New Zealand and the United States. The instrument (ARVS) is the first of its kind to test for victim blame, and the first to be limited to the assessment of attitudes toward the rape victim specifically. Subjects were 205 students from the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, and 508 students from the University of Arizona, Tucson. The survey responses were analyzed to determine cultural differences in attitudes, according to gender and age. Findings would suggest that the United States students were more sympathetic toward the rape victim, less likely to believe traditional rape myths, and more ready to assign male responsibility for the assault than were New Zealand students. New Zealand women appeared less aware of the implications of sexual assault than both United States men and women, and New Zealand men. New Zealand men demonstrated greater awareness than United States men. Older students in both countries tended to be more conservative in their responses than were the younger students. Although there was a significant cultural difference according to age and gender, scores were consistently low for each sample, indicating a general acceptance of traditional rape myths and a continuing tendency to assign to women the responsibility for sexual assault. Several conclusions were drawn from the data analysis. There is a significant cultural difference in attitudes toward the female victim of rape, between New Zealand and United States college students, according to age and gender. However, both cultures retain a strong belief in traditional rape myths. Responses to the ARVS seem to support the views of current theorists: that attitudes toward rape and incidence of rape are culturally predisposed by factors such as domination and aggression in men, passivity and submission in women, fear of the "feminine," and stereotypic sex roles. It is recommended that more research be undertaken on cross-cultural attitudes toward rape victims.
2
Farris, Lily. „Strangers inside our gates: public opinion towards immigration in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/342.
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Using 2005 data from Gallup public opinion surveys on attitudes toward immigration policy in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom this study explores the factors that impact attitudes. Additional analysis is conducted on the United States exploring how economic, political and associative measures impact attitudes.
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Plesa, Claudia. „Race, Ethnicity and Attitudes Toward Same-Sex Unions in the United States“. PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/242.
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Recent political and cultural trends have led to an evaluation of the meaning of marriage within American society, and especially marriage as it concerns couples of the same sex. However, little research has been done to find out how attitudes toward same-sex marriage might vary according to race and ethnicity. Drawing on data from the 2004 National Politics Study, the author investigates same-sex marriage attitudes and tests hypotheses concerning the attitudes of various American race-ethnic groups. This study employs multinomial logistic regression analysis to compare attitudes of African Americans, Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites. Results indicate that even when socio demographic factors such as education and gender are controlled for, ethnic groups still differ in their attitudes toward this topic. Analyses also indicate that the relationship between race/ethnicity and attitudes toward same-sex unions does not vary by gender and that foreign birth explains the relationship between Hispanic ethnicity and attitudes toward same-sex marriage.
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Look, Christine T. „White racial identity : its relationship to cognitive complexity and interracial contact“. Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063213.
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This study was conducted in two parts. In the first part, two assumptions presented in Janet Helms' White Racial Identity (WRI) development model (1990) were tested. First, Helms theorized that one's stage of WRI development is positively related to increased cognitive complexity achievement and suggests that later stages require greater complexity. A second assumption of Helms' theory was that continued interracial contact is essential for advancement in WRI stage development. Part one of this study examined the relationship of cognitive complexity and interracial contact (both formal and informal) to WRI, and the relationship between cognitive complexity and interracial contact as they relate to WRI.Part two of this study consisted of a factor analysis of Helms' WRI measure followed by a second set of analyses examining the relationship between the new obtained factors with contact and cognitive complexity. This analysis allowed a comparison to be made between Helms' 5 WRI stages and the obtained factor solution from the factor analysis. It also allowed a comparison of the relationship between the stages and cognitive complexity and contact and the obtained factor solution and these same variables.Three hundred and sixty eight White undergraduates completed Helms' White Racial Identity Attitude Scale, a 4 x 6 Repertory Grid, measuring cognitive complexity in social settings, and an interracial contact measure, including a measure of both formal and informal types of contact. Results of part one of the analyses indicated that neither cognitive complexity nor cognitive complexity x contact were significantly related to WRI scores. However, contact was significantly related to WRI scores. WRI stage two was positively related and WRI stage four was negatively related to scores on formal contact. Stage 4 was negatively related and stages 2 and 3 were positively related to scores on informal contact.The results of part two indicated again that neither cognitive complexity nor cognitive complexity x contact were significantly related to the obtained WRI factors. However, contact once again was significant. The factor analysis produced a 5 factor solution that while similar in theme and number to the 5 stages, nonetheless indicated a different relationship with contact scores than the stages did. Factor 3 (representing stage 4) was positively related and factor 4 (representing stages 2 and 3) was negatively related to formal contact scores. However, factor 3 (representing stage 4) was positively related and factor 4 (representing stages 2 and 3) were negatively related to scores on informal contact. There were discrepancies across the two parts of the study as to the stages and direction of the relationships between interracial contact (formal and informal) and WRI scores. Some of these results were in opposite directions than either the theory or study expected.These discrepancies are dealt with in chapter 5.Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services
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Roach, John O. „Beliefs about racial differences : a converging methods, with subjects approach“. Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/30948.
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Landroche, Tina Michele. „Chinese women as cultural participants and symbols in nineteenth century America“. PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4291.
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Chinese female immigrants were active cultural contributors and participants in nineteenth century America, yet Americans often simplified their roles into crude stereotypes and media symbols. The early western accounts concerning females in China created the fundamental images that were the basis of the later stereotypes of women immigrants. The fact that a majority of the period's Chinese female immigrants became prostitutes fueled anti-Chinese feelings. This thesis investigates the general existence of Chinese prostitutes in nineteenth century America and how they were portrayed in the media. American attitudes toward white women and their images of Chinese women created the stereotype of all Chinese female immigrants as immoral. Thus, they became unconscious pawns of nineteenth century American nativist forces wanting to limit and prevent Chinese immigration based on prejudicial and racist attitudes.
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Dumas, James M. „The race for Muslim hearts and minds : a social movement analysis of the U.S. war on terror and popular support in the Muslim world“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/993.
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According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes. Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world. To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.
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Mayer, Michael Allan. „Canadian public opinion and free trade“. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28161.
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This thesis begins with a review of the elite debate over free trade with the United States. It then uses a three-fold theoretical framework to formulate predictions of how mass opinion should line up. It then analyzes public opinion data on free trade through the use of crosstabulations.
Using a theory of changing exposure to international trade upon domestic political cleavages formulated by Ronald Rogowski, it predicts that labour will oppose free trade because it is a scarce factor of production, and capital will support it because it is an abundant factor of production.
It next uses work by, among others, W.A. Mackintosh to predict that respondents in the "industrial heartland" regions of Canada--Quebec and Ontario--will oppose free trade because it threatens to remove the protective tariff that rewards import replacement industries concentrated in
those two regions. In contrast, residents of the "resource extracting and processing hinterland" regions—British
Columbia, the Prairies and the Atlantic—will, on balance,
support free trade because it promises to improve their
export performance.
The thesis then predicts that women and lower income
Canadians will oppose free trade. Women because many of the
services that they consume—health and day care, for
example—will become more difficult to obtain under a free trade regime. Women will also oppose free trade because it may be threaten the service sector jobs that many women now hold. Lower income Canadians should oppose free trade because of the possible deleterious effects greater reliance on the market to allocate social services could have on poorer Canadians.
Finally, the thesis predicts that better-educated Canadians will oppose free trade because it threatens one of the "core-values" of Canadian society: independence from the United States.
Data analysis reveals, however, that opinion is remarkably balanced. For example, the difference between union and non-union respondents is only five percent. Regionally, the largest differences in support for free trade is between British Columbia and Ontario, but it amounts to little more than a twenty percent difference. Women are slightly more likely to oppose free trade than men; income appears to play little role in the formation of opinion on free trade. Last, differences in opinion between articulate and less well educated Canadians also appears to be insignificant.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Dugan, Joni Mari. „Assessing public opinion toward homelessness in the United States“. Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5076.
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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2007.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 62 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62).
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Scott, James R. „Review, analysis, and recommendations of the 1990-99 Annual Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Poll of the public's attitudes towards public schools top responses to the question "What do you think are the biggest problems facing public schools in your community?"“. Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1217415.
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Since their inception, public schools had been faced with inert problems. The purpose of this study was to discover what the American public believed were the biggest problems facing public schools from 1990-1999 and what education experts believed could be done to eliminate or lessen the problems. Data to discover what the public believed were the biggest problems facing public schools were derived from the Annual Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Polls of the Public's Attitudes Toward Public Schools (Poll) for that 10-year period. Possible solutions to those problems were examined and discussed based on the latest literature on identified topics.Based on the Poll data the public identified 46 problems facing public schools for this 10-year period. A group of 35 individuals sorted the 46 public school problems into categories they believed were similar with each other and these groupings were factor analyzed to determine coherent problem categories.The results of the factor analysis provided a list 16 problem areas for the 10-year (1990-1999) period as being the most prevalent. Potential solutions to these 16 problems were offered from four different areas: the schools, government, community and individual homes of the students. Some solutions to a particular problem were also mentioned as potential solutions to many of the other problems facing public schools.Suggestions for further study include replicating this study at the local level, analyzing each problem more thoroughly, and conducting further study of the factor analysis.Department of Educational Leadership
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Connors, Maureen E. „Vox populi the classical idiom in early American public opinion articles, 1789-1791 /“. Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3224.
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Thesis (M.A,)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Rosemarie Zagarri. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-115). Also issued in print.
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Thompson, John Mortimer. „The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.
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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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Anderson, Kathie Ann Ryckman. „From the population bomb to the birth dearth : the stages of acceptance of public opinion about changes in population“. Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077403.
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Arredondo, Christina Marlene. „The affects [sic] of behavior on celebrity image“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2627.
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Wyckoff, Christopher A. „The constraining dynamics of public opinion“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FWyckoff.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Jeffrey Knopf. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-146). Also available in print.
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Ortiz, Rosa Y. „Public misperceptions about undocumented immigrants in United States“. Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/12004.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work
Laszlo Kulcsar
Undocumented immigrants are an exploited and disenfranchised faction of society that garner counterfactual attitudes by the public. This study aims to dispel myths held among the public by contesting fiction with facts. First, I argue that media sources and misinformation have culpability in inciting the publics' misguided perceptions about undocumented immigrants. For example, the images propelled to viewers reproduce moral panics, stratification, subjugation, social injustice and the fallacious notion that Mexican‟s are representative of all Hispanic unauthorized immigrants. This thesis then examines the public opinion responses of participants from the CBS and New York Times monthly survey poll of May 2007, compared to academic and government sources on health care, terrorism, and economics. The analysis concludes that participants‟ responses reveal misconceptions on the usage of health care by undocumented immigrants; the threat of terrorism as a means to deny Hispanics citizenship; the economic impact of cost to benefit analysis of the undocumented; and that Mexicans are not representative of all undocumented immigrant groups.
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McCallister, Joe Michael. „A Public View of Adult Education“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331571/.
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In this study the public view of adult education in the United States was inferred from articles published in nationally distributed magazines. Two hundred twenty-eight articles from fifty-three non-professional magazines published in the United States from January 1,1970, through December 31, 1987, were reviewed. The articles were selected from those listed under "adult education," or cross referenced as "see also" under "adult education" in the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature. The research questions were: What concept of adult education appears in the print media? To what extent is this view congruent with professional views of adult education? Leisure learning and literacy programs were prevalent and available from a variety of sources. Adult illiteracy was reported as a national concern. Programs that were commonplace (basic education, general equivalency degree classes, job skills training, and industrial training) were reported less often than new or novel programs. Most articles were positive in tone, promoting adult education activities as useful, rewarding, and enjoyable experiences, but ignored adult education as a professional field. The public view as reflected in the articles was positive with programs available to adults of many levels of educational attainment. The public view was not congruent with professional writings. Group activities were more in evidence than self directed learning. Learners tended to be urban, educated, and Caucasian. Although few programs restricted participation because of age or gender there were discernible groups of aged people and women. Programs were usually sponsored by institutions of higher education and entrepreneurs, and rarely by public school systems, community organizations, or cultural groups. Program content reflected adult interest in self improvement and entertainment rather than professional growth. To refine an understanding of the public view, further research focusing on other information sources such as national and regional newspapers and the electronic media is needed, making it possible to compare the public view across various regions of the country.
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Adrian, Robin Leslie. „Trust in courtroom participants: A question of bias in prospective jurors“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/814.
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Lehman, Thomas E. „The politics of Christianity : an analysis and comparison of the economic and social views of the Christian right“. Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/897527.
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Studies have suggested that the Christian Right, composed largely of Protestant fundamentalists, is a political movement characterized by an extreme right-wing (conservative) ideological bias. The general assumption by students of religion and politics has been that the Christian Right reflects a consistently conservative position with regard to both economic and social policy issues. However, minimal quantitative research has been employed to lend substance to such theories. The goal of this study was to employ quantitative research data to determine the political biases and ideology of Protestant fundamentalists on bothChristian Right is indeed conservative on issues policy, but much less so (even somewhat liberal) on economic or social welfare policy.This study was conducted using survey data collected by the National Opinion Research Center, General Social Surveys (NORC). The Protestant respondents were separated from the non-Protestant respondents, and indexes were computed to reflect the composite scores of the Protestant respondents on issues of social policy and social welfare policy. Although the results were somewhat inconclusive with regard to social welfare issues, the findings generally supported the hypothesis: There is a statistically significant positive relationship between social policy conservatism and degree of Protestant fundamentalism, strong enough to be of theoretical importance. Conversely, there is, in some instances, a statistically significant positive relationship between support for social welfare and degree of Protestant fundamentalism. The prevailing theory that Protestant fundamentalists are economic conservatives was shown to be a questionable if not a false theory.The conclusion of the present study was that the Christian Right is acutely aware of and politically motivated by social policy issues, concerned that the fundamentalist's perception of the proper morality is carried out in public policy. The Protestant fundamentalist position on issues of social policy reflects a conservative ideological bias. The economic issues, however, are of much less importance to members of the Christian Right, and perhaps may be unrelated to any type of religious position or religious intensity. Where relationships were found to exist, the Christian Right was shown to be moderate or even liberal, reflecting some degree of support for government-provided social welfare programs, a position at variance with the general conservative political movement. Some speculations as to the dichotomy of the Christian Right as a conservative political movement are offered, and several reasons for this dichotomy between social and economic policy issues are offered in light of the religious beliefs held by Protestant fundamentalists.Department of Political Science
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Hirshberg, Matthew S. „Cold war cognition and culture in America /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10745.
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Birke, Chris. „Attitudes of public school superintendents toward student press freedom in states with and states without student press freedom laws“. Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137669.
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This study gauged how superintendents of six states view student press freedom. This study focused on two sets of superintendents. In one set, the superintendents were in states that had passed student freedom laws. The second set of superintendents were in states that had no freedom laws, meaning school administrators had the right to censor school publications. The data strongly suggests that superintendents in states with freedom laws were less likely to favor censorship. However, both sets of superintendents appeared to favor administrative control.Department of Journalism
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McElmurry, Kevin L. „Perceptions of moral decline in Middletown“. Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1124880.
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This study employs a modernization framework to advance the idea that there are three types of morality coexisting in contemporary America. These three types are traditional, modern, and late-modern. Data from the 1998 Middletown Area Survey are examined to test the hypothesis that individuals with higher levels of formal education will tend to characterize "moral decline" in more modern or late-modern terms. The relationship between religious affiliation and characterization of moral decline is also examined. Findings include support for all three types of morality. Education does not directly relate to more modern notions of morality. However it does decrease support for traditional ideas about moral decline. Religious affiliation strongly predicts traditional morality. An expansion of the concept of the late-modern morality is suggested based on the measure's unexpected relationship with issues such as abortion and homosexuality.Department of Sociology
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McIntyre, Chris 1964. „Immigration Beliefs and Attitudes: A Test of the Group Conflict Model in the United States and Canada“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277841/.
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This study develops and tests a group conflict model as an explanation for international immigration beliefs in the United States and Canada. Group conflict is structured by evaluations concerning group relationships and group members. At a conceptual level group conflict explains a broad range of policy beliefs among a large number of actors in multiple settings. Group conflict embodies attitudes relating to objective-based conditions and subjective-based beliefs.
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Moti, Danish Saleem. „The Dichotomy of Congressional Approval“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30496/.
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This thesis seeks to understand how political awareness affects what information one uses to indicate their approval or disapproval of Congress and its members. More concisely, do more and less aware individuals rely on the same pieces of political information to mold their opinions of Congress? The second question of concern is what role does media consumption play in informing survey respondents about Congress. Third, I consider how survey respondents use cues like the condition of the economy and presidential job performance to help formulate their opinion of Congress Finally, by applying the Congressional approval literature to incumbent level approval, I seek to advance the theory and literature on what motivates the approval of incumbents.
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Bélanger, Damien-Claude 1976. „Pride and prejudice : Canadian intellectuals confront the United States, 1891-1945“. Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100320.
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This study compares how English and French Canadian intellectuals viewed American society from 1891 to 1945. During the period under study, the Dominion experienced accelerated industrialization and urbanization, massive immigration, technological change, and the rise of mass culture. To the nation's intellectuals, many of these changes found their source and their very embodiment in the United States. America, it was argued, was the quintessence of modernity, having embraced, among other things, secularism, democracy, mass culture, and industrial capitalism.In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Canadian hostility to the United States and continental integration was expressed in two conservative discourses: that of English Canadian imperialism and French Canadian nationalism. Despite their fundamental divergence on the national question; both imperialists and nationalistes shared an essentially antimodern outlook, and anti-Americanism was their logical point of convergence.
By contrast, the most passionate Canadian defenders of American society could be found among liberal and socialist intellectuals like F. R. Scott and Jean-Charles Harvey. They saw continental integration and Canadian-American convergence as both inevitable and desirable. Intellectual continentalism reached its summit of influence during the 1930s and 1940s.
The present study is based on the analysis of some 520 texts found essentially in the era's periodical literature. Each, at least in part, explores some aspect of American life or of the relationship between Canada and the United States. Unlike most previous scholarship, which has tended to view anti-American sentiment merely as an expression of Canadian nationalism, this study is more concerned with Canadian intellectuals as thinkers on the left, the right, and the centre.
The comparative, pan-Canadian nature of this study reveals that English and French Canadian intellectuals shared common preoccupations with respect to the United States. However, the tone and emphasis of their commentary often differed. In English Canada, where political institutions and the imperial bond were viewed as the mainstays of Canadian distinctiveness, writing on the United States tended to deal primarily with political and diplomatic issues, in Quebec, where political institutions were not generally viewed as vital elements of national distinctiveness, social and cultural affairs dominated writing on the United States.
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Shortle, Allyson F. „Threatened American Identity and Hostile Immigration Attitudes in the United States“. The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1339696609.
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Brown, Jessica. „Islam, the United States and multiple identities an analysis of determinants of Muslim public opinion of the United States and its implications for U.S. public diplomacy /“. Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/647203454/viewonline.
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Hanpongpandh, Peeraya. „A comparison of perceptions of public relations, marketing, and advertising educators toward integrated marketing communications“. Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917012.
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This thesis sought to answer the research question: How do the top educators in the area of public relations, marketing, and advertising perceive the concept of integrated marketing communications as compared to one another?The mail survey applying Q methodology was sent to 15 top educators in each of the three fields in the United States for a total sample of 45 educators. A total of twenty-five responses were returned representing 55.5 percent of the sample. When the respondents were analyzed by discipline, there were eight responses from the pubic relations educators, nine from the marketing educators, and eight from the advertising educators. As a result the responses from each disciplines comprised, respectively, 53.3 percent, 60 percent, and 53.33 percent of the total sample.The statements in Q-Sorting were collected from the review of literature and in interviews with the Ball State University advertising, and public relations professors. Each statement either agreed or disagreed with the perception of integrated marketing communications. Each educator was asked to indicate how strongly they agreed or disagreed with each statement.A computer program developed for Q-Methodology studies was used to extract the factors from the educators' responses. After the Q-Sorts were tabulated, the researcher identified two factors, Factor I, and Factor II. The majority of Factor I respondents were the marketing, and advertising educators. The majority of Factor II respondents were public relations educators.The researcher concluded that these two groups had clearly different attitudes toward IMC. Stated in another way, marketing educators and advertising educators had similar perceptions of IMC, while public relations educators perceived the IMC concept very differently. Public relations educators indicated that the concept of IMC would be acceptable if it should be viewed as a total organizational communications function.Department of Journalism
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McPherson, Donald R. „How do federal programs coordinators navigate under No Child Left Behind? a case study of Alabama /“. Birmingham, Ala. : University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2008. https://www.mhsl.uab.edu/dt/2008p/mcpherson.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2008.Additional advisors: Martha Barber, Margaret Rice, William Boyd Rogan, Foster Watkins. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 8, 2008; title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-143).
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Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. „This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903“. Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.
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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
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Graham, Stephen W. „A role analysis of opinion leaders, adopters, and communicative adopters with a dynamically continuous innovation“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1027.
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Huso, Deborah Rae. „"I Claim Not to have Controlled Events": Abraham Lincoln and the Manipulation of Public Opinion in the Secession Crisis“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626087.
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Ault, Michael E. „Presidential Support and the Political Use of Presidential Capital“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277874/.
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This research incorporates a decision-making theory which defines the linkage between the public, the media, the president and the Congress. Specifically, I argue that the public holds widely shared domestic and international goals and responds to a number of external cues provided by the president and the media in its evaluation of presidential policies. Although most studies examine overall presidential popularity, there are important differences in the public's evaluations of the president's handling of foreign and domestic policies. Additionally, I am concerned with how the Congress responds to these specific policy evaluations, the president's public activities, and the electoral policy
goals of its members when determining whether or not to support the president. Finally, I link together the theoretical assumptions, to examine the influence of varying levels of support among the Congress and the public, and the president's own personal power goals on the type, quantity, and the quality of activities the president will choose. Ultimately, the primary focus of this dissertation is on the sources and consequences of presidential support and the influence of such support on presidential decision-making.
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Elfe, Constantin. „Die deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen die Entstehung des Antiamerikanismus durch Aufhebung der eigenen Probleme /“. Berlin : [s.n.], 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37445131.html.
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Dunlop, Samuel Everett Christian. „Exploring Connections Between Efforts to Restrict Same-Sex Marriage and Surging Public Opinion Support for Same-Sex Marriage Rights: Could Efforts to Restrict Gay Rights Help to Explain Increases in Public Opinion Support for Same-Sex Marriage?“ PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1785.
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Scholarly research on the subject of the swift pace of change in support for same-sex marriage has evolved significantly over the last ten years. The shift has gone beyond the scholarship's initial description amongst demographic groups on how opinion has changed on gay rights issues, like same-sex marriage, to an examination of why the change has occurred. A great deal of the initial research on the topic seemed to focus on demographic traits that suggested a greater propensity toward support for same-sex marriage as time went on. Is the existent literature sufficient to explain why such a dramatic change in public opinion has occurred in the United States? My goal in this paper is to explore the plausibility that electoral events and the public dialogue/debate that surround them have accelerated the impact described in the four predominant theories, cohort succession, contact theory, intracohort theory, and media exposure.
This paper includes three separate hypotheses to explore the possible connections between efforts to restrict gay rights at the ballot box and the ever-increasing support for same-sex marriage in public opinion polls. The results provide some preliminary indication that there are plausible connections between individual statewide efforts to restrict gay rights and increases in national public opinion support for same-sex marriage.
The first analysis examines electoral events concerning gay rights in states where these issues have faced voters most frequently; California, Maine, and Oregon. The first hypotheses posits a potential connection between exposure to gay rights at the ballot box and greater support for gay rights in subsequent elections concerning gay rights in the same state. No clear or consistent pattern of support emerges for successive electoral measures concerning gay rights where voters have been previously exposed to gay rights question in an electoral context.
The second analysis explores national public opinion support for same-sex marriage as statewide ballot measures increase in popularity across the United States. The second hypotheses posits a connection between an increase in statewide electoral events concerning questions of same-sex marriage and an increase in national public opinion support for same-sex marriage with state-to-nation diffusion occurring and prodding upward national public opinion support for same-sex marriage simultaneously. The hypotheses is confirmed by data that suggests as election events on same-sex marriage increase across the United States at the state level, so too increases national public opinion support for same-sex marriage.
The third analysis explores the rate of change in support for legal same-sex marriage across the three states where gay rights referenda and ballot initiatives have been most frequent; it posits that in states where voters have greater familiarity with gay rights at the ballot because of previous exposure to them, their support will be greater over time than public opinion measured in other states that have similar political cultures but have not faced the same level of electoral activity on gay rights. The final hypothesis is inconclusive because of the fluid nature of the same-sex marriage debate in the universe of states within the United States. States are handling this salient issue in a number of ways; some legislatures now seem to be taking steps to legalize same-sex marriage statutorily; others may take no action to propel the provision of same-sex marriage equality or end constitutional bans on the practice; while another group of states are leaving activists to litigate the policy in Federal courts or shift the debate toward statewide popular votes on the issue of authorizing same-sex marriage at the ballot box via ballot initiative or referendum.
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Gabbert, Jeri Patricia. „The voice of an American icon : a feminist analysis of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton“. Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1136704.
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This study examined the rhetoric of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton. Specifically, this analysis explored the relationship between Clinton's rhetoric and her public image. In addressing this issue, Foss' (1989) framework for feminist criticism was used to examine three key components: 1) the type of gender roles that Clinton describes and advocates in her rhetoric; 2) her gender portrayal of the first lady role; and 3) whether any alterations in her enactment of the first lady have helped or hindered the feminist cause. Clinton's rhetoric is focused on the empowerment of women, their children, and their families. Clinton's rhetorical perspective is aligned with a liberal feminist ideology and declares that women should make their own choices and should not fall victim to traditional patriarchal values and societal expectations. This analysis further reveals that Clinton combines feminine and masculine rhetorical styles to overcome the contradictory expectations that are placed upon women speakers. This analysis indicates that Clinton's image and role as first lady has fluctuated as she has grappled with societal expectations. Throughout Clinton's tenure in the White House, America has become more comfortable with her redesigned role as first lady. This analysis contributes to the lives of women by providing a model of a female rhetor who is successful despite the confines of a patriarchal society. In addition, this examination also legitimizes a woman's right to fight for equality and to use alternative ways to raise a family. Further, this analysis indicates the need to expand communication models to encompass a rhetor's blend of communication styles.Department of Speech Communication
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Fournier, Patrick. „Heterogeneity in political decision-making : the nature, sources, extent, dynamics, and consequences of interpersonal differences in coefficient strength“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56544.pdf.
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Scott, Eugenia Sue. „Factors which influence elite athletes with visual impairments to become involved and remain involved in sport“. Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/955085.
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This study reported responses regarding factors which influenced the initial involvement and retention in sport by athletes with visual impairments competing at national and international levels. Fifty-five (55) athletes with visual impairments (40 male and 15 female) in attendance at five of the 1992 United States Association for Blind Athletes (USABA) national championships were interviewed. The championships included: judo, track & field (divided into two separate competitions; sprinters and field events; and distance runners), swimming, and goal ball. Athletes who were selected for and did participate in the Paralympics in Barcelona numbered 24. Biographic and demographic information were gathered in addition to 43 descriptive and open-ended questions in hour-long interviews.In general, the athletes interviewed were successful in their early contacts with sport, did not think of themselves as handicapped, disabled, or physically challenged, preferred to be referred to as visually impaired, and came from very supportive families who did not hinder their progress in sport. The positive factors perceived to influence involvement in sport were quality of life issues. Factors mentioned included: fun, health and fitness, friendships, and competition. Other comments of interest not falling into the above categories included: "high level of success", "satisfaction", "challenge", "enjoyment", "increased self-esteem", "self-confidence", "puts life in perspective", "I have a better outlook", "it balances my life", and "keeps my life normal".For a person with a visual impairment, sport seems to have some unique contributing qualities. Participation in sport was an important part of the lives of these athletes and contributed greatly to improved confidence and self-esteem, and to their efforts to be accepted by society in general. Sport was the means to an end and not the end itself as evidenced in the relatively small number of responses (nine out of 55) relating 'winning' as reason for involvement. Failure did not mean losing as defined by the score at the end of a competition. At this time in the history of sport for athletes with visual impairments, it appears that involvement in sport is a great asset to personal life satisfaction.Department of Educational Leadership
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Rotimi, Adewale R. (Adewale Rufus). „Perceptions of the Seriousness of Crime and Attitudes Regarding Criminal Justice Issues: An Analysis of the 1982 American Broadcasting Corporation's News Poll of Public Opinion on Crime“. Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331054/.
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This study deals with the analysis of public opinion about crime and attitudes regarding criminal justice issues along two major dimensions. The first part concerns how respondents rank crime among a list of nine social problems (unemployment, high interest rates, inflation, crime, the high cost of living, moral decline, taxes, dissatisfaction with the government, and Reagan). The second dimension examines some research questions. These are whether there was any association between the respondents' perception of crime trends and each of the following: demographic background, neighborhood safety, the death penalty, gun ownership, frequency of locking doors, avoidance of teenagers, and the evaluation of police job performance; and also whether there was any association between the respondents' victimization experience and seriousness of crime and police job performance. The data were obtained from the archives of the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research in Michigan.
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Aguilar, Jorge A. „Viewing America a qualitative analysis of how Nicaraguan citizens perceive U.S. lifestyles and how U.S. television programming influences those perceptions /“. [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0010825.
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Fossett, Victoria Lea Hagler Dorse Harland. „May 1856 Southern reaction to conflict in Kansas and congress /“. [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3673.
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Horan, Marion. „Trafficking in danger working-class women and narratives of sexual danger in English and United States anti-prostitution campaigns, 1875-1914 /“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Miller, Troy Michael. „Reassessing the "American dream house"“. Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1129634.
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This study presents a detailed and comprehensive overview of the context and domination of the "American Dream House" in the United States of the past one hundred years. Additionally, It investigates the present day status and effects of this dependence. This inquiry uses an alternative method of investigation that involves the use of the popular media and extensive research of the past presentation of the "American Dream House" in it. It also involves research into the effects of promotional campaigns on the public perception of the "American Dream House." The research suggests that there exists a crisis in this country in the form of a severe attachment to the mythological and historical nature of this limited housing form. The investigation further suggests that the characteristics and elements of the "American Dream House" have not substantially changed in the past fifty years. This severe attachment to the characteristics of the past both threatens and confines a search and pursuit for a cure to this country's housing problems of the late 20th and early 2131 century.Department of Architecture
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Moore, Kelly. „Doing good while doing science: The origins and consequences of public interest science organizations in America, 1945-1990“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186307.
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Over the past thirty years, public interest science organizations have had significant and varied effects on the course of several contemporary social movements, on public knowledge of science, and on policy ranging from weapons to toxic waste to recombinant DNA. This dissertation considers the origins of these organizations, and their differential ability to survive. Archival, interview, and secondary data analyses of three prominent public interest science organizations: Scientists' Institute for Public Information, Science for the People, and the Union of Concerned Scientists are used to examine these questions. This research shows that these organizations were formed by scientists in the 1950s and 1960s who found that their political commitments were increasingly at odds with scientific demands for objectivity and value-neutrality. The tension arose as a result of three factors: the liberalization of the political climate in the 1950s and 1960s, the development of political protest that charged science with being complicit making war possible and the encouragement, even demand, that Leftists find ways to join their professional and political lives. As a result, some scientists created new organizations that publicly defined scientists as socially responsible. Once created, however, these organizations faced a rapidly changing political, scientific and organizational climate that made their survival difficult. I show how early choices about goals, membership, activities, and division of labor in each group strongly shaped the differential ability of organizations to survive over time. Adaptive survival is shown to be related to the ability of an organization to engage in repeated and routinized exchanges with other individuals and groups, which is in turn dependent on choices organizations make within months of their founding. The last section of the dissertation suggests how public interest science organizations (both individually and collectively) expand the political capacities of scientists and the public, affect the practice and subject matter of science, and shaped the lives of the participants.
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Thurwanger, Michael L. „Comparative research into credibility attributed to uniformed versus non-uniformed defense sources“. Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033638.
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The U.S. Department of Defense employs both uniformed military personnel and non-uniformed civilian employees as information sources. The objectives of this study was to determine whether students, acting in the role of journalists, attributed greater credibility to uniformed or non-uniformed spokespersons and whether a difference in attribution could be measured when the topic being briefed was more specifically related to the military mission.Seventy undergraduate journalism students were randomly assigned to four groups and exposed to one of four videotaped press briefings. Two briefings announced the outbreak of hostilities involving U.S. forces or award of a major construction contract. Each of the announcements was delivered by a uniformed military public affairs officer or by a spokesperson in civilian business suit.Following the briefings, students evaluated the source using semantic differentials first developed by Berlo, Lemert and Mertz (1969) and prepared questions exactly as they would ask them following the spokesperson's prepared statement. The semantic differentials were analyzed using ANOVA. The follow-on questions were coded using methodology similar to that used by Einsiedel (1974) and evaluated using the "Coefficient of Imbalance" proposed by Janis and Fadner (1949). This second method was employed to determine whether data obtained and analyzed using the Coefficient of Imbalance would validate results obtained through the use of more traditional semantic differentials.Neither method resulted in findings which would suggest a statistically significant difference in the credibility attributed to the defense source by the student-journalists in any of the four treatments.Department of Journalism
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Agboaye, Ehikioya. „Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.
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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues.
However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support.
In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis.
The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.
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Emons, Thomas. „Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /“. Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.
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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Peterson, Sarahfina Aubrey. „The Effect of Social Media on Public Awareness and Extra-Judicial Effects: The Gay Marriage Cases and Litigating for New Rights“. PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2086.
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When the Supreme Court grants new rights, public awareness is a crucial part of enforcement. Gerald N. Rosenberg and Michael J. Klarman famously criticized minority rights organizations for attempting to gain new rights through the judiciary. The crux of their argument relied heavily on the American media's scanty coverage of Court issues and subsequent low public awareness of Court cases. Using the 2013 United States v. Windsor and Hollingsworth v. Perry rulings as a case study, I suggest that the media environment has changed so much since Rosenberg and Klarman were writing that their theories warrant reconsideration. Minority rights groups now have access to social media, a potentially powerful tool with which to educate the public about the Supreme Court and new rights granted by the Court.
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Leiserowitz, Anthony. „Global Warming in the American Mind: The Roles of Affect, Imagery, and Worldviews in Risk Perception, Policy Preferences and Behavior“. Thesis, University of Oregon, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22984.
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224 pagesNatural scientists warn that global climate change is a risk with potentially devastating consequences for human societies and natural ecosystems around the world. Meeting this challenge will require a concerted national and international effort to dramatically reduce anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. It will also, however, require public support for political leaders and government mitigation policies, and committed action by individual citizens and consumers. This dissertation examined whether the American public perceives global warming as a real threat, supports public mitigation policies, or has taken individual actions to mitigate climate change. It found that measures of affect, imagery and cultural worldviews predict public risk perceptions, policy preferences, and individual behaviors. Finally, it used affective image analysis to identify several distinct "interpretive communities" within the American public. The data comes from three surveys: a national survey of the American public completed in February, 2003 (n=673); a statewide survey of the Oregon public completed in February, 2001 (n=900); and a survey of student activists at the 2000 World Climate Conference (COP6) in The Hague, Netherlands (n=112). This research describes an American public with broad concern about global warming, strong bipartisan support for international treaties and national mitigation policies, and strong opposition to higher energy or gasoline prices to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Relatively few Americans have undertaken individual mitigation behaviors. While global warming does have negative connotations for most Americans, the thoughts and images evoked by this term primarily reflect impacts temporally and spatially distant from most people's lives. Critically, this research also finds that Americans do not currently associate global warming with any impacts on human health. Overall, these results suggest that American public opinion about global warming is at a critical turning point. Americans are aware and concerned about global climate change and predisposed to support political leaders and mitigation policies across party lines. Global warming is not a national priority, however, and Americans have yet to confront the tradeoffs that will ultimately be required.
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Baker, Timothy Alan. „Oregon Primary Care Physicians' Support for Health Care Reform“. PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4755.
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This dissertation studies Oregon primary care physicians' attitudes toward health care reform. Two models of reform are examined: one, health care rationing such as that proposed by the Oregon Health Plan (OHP); and, two, support for national health insurance (NHI).
This work examines the necessity for changing the present health care system, traced from the early origins of the medical profession to the present day health care "crisis." The high cost of health care is examined and an overview of the OHP is provided, including citations from John Kitzhaber, M.D., author of the plan.
Overall, Oregon primary care physicians overwhelmingly supported health care rationing policies. Just under 75 percent of the physicians expressed support for health care rationing policies such as that proposed by the Oregon Health Plan. However, just under 48 percent of the same physicians expressed support for national health insurance (NHI). Internal medicine physicians were most supportive of health care rationing policies and OB/GYN physicians were least supportive. Conversely, pediatricians were most supportive of NHI and OB/GYN physicians were least supportive.
Regression analyses explained 11.5 percent of variation in support for health care rationing policies and 20.9 percent of their support for national health insurance (NHI).
While strong support measures were found for health reform such as that proposed by the Oregon Health Plan (OHP), no similar measures of support for NHI emerged. Almost universal support for health care reform such as the OHP was found among primary care physicians across the state, however similar patterns were not found for NHI. It appears from the research's findings that attempts to change the health care system that include the physician's ability to ration care would be more successful than a more systematic change such as would occur under a national health insurance program.
This dissertation points out that physicians represent strong supporting forces and/or opposing forces for health care reform. Their attitudes toward such reform must be considered if successful change is to occur in the U.S. health care system.