Dissertationen zum Thema „Racial injustices“

Philosophy<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation adopts a ‘social criticism’ model in order to analyze racism in our contemporary world – particularly the United States. This analysis offers a detailed account of racism as rooted in social structural processes, and prioritizes oppression and domination as the chief wrongs resulting from racism. To do so, said analysis highlights norms, ideals, policies, and actions, that are often assumed to be ‘race neutral’ (e.g., impartiality, merit, ‘natural rights’, and autonomy), and the role they play in the production of racial injustice. More specifically, it exposes how these norms function to undermine human agency by restricting means for self-development and self-determination. As such, the role that inclusive and democratic deliberation can play in combating racial oppression and domination is developed. In light of this analysis, a defense of a ‘concrete morality’ which prioritizes the fight against oppression and domination, is made against an ‘abstract morality’ that adheres to ‘ideally just’ principles regardless of the injustice that results from doing so. Moreover, this project develops a ‘shared responsibility model’ for racial injustice, articulating varying degrees and kinds of responsibility we have for correcting it. It concludes by offering ‘democratic equality of difference’ as a normative ideal for cultivating racial justice. Generally, said ideal aims to: create basic conditions for the self-development and collective self-determination of all; cultivate a universally inclusive and ongoing process of democratic deliberation for solving collective problems; and attend to difference when deliberating about matters of justice.<br>Temple University--Theses

Thesis advisor: Margaret E. Guider<br>Thesis advisor: Daniel J. Daly<br>Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2021<br>Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry<br>Discipline: Sacred Theology

Scholars are often studying emojis as pure visual elements or as essential textual parts. Theories in this study bridge these subfields and examine emojis in both fields. This bridging understanding of emojis is applied to hashtag activism in the discursive Black Lives Matter debate to increase the comprehension of the impact of emojis. Emojis can be used in various hashtag activism as reinforcing visual elements that help put a figurative meaning to political movements. Emojis can also be used to change the intonation or meanings in computer-mediated communication and thereby be essential for understanding the textual meaning as a whole. The study is conducted with quantitative content analysis of tweets relating to two, here considered oppositional, hashtags; #blacklivesmatter and #alllivesmatter with the aim of receiving a comprehension of how the support of emojis affect the written statements. The study presents results and a thorough discussion that brings the conclusion of emojis having an immense impact, as both visual and textual support on the tweets written in this political online debate.<br>Forskare studerar ofta emojis som rena visuella element eller som väsentliga textdelar. Teorier i denna studie överbryggar dessa delfält och undersöker emojis inom båda områdena. Denna överbryggande förståelse för emojis tillämpas på hashtag-aktivism i den diskursiva Black Lives Matter-debatten för att öka förståelsen om påverkan av emojis. Emojis kan användas i olika sorters hashtag-aktivism som förstärkande visuella element som hjälper till att sätta en figurativ betydelse på politiska rörelser. Emojis kan också användas för att ändra intonationen eller betydelsen i datormedierad kommunikation och därmed vara avgörande för att förstå den textuella innebörden som helhet. Studien genomförs med kvantitativ innehållsanalys av tweets relaterade till två, här betraktade som oppositionella hashtags; #blacklivesmatter och #alllivesmatter i syfte att få en förståelse för hur emojis påverkar de skriftliga yttrandena. Studien presenterar resultat och en grundlig diskussion som drar slutsatsen att emojis har en enorm påverkan, både som ett visuellt och textuellt stöd på tweets skrivna i denna politiska online-debatt.

Embora a fundação da Universidade de São Paulo (USP) tenha sido em 1934, os primórdios da instituição remonta a 1827, ano em que foi criada a Faculdade de Direito. Desde então a USP tem produzido conhecimento sobre o campo das relações raciais brasileiras. Esta tese propõe analisar como o debate racial atravessa a história da universidade, buscando compreender qual tem sido a participação docente negra e não-negra nesse processo. Assim, a história do debate racial na USP é apresentada em quatro momentos: O primeiro compreende as discussões sobre a questão racial no Brasil empreendidas por duas instituições, as Faculdades de Direito e Medicina, incorporadas à universidade em 1934. O segundo momento é considerado a partir da história da Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências, sobretudo no que diz respeito aos debates empreendidos pela chamada \"Escola Paulista de Sociologia\", sob a batuta de Florestan Fernandes. Para entender o terceiro momento é preciso ter em conta uma lacuna no debate racial coincidente com a Ditadura Militar que trouxe tempos difíceis para a Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências e Letras. Assim, a discussão racial esteve em estado de latência na Sociologia da USP por quase duas décadas, apesar de timidamente abrigada na Antropologia. Destaca-se a importância da trajetória do professor Kabengele Munanga para este momento da história do debate racial na instituição, na condição de herdeiro bastardo da Escola Paulista de Sociologia. O quarto momento da discussão racial na universidade ainda é corrente, e começa nos anos 90 com a recém instituída constituição de 1988. Esta década foi marcada por um incipiente, porém importante conjunto de medidas sensíveis às desigualdades raciais na universidade. Destaca-se novamente a figura do Kabengele Munanga, importante elo com o momento anterior do debate e a figura do professor Edson Moreira da USP São Carlos, em função de sua presença no Conselho de Cultura e Extensão. Por sua vez, os anos 2000 tem sido marcados por retrocessos na implementação de políticas que democratizassem o acesso da população negra na USP. Após a leitura sobre a história do debate racial na USP a tese centra-se na consideração da presença negra no corpo docente da instituição. Para tanto, apresenta-se dados sobre a configuração racial da universidade entre os anos de 2008 a 2015; bem como análises sobre um conjunto de dez trajetórias de docentes negros/as, no sentido de conhecer as estratégias, recursos, discursos e práticas de que acadêmicos/as negros/as da USP lançaram mão para tentar driblar as (im)possibilidades de acesso a um universo que tem sido cerceado à população negra: a docência da maior universidade do país.<br>Although the University of Sao Paulo (USP) was officially founded in 1934, the institutions deepest origins lie in the establishment of the Faculty of Law in 1827. Since then USP has been producing knowledge in the field of race relations in Brazil. This thesis proposes to analyze the way that racial debate passes through the history of the university, looking to understand the participation of both black and non-black faculty in this process. The history of racial debate at USP is presented in four moments: The first consists of discussions of the question of race within the Faculties of Law and Medicine, incorporated into the university in 1934. The second moment concerns the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature, particularly in relation to the debates fueled by the so-called P u S f g u f Florestan Fernandes. To understand the third moment it is necessary to take into account the gap in racial debate that coincided with the military dictatorship which brought difficult times to the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature. Due to this, racial discussions stayed in a state of latency in the field of Sociology at USP, although they were timidly sheltered by Anthropology. During this period, the trajectory of professor Kabengele Munanga stands out in the history of racial debate at the institution, as he took f b f P u S . T f u m m f u university continues today, dating from the 1990s and the influence of the recently implemented Constitution of 1988. This decade was marked by an incipient though important group of measures sensitive to racial inequality taken at the university. Once again, Kabengele Munanga, an important link to earlier moments in these debates, stands out during this phase, along with Edson Moreira of USP Sao Carlos, due to his presence on the Council for Culture and Extension. Since the year 2000, these debates have been marked by certain regressions in the implementation of policies that would have democratized access to USP for the black population. After a reading of the history of racial debate at USP the thesis will focus on the black presence in the teaching faculty of the institution. To this end, this research will present data about the racial configuration of the university between 2008 and 2015. Furthermore it will include an analysis of the trajectories of a group of ten black professors to better understand the strategies, resources, discourses and practices that black academics at USP have used to negociate the (im)possibilities of access to a universe that has long limited itself from the black population: a teaching career at the nation\'s largest university.

The fact of racial injustice in the US presents the difficult question of which emotional responses are (conceptually) appropriate to the perpetration of that injustice. Given that our answer must be informed by the nature of the injustice, this paper takes up Christopher Lebron’s diagnosis of the persistence of racial injustice against blacks in the US as a problem of social value in order to analyze a candidate response on the part of black americans. If Lebron’s theory accurately describes the problem, then it seems that anger appropriately responds to the injustice. The paper’s aim, then, is to give a positive account of black anger in response to the problem of social value. The account is informed by an analysis of “angry black literature,” i.e. a selection of essays from W. E. B. Du Bois, James Baldwin, and Audre Lorde. Approaching the subject within the framework of analytic philosophy, the paper concludes that anger is appropriate in virtue of its being a response to specific moral failures, and further notes that anger offers the ameliorative benefit of pointing out where those failures have taken place, and how we can avoid them in the future.

yes<br>The conference Participation and Community Cohesion in the North: making the connections was held two and a half years after the North of England experienced a summer of major social unrest.1 One delegate described these disturbances as `attempted suicide by a community ¿ a cry for help.¿ This is a controversial image of powerlessness and disenfranchisement, but it raises a question that goes to the heart of our reasons for holding this conference. Does the success of Community Cohesion depend on the ability of communities to nonviolently express their views on the issues that concern them? Does it depend on a belief in one¿s own power to effect change without violence? In other words does it depend on the extent to which people see a point in working together for goals they have set themselves?

The overall aim of the study is to investigate how 12 Years a Slave can help raise awareness among upper secondary students about racism and to inspire sympathy with the characters presented in passages regarding the cruelty and injustice of slavery. The study is based on literary didactics methods, applied to the textual analysis of the passages, to create a hypothetical scheme for teachers that can be used to work with slave narratives in the classroom. The analysis of the passages, in conjunction with the literary didactics methods used, provides methods through which students may increase their awareness of racism and sympathize with the characters in the book by creating their own plays, reenacting the cruelty committed against slaves. Also, when dealing with the injustice of slavery, students can imagine themselves being present even though they will not be able to experience it physically. This may help students sympathize with the main character and help them understand racism from the victim’s point of view.

Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.

Police-community relations are a frequently discussed topic in both academe and the media. Many factors are believed to influence individuals’ perceptions and views of law enforcement, including demographic variables (race and socioeconomic status), experiences with law enforcement, and media consumption. With an emphasis in the news and on social media regarding police misconduct or police brutality, this research seeks to inquire about college students' perceptions of law enforcement and racial injustice within the criminal justice system. While controlling for key demographic variables, this project specifically examines how individuals’ personal experiences with law enforcement and their exposure to news media and social media impact their perceptions and attitudes of police or racial injustice in the criminal justice system. Other variables, such as ideological views, obligation to authority, and delinquent behaviors were also analyzed to provide more specific insight into what factors influence student perceptions. Using ordinal logistic regression, researchers analyzed student perceptions of racial injustice in the criminal justice system and police legitimacy. Findings for this study indicate that variables other than standard demographics, contact with law enforcement, and media consumption had a significant impact on student perceptions of police.

This paper explores the issue of reparation and how institutionalized racism in the United States has influenced the outcome for the following ethnic groups - Japanese Americans, Black Americans and Native Americans.

This thesis examines enclaves of oppression and discrimination, which continue to subject indigenous peoples in the Peruvian Andean society to the pernicious legacies of a racist past. As an interpretive framework this interdisciplinary study draws from theoretical approaches to power, which analyse the reproduction of social injustice in post-colonial societies. This research demonstrates how resistance in post-colonial contexts does not always function as a subversive force. Especially when the variable of racism is taken into account, it becomes clearer how acts of opposition end up fostering a tyrannical domination. Examples from Peruvian history, as well as my fieldwork data, will illustrate how resistances and revolutions in the Peruvian Andes have paradoxically reinstated an oppressive and subjugating social system founded in disavowal of the indigenous Other. In dismantling the ramifications of a violent racist legacy, this study explores those social practices and attitudes which in the course of history have resulted in the subjugation of indigenous peoples. These include paternalism, the commodification of indigenous identity and the phenomenon of incanismo. Ultimately, the very negotiation of identities and the making of Peruvian ethnicity will highlight the reasons why, since the 1970s, the pursuit of Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) in the Peruvian Andes has been a challenging and uncertain endeavour. By comparison with bordering Andean regions of Ecuador and Bolivia, IBE is not in the hands of indigenous peoples. This thesis will demonstrate that this is in part due to an underpinning racism, which keeps disrupting a sense of belonging to an ethnic identity.

People who are racialized in Sweden as ‘Asian’—a panethnic category—come from different countries or ethnic backgrounds and yet, often face similar, gender-specific forms of discrimination which have a significant impact on their whole lives. This thesis centres women who are racialized as 'Asian', focusing on how their racialization affects, and is shaped by, their social, professional and intimate relationships, and their interactions with others—in particular, with white majority Swedes, but also other ethnic minorities. Against a broader context encompassing discourses concerning ‘Asians’ within Swedish media, art and culture, Swedish ‘non-racist’ exceptionalism and gender equality politics, the narratives of nine women are analysed through the lenses of the racializing processes of visuality and coercive mimeticism, and epistemic injustice.

This thesis is a critical analysis of the normative planning practice in relation to the aspirational principles of the American Institute of Certified Planners (AICP) (especially Section A, Part 1: Overall Responsibility to the Public). By exploring several dimensions of typical, or Business As Usual, planning practices in a local planning department in Springfield, Massachusetts and contextualized within larger planning concerns in the United States, I illustrate that socio-spatial, racialized oppression is deeply embedded in these common practices. Through a multimethod approach that includes historical survey, archival research, interviews, and direct observation, I argue that most professional planning operates from within antiquated frameworks that prioritize professionalism and expertise over genuine community engagement, relationality, and collective agency. This structure contributes to weakened trust in government and inequitable allocation of attention and resources, thereby reproducing inequity, particularly in disaster contexts. While these are my findings from site-specific research, I contend that such outcomes are evident in planning departments more generally. Thus, I conclude that the exacerbation of inequity during crises is not isolated, but instead a result of deeply embedded neoliberal planning practices. Specifically, I identify key barriers to equitable planning as 1) absence of care, 2) over-reliance on economic development, 3) disconnects between research and implementation, 4) degraded linking social capital and top-down public participation, and 5) illusions of objectivity in planning. These patterns contribute to what I, following Rob Nixon (2011), call slow violence against vulnerable populations through professional silence about and complicity in violent structures. Associating these trends with the violence of COVID-19 and racism, I find that planning may be participating in structural slow violence against communities of color, especially in Legacy Cities such as Springfield, Massachusetts. Finally, I call for a shift in planning practice, wherein we acknowledge and take responsibility for the unavoidable political role of the planner. I propose five steps to redirect our practices: 1) acknowledge our past, 2) reject illusions of objectivity, 3) identify injustices and define resilience collectively, 4) center care frameworks, and 5) invest in the implementation of research findings

A t~esis submitted to the Fa~~~ln:of Arts~ Universit~,of t\c W,itwat~rsrana; !n partial fulfilt..nent oof the requn;ements fi,or a, Master' of Arts degree In . , ..... " Developnlental Sociology. I:, (I NOVEMBER 1996<br>No abstract.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1996.<br>Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-155).

The aim of this thesis is to depict the social and political state of South Africa during the apartheid and after in two novels, Dance with a Poor Man's Daughter (1998) by Pamela Jooste and Disgrace (1999) by J. M. Coetzee. The Theoretical Part analyses the apartheid as a political ideology which is based on racial segregation and its projection in ordinary life. The Practical Part shows concrete features of apartheid and post-apartheid in the aforementioned novels.

The Dutch Reformed Church provided the theological justification for Apartheid since 1948 and contributed to discourses of racism and cultural hegemony. In this research narrative conversations were used to confront racism prevalent among many Dutch Reformed congregants. Social discourses, created through language, marginalised and oppressed people of Colour in South Africa. In this project, narrative conversations were used to deconstruct these oppressive racial discourses. Antjie Krog's book on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's work, Country of my skull, confronted the congregants with the painful and dehumanising effects of Apartheid. Externalising conversations assisted congregants to face their guilt and the unjust discourses trapping them. In addition, this deconstruction empowered the congregants to challenge racism and cultural hegemony by living more ethical lives.<br>Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology<br>M. Th. (Practical Theology (Pastoral Therapy))