Thematische Bibliographien / Racial injustices

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Racial injustices“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 30. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 17. Februar 2022

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Racial injustices"

Isom, Deena. „Microaggressions, Injustices, and Racial Identity“. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 32, Nr. 1 (07.10.2015): 27–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986215607253.

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Messer, Chris M., Thomas E. Shriver und Krystal K. Beamon. „Official Frames and the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921: The Struggle for Reparations“. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 4, Nr. 3 (04.12.2017): 386–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649217742414.

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Movements that seek reparations against racial injustices must confront historic narratives of events and patterns of repression. These injustices are often legitimated through official narratives that discredit and vilify racial groups. This paper analyzes elite official frames in the case of the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, in which an economically thriving African American neighborhood was destroyed. Our research examines the official frames that were promulgated by white elites in defending the violent repression and analyzes the ongoing efforts by reparations proponents to seek redress. We delineate the discursive mechanisms used by proponents to challenge the dominant white narrative of the riot and to campaign for reparations. We conclude by discussing the implications of our research for future research on racial injustices and reparations movements.

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Dixon, John, Kevin Durrheim und Colin Tredoux. „Intergroup Contact and Attitudes Toward the Principle and Practice of Racial Equality“. Psychological Science 18, Nr. 10 (Oktober 2007): 867–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01993.x.

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Research on racial attitudes indicates that acceptance of the principle of racial equality is frequently offset by opposition to policies designed to eliminate injustice. At the same time, research on the contact hypothesis indicates that positive interaction between groups erodes various kinds of prejudiced attitudes. Integrating these two traditions of research, this study examined whether or not interracial contact reduces the principle-implementation gap in racial attitudes. The study comprised a random-digit-dialing survey of the attitudes and contact experiences of White and Black South Africans (N = 1,917). The results suggest that among Whites, there remains a stubborn core of resistance to policies designed to rectify the injustices of apartheid. The results also indicate that interracial contact has differential, and somewhat paradoxical, effects on the attitudes of Whites and Blacks toward practices aimed at achieving racial justice.

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Forness, Jennifer. „Reconsidering the Role of Stephen Foster in the Music Classroom“. Music Educators Journal 103, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2016): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027432116672919.

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The place of Stephen Foster and the music of American minstrelsy should be reconsidered for the music classroom. Some of this repertoire can be offensive because of its historical context and racially insensitive language. Critical theory can provide a framework for choosing repertoire that creates dialogue about racial structures in music. The use of critical theory in studying Stephen Foster’s music can engage students in praxis and work toward ending racial injustices in the classroom.

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Kitch, Sally, Joan McGregor, G. Mauricio Mejía, Sara El-Sayed, Christy Spackman und Juliann Vitullo. „Gendered and Racial Injustices in American Food Systems and Cultures“. Humanities 10, Nr. 2 (08.04.2021): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10020066.

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Multiple factors create food injustices in the United States. They occur in different societal sectors and traverse multiple scales, from the constrained choices of the industrialized food system to legal and corporate structures that replicate entrenched racial and gender inequalities, to cultural expectations around food preparation and consumption. Such injustices further harm already disadvantaged groups, especially women and racial minorities, while also exacerbating environmental deterioration. This article consists of five sections that employ complementary approaches in the humanities, design studies, and science and technology studies. The authors explore cases that represent structural injustices in the current American food system, including: the racialized and gendered effects of food systems and cultures on both men and women; the misguided and de-territorialized global branding of the Mediterranean Diet as a universal ideal; the role of food safety regulations around microbes in reinforcing racialized food injustices; and the benefits of considering the American food system and all of its parts as designed artifacts that can be redesigned. The article concludes by discussing how achieving food justice can simultaneously promote sustainable food production and consumption practices—a process that, like the article itself, invites scholars and practitioners to actively design our food system in ways that empower different stakeholders and emphasize the importance of collaboration and interconnection.

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Howard, Ayanna, und Monroe Kennedy. „Robots are not immune to bias and injustice“. Science Robotics 5, Nr. 48 (18.11.2020): eabf1364. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/scirobotics.abf1364.

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Franklin, V. P. „INTRODUCTION: DOCUMENTING THE NAACP'S FIRST CENTURY—FROM COMBATING RACIAL INJUSTICES TO CHALLENGING RACIAL INEQUITIES“. Journal of African American History 94, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2009): 453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv94n4p453.

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Egendorf, Sara Perl, Howard W. Mielke, Jorge A. Castorena-Gonzalez, Eric T. Powell und Christopher R. Gonzales. „Soil Lead (Pb) in New Orleans: A Spatiotemporal and Racial Analysis“. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, Nr. 3 (01.02.2021): 1314. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18031314.

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Spatialized racial injustices drive morbidity and mortality inequalities. While many factors contribute to environmental injustices, Pb is particularly insidious, and is associated with cardio-vascular, kidney, and immune dysfunctions and is a leading cause of premature death worldwide. Here, we present a revised analysis from the New Orleans dataset of soil lead (SPb) and children’s blood Pb (BPb), which was systematically assembled for 2000–2005 and 2011–2016. We show the spatial–temporal inequities in SPb, children’s BPb, racial composition, and household income in New Orleans. Comparing medians for the inner city with outlying areas, soil Pb is 7.5 or 9.3 times greater, children’s blood Pb is ~2 times higher, and household income is lower. Between 2000–2005 and 2011–2016, a BPb decline occurred. Long-standing environmental and socioeconomic Pb exposure injustices have positioned Black populations at extreme risk of adverse health consequences. Given the overlapping health outcomes of Pb exposure with co-morbidities for conditions such as COVID-19, we suggest that further investigation be conducted on Pb exposure and pandemic-related mortality rates, particularly among Black populations. Mapping and remediating invisible environmental Pb provides a path forward for preventing future populations from developing a myriad of Pb-related health issues.

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Gillies, Carmen Leigh. „Curriculum Integration and the Forgotten Indigenous Students: Reflecting on Métis Teachers’ Experience“. in education 26, Nr. 2 (03.06.2021): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2021.v26i2.477.

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Curriculum integration, or in other words, changing what students are taught within racially desegregated Canadian schools, has served as a primary but incomplete pathway to racial justice. In this paper, I present evidence from a qualitative critical race theory (CRT) methodological study with 13 Métis teachers to demonstrate how curricular integration has been framed as a key solution to inequitable outcomes concerning Indigenous students. This strategy has been instilled within the Saskatchewan K–12 education system by a wide spectrum of authorities over several decades. Although absolutely essential for multiple reasons, I argue that teaching students about Indigenous knowledge systems and experiences, as well as anti-racist content, cannot resolve the systemic racial injustices encountered by Indigenous students who attend provincial schools. In particular, three CRT analytical tools—structural determinism, anti-essentialism, and interest convergence—are utilized to examine the limitations of curricular integration as a strategy of racial justice. Keywords: Métis teachers; Indigenous education; critical race theory; integrated schools

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Greene, Julie. „Spaniards on the Silver Roll: Labor Troubles and Liminality in the Panama Canal Zone, 1904–1914“. International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (Oktober 2004): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000183.

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This article examines the experiences of Spanish workers during the construction of the Panama Canal by the United States from 1904 to 1914. Spaniards engaged in a wide range of protest actions during the construction years, from strikes to food riots to anarchist politics. Employing Victor Turner's concept of liminality, the article highlights the mutability of the Spaniards' position and identity and examines several factors that shaped their experiences: the US government's policies of racial segregation and the injustices Spaniards experienced; the political and racial identities they brought with them from Spain; and their complex racial and imperial status in the Canal Zone. Spaniards possessed a remarkably fluid racial identity, considered white or nonwhite depending on circumstances, and that shifting status fueled their racial animosities as well as their protests.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Racial injustices"

Fugo, Justin I. „Behind 'The Veil of Race-Neutrality': Sharing Responsibility for Racial Justice and Cultivating Democratic Equality of Difference“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/482623.

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Philosophy
Ph.D.
This dissertation adopts a ‘social criticism’ model in order to analyze racism in our contemporary world – particularly the United States. This analysis offers a detailed account of racism as rooted in social structural processes, and prioritizes oppression and domination as the chief wrongs resulting from racism. To do so, said analysis highlights norms, ideals, policies, and actions, that are often assumed to be ‘race neutral’ (e.g., impartiality, merit, ‘natural rights’, and autonomy), and the role they play in the production of racial injustice. More specifically, it exposes how these norms function to undermine human agency by restricting means for self-development and self-determination. As such, the role that inclusive and democratic deliberation can play in combating racial oppression and domination is developed. In light of this analysis, a defense of a ‘concrete morality’ which prioritizes the fight against oppression and domination, is made against an ‘abstract morality’ that adheres to ‘ideally just’ principles regardless of the injustice that results from doing so. Moreover, this project develops a ‘shared responsibility model’ for racial injustice, articulating varying degrees and kinds of responsibility we have for correcting it. It concludes by offering ‘democratic equality of difference’ as a normative ideal for cultivating racial justice. Generally, said ideal aims to: create basic conditions for the self-development and collective self-determination of all; cultivate a universally inclusive and ongoing process of democratic deliberation for solving collective problems; and attend to difference when deliberating about matters of justice.
Temple University--Theses

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Woody, William Christopher. „Forgive, Yet Never Forget: Racial Injustice and the Ethics of Forgiveness“. Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109182.

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Thesis advisor: Margaret E. Guider
Thesis advisor: Daniel J. Daly
Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2021
Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry
Discipline: Sacred Theology

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Erlandsson, Elin, und Nora Kristoffersson. „Racism is Not Getting Worse, it's Getting Tweeted. : A study of the impact of non-verbal cues in hashtag activism. Which emojis correlates with #blacklivesmatter and #alllivesmatter?“ Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-84796.

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Scholars are often studying emojis as pure visual elements or as essential textual parts. Theories in this study bridge these subfields and examine emojis in both fields. This bridging understanding of emojis is applied to hashtag activism in the discursive Black Lives Matter debate to increase the comprehension of the impact of emojis. Emojis can be used in various hashtag activism as reinforcing visual elements that help put a figurative meaning to political movements. Emojis can also be used to change the intonation or meanings in computer-mediated communication and thereby be essential for understanding the textual meaning as a whole. The study is conducted with quantitative content analysis of tweets relating to two, here considered oppositional, hashtags; #blacklivesmatter and #alllivesmatter with the aim of receiving a comprehension of how the support of emojis affect the written statements. The study presents results and a thorough discussion that brings the conclusion of emojis having an immense impact, as both visual and textual support on the tweets written in this political online debate.
Forskare studerar ofta emojis som rena visuella element eller som väsentliga textdelar. Teorier i denna studie överbryggar dessa delfält och undersöker emojis inom båda områdena. Denna överbryggande förståelse för emojis tillämpas på hashtag-aktivism i den diskursiva Black Lives Matter-debatten för att öka förståelsen om påverkan av emojis. Emojis kan användas i olika sorters hashtag-aktivism som förstärkande visuella element som hjälper till att sätta en figurativ betydelse på politiska rörelser. Emojis kan också användas för att ändra intonationen eller betydelsen i datormedierad kommunikation och därmed vara avgörande för att förstå den textuella innebörden som helhet. Studien genomförs med kvantitativ innehållsanalys av tweets relaterade till två, här betraktade som oppositionella hashtags; #blacklivesmatter och #alllivesmatter i syfte att få en förståelse för hur emojis påverkar de skriftliga yttrandena. Studien presenterar resultat och en grundlig diskussion som drar slutsatsen att emojis har en enorm påverkan, både som ett visuellt och textuellt stöd på tweets skrivna i denna politiska online-debatt.

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Silva, Viviane Angélica. „Cores da tradição: uma história do debate racial na Universidade de São Paulo (USP) e a configuração racial do seu corpo docente“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-19112015-133530/.

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Embora a fundação da Universidade de São Paulo (USP) tenha sido em 1934, os primórdios da instituição remonta a 1827, ano em que foi criada a Faculdade de Direito. Desde então a USP tem produzido conhecimento sobre o campo das relações raciais brasileiras. Esta tese propõe analisar como o debate racial atravessa a história da universidade, buscando compreender qual tem sido a participação docente negra e não-negra nesse processo. Assim, a história do debate racial na USP é apresentada em quatro momentos: O primeiro compreende as discussões sobre a questão racial no Brasil empreendidas por duas instituições, as Faculdades de Direito e Medicina, incorporadas à universidade em 1934. O segundo momento é considerado a partir da história da Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências, sobretudo no que diz respeito aos debates empreendidos pela chamada \"Escola Paulista de Sociologia\", sob a batuta de Florestan Fernandes. Para entender o terceiro momento é preciso ter em conta uma lacuna no debate racial coincidente com a Ditadura Militar que trouxe tempos difíceis para a Faculdade de Filosofia Ciências e Letras. Assim, a discussão racial esteve em estado de latência na Sociologia da USP por quase duas décadas, apesar de timidamente abrigada na Antropologia. Destaca-se a importância da trajetória do professor Kabengele Munanga para este momento da história do debate racial na instituição, na condição de herdeiro bastardo da Escola Paulista de Sociologia. O quarto momento da discussão racial na universidade ainda é corrente, e começa nos anos 90 com a recém instituída constituição de 1988. Esta década foi marcada por um incipiente, porém importante conjunto de medidas sensíveis às desigualdades raciais na universidade. Destaca-se novamente a figura do Kabengele Munanga, importante elo com o momento anterior do debate e a figura do professor Edson Moreira da USP São Carlos, em função de sua presença no Conselho de Cultura e Extensão. Por sua vez, os anos 2000 tem sido marcados por retrocessos na implementação de políticas que democratizassem o acesso da população negra na USP. Após a leitura sobre a história do debate racial na USP a tese centra-se na consideração da presença negra no corpo docente da instituição. Para tanto, apresenta-se dados sobre a configuração racial da universidade entre os anos de 2008 a 2015; bem como análises sobre um conjunto de dez trajetórias de docentes negros/as, no sentido de conhecer as estratégias, recursos, discursos e práticas de que acadêmicos/as negros/as da USP lançaram mão para tentar driblar as (im)possibilidades de acesso a um universo que tem sido cerceado à população negra: a docência da maior universidade do país.
Although the University of Sao Paulo (USP) was officially founded in 1934, the institutions deepest origins lie in the establishment of the Faculty of Law in 1827. Since then USP has been producing knowledge in the field of race relations in Brazil. This thesis proposes to analyze the way that racial debate passes through the history of the university, looking to understand the participation of both black and non-black faculty in this process. The history of racial debate at USP is presented in four moments: The first consists of discussions of the question of race within the Faculties of Law and Medicine, incorporated into the university in 1934. The second moment concerns the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature, particularly in relation to the debates fueled by the so-called P u S f g u f Florestan Fernandes. To understand the third moment it is necessary to take into account the gap in racial debate that coincided with the military dictatorship which brought difficult times to the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Literature. Due to this, racial discussions stayed in a state of latency in the field of Sociology at USP, although they were timidly sheltered by Anthropology. During this period, the trajectory of professor Kabengele Munanga stands out in the history of racial debate at the institution, as he took f b f P u S . T f u m m f u university continues today, dating from the 1990s and the influence of the recently implemented Constitution of 1988. This decade was marked by an incipient though important group of measures sensitive to racial inequality taken at the university. Once again, Kabengele Munanga, an important link to earlier moments in these debates, stands out during this phase, along with Edson Moreira of USP Sao Carlos, due to his presence on the Council for Culture and Extension. Since the year 2000, these debates have been marked by certain regressions in the implementation of policies that would have democratized access to USP for the black population. After a reading of the history of racial debate at USP the thesis will focus on the black presence in the teaching faculty of the institution. To this end, this research will present data about the racial configuration of the university between 2008 and 2015. Furthermore it will include an analysis of the trajectories of a group of ten black professors to better understand the strategies, resources, discourses and practices that black academics at USP have used to negociate the (im)possibilities of access to a universe that has long limited itself from the black population: a teaching career at the nation\'s largest university.

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Humphreys, Christopher. „On Black Anger: An Analytic-Philosophical Response to the Problem of Social Value“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1848.

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The fact of racial injustice in the US presents the difficult question of which emotional responses are (conceptually) appropriate to the perpetration of that injustice. Given that our answer must be informed by the nature of the injustice, this paper takes up Christopher Lebron’s diagnosis of the persistence of racial injustice against blacks in the US as a problem of social value in order to analyze a candidate response on the part of black americans. If Lebron’s theory accurately describes the problem, then it seems that anger appropriately responds to the injustice. The paper’s aim, then, is to give a positive account of black anger in response to the problem of social value. The account is informed by an analysis of “angry black literature,” i.e. a selection of essays from W. E. B. Du Bois, James Baldwin, and Audre Lorde. Approaching the subject within the framework of analytic philosophy, the paper concludes that anger is appropriate in virtue of its being a response to specific moral failures, and further notes that anger offers the ameliorative benefit of pointing out where those failures have taken place, and how we can avoid them in the future.

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Pearce, Jenny V., und Heather Blakey. „'Background of distances': Participation and the community cohesion in the North: Making the connections“. International Centre for Participation Studies, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3797.

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yes
The conference Participation and Community Cohesion in the North: making the connections was held two and a half years after the North of England experienced a summer of major social unrest.1 One delegate described these disturbances as `attempted suicide by a community ¿ a cry for help.¿ This is a controversial image of powerlessness and disenfranchisement, but it raises a question that goes to the heart of our reasons for holding this conference. Does the success of Community Cohesion depend on the ability of communities to nonviolently express their views on the issues that concern them? Does it depend on a belief in one¿s own power to effect change without violence? In other words does it depend on the extent to which people see a point in working together for goals they have set themselves?

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Zubak, Goran. „12 Years a Slave in upper secondary school : Using a slave’s narrative to raise students’ awareness of racism“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-53299.

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The overall aim of the study is to investigate how 12 Years a Slave can help raise awareness among upper secondary students about racism and to inspire sympathy with the characters presented in passages regarding the cruelty and injustice of slavery. The study is based on literary didactics methods, applied to the textual analysis of the passages, to create a hypothetical scheme for teachers that can be used to work with slave narratives in the classroom. The analysis of the passages, in conjunction with the literary didactics methods used, provides methods through which students may increase their awareness of racism and sympathize with the characters in the book by creating their own plays, reenacting the cruelty committed against slaves. Also, when dealing with the injustice of slavery, students can imagine themselves being present even though they will not be able to experience it physically. This may help students sympathize with the main character and help them understand racism from the victim’s point of view.

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Pourshahbadinzadeh, Alireza. „Hegemony and power structures in Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses“. Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-118507.

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Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.

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Claxton, Taylor Leigh. „Student Perceptions of Police“. UNF Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/832.

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Police-community relations are a frequently discussed topic in both academe and the media. Many factors are believed to influence individuals’ perceptions and views of law enforcement, including demographic variables (race and socioeconomic status), experiences with law enforcement, and media consumption. With an emphasis in the news and on social media regarding police misconduct or police brutality, this research seeks to inquire about college students' perceptions of law enforcement and racial injustice within the criminal justice system. While controlling for key demographic variables, this project specifically examines how individuals’ personal experiences with law enforcement and their exposure to news media and social media impact their perceptions and attitudes of police or racial injustice in the criminal justice system. Other variables, such as ideological views, obligation to authority, and delinquent behaviors were also analyzed to provide more specific insight into what factors influence student perceptions. Using ordinal logistic regression, researchers analyzed student perceptions of racial injustice in the criminal justice system and police legitimacy. Findings for this study indicate that variables other than standard demographics, contact with law enforcement, and media consumption had a significant impact on student perceptions of police.

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Mejia-Hudson, Yesenia Isela. „An argument for reparations for Native Americans and Black Americans“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3072.

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This paper explores the issue of reparation and how institutionalized racism in the United States has influenced the outcome for the following ethnic groups - Japanese Americans, Black Americans and Native Americans.

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Bücher zum Thema "Racial injustices"

Henry, Charles P. Long overdue: The politics of racial reparations. New York: New York University Press, 2007.

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Prebil, Lois. Witnesses to racism: Personal experiences of racial injustice. Skokie, IL: ACTA Publications, 2009.

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(Netherlands), Adviesraad Internationale Vraagstukken. The World Conference Against Racism and the right to reparation. The Hague, Netherlands: Advisory Council on International Affairs, 2001.

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Profiles in injustice: Why racial profiling cannot work. New York: New Press, 2003.

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Profiles in injustice: Why racial profiling cannot work. New York: New Press, 2002.

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Swindle, Howard. Deliberate indifference: A story of murder and racial injustice. New York: Viking, 1993.

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Deliberate indifference: A story of murder and racial injustice. New York: Viking, 1993.

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Everyday injustice: Latino professionals and racism. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011.

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Adams, J. Christian. Injustice: Exposing the racial agenda of the Obama Justice Department. Washington, D.C.: Regnery, 2011.

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Jackson, Jesse. Legal lynching: Racism, injustice, and the death penalty. New York: Marlowe & Co., 1996.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Racial injustices"

Macey, Marie, und Alan Carling. „Social Injustices of Religion or Belief“. In Ethnic, Racial and Religious Inequalities, 57–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230294875_3.

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Bessone, Magali. „(How) Can Multiculturalism Face Racial Injustice?“ In Liberal Multiculturalism and the Fair Terms of Integration, 177–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137320407_11.

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Weatherspoon, Floyd. „Racial Injustice in the Criminal Justice System“. In African-American Males and the U.S. Justice System of Marginalization, 17–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137408433_3.

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Glasser, Ira. „Affirmative Action and the Legacy of Racial Injustice“. In Eliminating Racism, 341–57. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0818-6_18.

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Fitzgerald, Terence D. „Speaking Truth to Power: Black Educators’ Perspectives on Challenging Racial Injustice Through the Lens of Systemic Racism Theory“. In Systemic Racism, 111–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59410-5_5.

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Jacquet, Catherine O. „Rape as Racial Injustice“. In The Injustices of Rape, 39–74. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653860.003.0003.

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This chapter examines activists in the black freedom movement who politicized the connection between rape and racism in their fight for justice. These activists argued that rape law and the entire legal system served to uphold white supremacy. Black men almost exclusively faced the death penalty for interracial rape, and black women victims saw little to no justice in the aftermath of white male sexual violence against them. In response, activists launched local campaigns nationwide in defense of black women victims, demanding justice. Likewise, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund pursued the abolition of the death penalty in their defense of convicted black rapists. In calling attention to the injustices faced by black men, some lawyers and activists also engaged the trope of the lying white woman. This was one of the strategies employed in Maryland’s infamous Giles v. Johnson case. In defending both black victims and accused black assailants, lawyers and activists exposed the racial injustices embedded in rape laws and their application. However, activists’ formulation of rape as racist oppression failed to engage a politics of rape that included black female victims of intraracial rape. This ultimately limited the scope of the movement.

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„On Redress for Racial Injustice“. In Redress for Historical Injustices in the United States, 1–28. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822389811-003.

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MARTIN, MICHAEL T., und MARILYN YAQUINTO. „On Redress for Racial Injustice“. In Redress for Historical Injustices in the United States, 1–28. Duke University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11hpmg2.5.

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Jacquet, Catherine O. „Rape and the Law in the Late 1970s“. In The Injustices of Rape, 160–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653860.003.0007.

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By the end of the 1970s, racial justice and feminist activists had gained significant ground in the legal arena. This chapter charts some of the major legal successes of those movements. Most notably from the feminist perspective was Michigan’s 1974 Criminal Sexual Conduct bill, the first complete overhaul of a state rape law in the nation. Hailed as a major feminist victory, the new law served as a model for other states nationwide. Feminist law reform strategies faced major opposition from opponents across the political spectrum, with debates often centering on contrasting beliefs of what constituted a fair trial. One reform which satisfied both racial and gender justice goals was the abolition of the death penalty as punishment for rape. The NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund brought the question of appropriate punishment in cases of rape before the Supreme Court in Coker v. Georgia (1977). The Court ruled in favor of Coker, and deemed capital punishment a disproportionate punishment in cases of adult rape. In the end, rape law reforms ultimately proved to be quite limited. The legal system was deeply steeped in pervasive racist and sexist cultural norms, creating significant barriers to effective change in the legal arena.

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„The Politics of Racial Reparations“. In Redress for Historical Injustices in the United States, 353–70. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822389811-026.

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