Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Public welfare – new zealand – history“

New Zealand recently celebrated 75 years of the implementation of the welfare state in 1938. While debate continues about the nature and effectiveness of state welfare provision, welfare is arguably a matter of constitutional concern in New Zealand. Further examination of New Zealand legal history also shows that the welfare of Māori is indeed a matter of deep constitutional concern to Māori, who have consistently sought legislative and extra-legislative ways to have public power used for broad Māori welfare concerns. It is possible to identify a kind of Māori welfare constitutionalism at work, that is arguably in tension with the thinking and practice that produced the welfare state.

Pain scales classify the severity of pain inflicted on laboratory animals from little or none up to severe. A pain scale as part of public policy serves beneficial purposes that promote animal welfare. It can be used to educate people about the two alternatives of refinement and replacement, and the need to reduce animal pain. Furthermore, a pain scale has practical applications: 1) in review procedures for animal welfare concerns; 2) in developing policies on the use of animals in education; and 3) as a basis for collecting national data on animal experimentation, so that meaningful data can be collected on trends in reduction and control in animal pain. So far, only a few countries (including Sweden, the Netherlands, Canada and New Zealand) have adopted pain scales as part of their public policy. Most countries, including the United States, have not yet done so. The history of the development and adoption of pain scales by various countries is described and the case is presented for wider adoption of a pain scale in countries not currently using one.

The majority of dairy farmers and processors in Australia and New Zealand are considered world class due to their ability to produce dairy products at a cost that is competitive on the world market without requirement for subsidy. International and domestic forces beyond the farm influence the international competitiveness of Antipodean dairy systems, as much or more than, the within-farm characteristics of the systems. Critical external forces include: world population growth, protein demand from increasingly wealthy developing countries, dairy supply from domestic and international producers, international dairy prices and exchange rate volatility. Within farm, the keys to persistent profitability, business survival, and growth will continue to be management ability and labour skill as well as the relationship between milksolids (milk fat + milk protein) produced per system and total production costs. Domestic forces will include competition for resources such as land, water, quality labour and capital, and public expectation that farms will meet the costs of community environmental and welfare objectives. Public and industry investment in research, development and extension in innovations that increase productivity is essential if dairying is to remain competitive. The operation of the comparative advantage principle determines which industries thrive, or decline, in an economy. New Zealand dairying has a strong comparative advantage over alternative pastoral industries which will continue. In Australia, the comparative advantage of dairy farming over alternative activities is less clear-cut. History shows that the best farmers and processors handle risks such as market and climate volatility and other challenges better than others, and their prospects are positive. However, world class performers in the future dairy industry will certainly not be all, or even the majority, of the current population of dairy farmers.

AbstractOn the statute books, New Zealand has a strong regulatory system that protects nonhuman animals on farms. Animals are guaranteed the “Five Freedoms,” including freedom to express normal patterns of behavior. This theoretically strong protection is weakened considerably, however, through institutional structures and practices. A loophole in the law allowing practices that violate the Five Freedoms in “exceptional circumstances” is used frequently. The Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (MAF) is the government agency that administers animal welfare regulation. This agency is also responsible for increasing primary production, and the farming industry has undue influence with MAF. The National Animal Welfare Advisory Committee (NAWAC) is appointed by MAF, and this group is also dominated by industry interests, with a view of animal welfare that excludes behavioral concerns. These factors result in a weakening of welfare requirements. Various solutions to increase protection are proposed, including a requirement that all science and public concerns be taken into account when making decisions on animal welfare and that animal welfare be regulated by an independent government body.

Histories of American welfare have been stories about the state. Like Walter Trattner's widely read From Poor Law to Welfare State, now in its sixth edition, they have offered a narrative about the slow but steady expansion and elaboration of state and federal protections granted to poor and working people, and have usually done so by charting increases in government expenditures, by documenting the institutionalization of welfare bureaucracies, and by tracing rises or declines in poverty, unemployment, and other aggregate measures of well-being. This has been the case even in more critical accounts that emphasize that American social welfare history is not a story just of progress, such as Michael Katz's In the Shadow of the Poorhouse. These narratives have emphasized programs, not people (whether it is the poorhouse, the asylum, and mother's pensions, or the more recent innovations of national unemployment insurance, Social Security, AFDC and TANF, and Medicare and Medicaid). In the investigations of the welfare state that dominate academic research, the content and timing of government policy itself has served as the dependent variable, while the independent variables have been a congeries of interests, institutions, and policy entrepreneurs. Our attention has been focused upon what government has done, why it was done, and what the effects were as measured in official data.

The commercial greyhound racing industry in New Zealand is struggling with an eroding social license and ‘on-notice’ status. Multiple independent reviews of the industry have identified ongoing issues of animal welfare during and between races, euthanasia decisions, poor data tracking, a lack of transparency and problems with rehoming dogs, resulting in New Zealand animal advocacy agencies and the general public questioning the continuation of greyhound racing. The current paper assessed the New Zealand public’s awareness and familiarity with commercial greyhound racing, identified current levels of public support or opposition for racing, and provided context in terms of engagement with greyhound racing using a comprehensive survey of a robust sample of New Zealanders. The results confirm that the social license of the greyhound industry is under challenge with most respondents expressing disagreement with or lack of knowledge of current industry practices and indicating they would vote in support of a ban. There is scope for increasing public acceptability by addressing welfare issues, increasing awareness of positive industry practices, and encouraging transparency of the greyhound racing agency. However, as greyhound racing is on the decline worldwide, calls are likely to continue for a phase-out of commercial greyhound racing.

Aim. The aim of this study was to carry out an audit of healthcare plans in New Zealand and Oman. Methods. The study utilizes a deductive content analysis method. Written plans from New Zealand District Health Boards (DHBs) and the Omani secondary and tertiary hospitals were analyzed. A checklist was used to score the plans against twelve elements which are command and control, hazard analysis, surge capability, communication, standard operating procedures (SOPs), life-line backups, public and media, training, welfare, coordination, and recovery. Results. There were 14 plans from New Zealand and 7 plans from Oman analysed. The overall coverage of New Zealand plans was 67.5% compared to 53.3% in Oman. Plans from both countries scored similarly in “command and control,” “hazard analysis,” “surge,” and “communication” elements. Omani plans scored lower than those of New Zealand in “media and the publicv” “training,” “coordination,” and “recovery.” Both countries scored very low in addressing the welfare of responders. Conclusion. This study highlighted the value of health emergency plans in New Zealand as reflected by the high score of DHBs’ coordination. Therefore, a similar approach in Oman will enhance emergency preparedness. Responders’ welfare is an issue that needs to be addressed by emergency preparedness plans in both countries.

Consideration of the degree to which social factors have influenced the development of archaeology has become a recent focus of interest among archaeologists; however little work has been done on determining the relationship of social factors to archaeology in new Zealand. The aim of this thesis is to consider whether archaeologists were influenced by the surrounding New Zealand society between the years 1840 and 1954 and if so, in what manner were they influenced. In particular, consideration is given to how the social background of New Zealand archaeology compared with the social influences of British archaeology compared with the social influence of British archaeology of the time. For the purposes of the study the term archaeologist applies to all those who investigated or recovered in situ archaeological material. Lists of archaeologists of the day were compiled from journals, newspaper articles, and unpublished sources. From these lists the social background of those engaging in archaeology was reconstructed. Developments in archaeology theory and methodology were also examined, not only to determine the manner in which they effected the practise of archaeology, but also to determine the source of those developments, and the reasons for their adoption. The wider social context was also examined to determine the degree to which archaeology reflected certain factors in New Zealand society, not simply in the manner in which archaeology was carried out, but also in the reasons for which research was conducted. This study demonstrates that though the discipline, and in particular the power, was concentrated among urban professionals, the social spread of those engaging in archaeology was wide. This was particularly the case between the turn of the century and the Second World War, when archaeologists with a tertiary background were in a minority. Archaeologists were influenced both from inside and outside the field, the degree of influence being determined by individual factors. As archaeologists were a part of society, so too was society part of archaeological practice. In the manner in which archaeology was conducted the influence of societal attitudes towards women and Maori can be seen.

Since the 1980s, there has been an increasing emphasis on drama, in live theatre and on film, which re-addresses the ways in which the post-colonial histories of Australia and New Zealand have been written. Why is there such a focus on �historical� drama in these countries at the end of the twentieth century and what does this drama contribute to wider debates about post-colonial history? This thesis aims both to explore the connections between drama and history, and to analyse the interface between live and recorded drama. In order to discuss these issues, I have used the work of theatre and film critics and historians, supplemented by reference to writers working in the field of post-colonial and performance theory. In particular, I have utilised the methods of Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins in Post-Colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, beginning with their claim that in the post-colonial situation history has been seen to determine reality itself. I have also drawn on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Linda Hutcheon and Guy Debord who question the �truth� value of official history-writing and emphasize the role of representation in determining popular perceptions of the past. This discussion is developed through reference to contemporary performance theory, particularly the work of Richard Schechner and Marvin Carlson, in order to suggest that there is no clear separation between performance and reality, and that access to history is only possible through re-enactments of it, whether in written or performative forms. Chapter One is a survey of the development of �historical� drama in theatre and film from New Zealand and Australia. This includes discussion of the diverse cultural and performative traditions which influence this drama, and establishment of the critical methodologies to be used in the thesis. Chapter Two examines four plays which are intercultural re-writings of canonical texts from the European dramatic tradition. In this chapter I analyse the formal and thematic strategies in each of these plays in relation to the source texts, and ask to what extent they function as canonical counter-discourse by offering a critique of the assumptions of the earlier play from a post-colonial perspective. The potential of dramatic representation in forming perceptions of reality has made it an attractive forum for Maori and Aboriginal artists, who are creating theatre which has both a political and a pedagogical function. This discussion demonstrates that much of the impetus towards historiographic drama in both countries has come from Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors working in collaboration with white practitioners. Such collaborations not only advance the project of historiographic drama, but also may form the basis of future theatre practice which departs from the Western tradition and is unique to each of New Zealand and Australia. In Chapter Three I explore the interface between live and recorded performance by comparing plays and films which dramatise similar historical material. I consider the relative effectiveness of theatre and film as media for historiographic critique. I suggest that although film often has a greater cultural impact than theatre, to date live theatre has been a more accessible form of expression for Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors. Furthermore, following theorists such as Brecht and Brook, I argue that such aspects as the presence of the live performer and the design of the physical space shared by actors and audience give theatre considerable potential for creating an immediate engagement with historiographic themes. In Chapter Four, I discuss two contrasting examples of recorded drama in order to highlight the potential of film and television as media for historiographic critique. I question the divisions between the documentary and dramatic genres, and use Derrida�s notion of play to suggest that there is a constant slippage between the dramatic and the real, between the past and the present. In Chapter Five, I summarize the arguments advanced in previous chapters, using the example of the national museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, to illustrate that the �performance� of history has become part of popular culture. Like the interactive displays at Te Papa, the texts studied in this thesis demonstrate that dramatic representation has the potential to re-define perceptions of historical �reality�. With its superior capacity for creating illusion, film is a dynamic medium for exploring the imaginative process of history is that in the live performance the spectator symbolically comes into the presence of the past.

In the 1970s and 1980s New Zealand experienced significant socio-economic upheaval due in part to the global economy, economic experiments, and the gains of Maori activism. Despite the divisiveness of this period (or possibly because of it), anxieties over notions of New Zealand national identity were heightened. There was a general feeling among many Kiwis that New Zealand culture (however it was defined) was in danger of extinction, mostly due to the dominant influences of the United states and Britain. New Zealanders sought ways to distinguish themselves and their nation. One of the ways in which this desire was manifested was in the establishment of the New Zealand Film Commission (NZFC). This government sponsored body corporate was designed to provide an infrastructure for New Zealand filmmaking, through which New Zealand and New Zealanders could be represented. As a result, New Zealand filmmaking boomed during the early to mid-1980s. Significantly, this boom occurred simultaneous to the increasing relevance and importance of notions of biculturalism, both in cultural and socio-political terms. The question that drives this thesis is how (or whether) biculturalism was articulated in the explicit or implicit relationships between cultural debates, governmental policies, the NZFC�s own policies and practices and its interaction with filmmakers. This thesis examines the ways in which aspects of the discourse of biculturalism feature in New Zealand cinema of the 1980s in terms of the content, development, production and marketing of three films of this era that share particular bicultural themes and elements: Utu (Geoff Murphy, 1983), The Quiet Earth (Geoff Murphy, 1985) and Arriving Tuesday (Richard Riddiford, 1986). This thesis also examines the role of the NZFC in these processes as prescribed by legislation and in terms of the NZFC�s own policies and procedures. This thesis consults a variety of primary and secondary sources in its research. Primary sources include film texts, public documents, archival material, trade journals, and interviews with important figures in the New Zealand film industry. Conclusions suggest that the interaction of numerous socio-historical factors, and the practices and policies of the NZFC, denote a process that was not direct in its articulation of notions of biculturalism. Rather, this involved an array of complex cultural, fiscal. industrial, professional and aesthetic forces.

The importance of parental nutritional status on planktotrophic larvae was investigated in both laboratory-conditioned and field (populations) parents of two New Zealand echinoderms: the sea urchin Pseudechinus huttoni and the starfish Sclerasterias mollis. Three questions were addressed: (i) Does parental nutritional status affect the reproductive features (gonad index, gametogenesis, fecundity and biochemical composition) both in the laboratory and under natural conditions? (ii) Does parental nutritional status affect egg characteristics (diameter, number, dry weight, fertilization rate and biochemical composition)? (iii) Are the characteristics of larvae (growth, development, morphology, mortality rate and body composition) influenced by parental or larval nutrition (or both)? To answer the first question, adult P. huttoni and S. mollis were maintained in the laboratory with a low or high diet (in terms of quantity and quality for P. huttoni, and in terms of quantity for S. mollis) for one year. The effect of low and high diets on reproductive features was studied and the same parameters were studied in two parental populations with dissimilar food availability (for P. huttoni: Otago Shelf and Doubtful Sound populations; for S. mollis: Otago inshore and offshore populations). To address the second question, egg characteristics of the laboratory-held and field parents were measured. The third question was answered by rearing larvae of the laboratory and field parents with both low and high concentration planktonic diets. P. huttoni reared in the laboratory with a higher food ration had greater gonad indices and lipid concentration and larger oocyte area. Sea urchins from the Doubtful Sound population had higher food availability, greater gonad lipid concentration and larger oocytes. Parental nutrition had some effect on the characteristics of the egg in P. huttoni. The laboratory-held urchins fed a high diet produced larger eggs: P. huttoni from Doubtful Sound produced larger eggs with a greater carbohydrate concentration. P. huttoni larvae from low-fed laboratory and Otago Shelf parents had faster development The effect of larval nutrition was more important than parental food availability on larval growth and development. Feeding parents in the laboratory had no effect on larval morphology but larvae from Doubtful Sound, which had better food availability, had longer arms relative to body width. A higher cell concentration in the planktonic diet led to shorter larval arm relative to body width. In S. mollis reared in the laboratory, a higher food ration led to larger gonad and pyloric caeca indices. The starfish from an Otago inshore population mainly had a higher gonad index than those from an Otago offshore population. In the laboratory-held parents S. mollis, nutrition had no effect on the egg characteristics. In the field, starfish with higher food availability produced smaller eggs with lower carbohydrate concentration. There was no significant difference between development rates of S. mollis larvae from low and high fed laboratory parents. However, those from the Otago inshore parents, with better food availability, had faster development than the larvae from Otago offshore parents. In S. mollis larvae, the origin of the parents (either from the laboratory or the field) had no effect on larval shape. A higher concentration planktonic diet led to longer larvae relative to body width in larvae from high-fed laboratory parents. In both P. huttoni and S. mollis, parental and larval diet had no effect on rate of instantaneous larval mortality. In both P. huttoni and S. mollis larvae, biochemical composition of the larvae and the egg were different to each other. Egg reserves appear not to be a factor which affects larval characteristics in these species.

Summary: Written, visual and material evidence demonstrates that the indigenous and immigrant peoples of nineteenth century New Zealand both retained aspects of their traditional burial practices and forms of memorialisation while modifying others in response to their new environmental and social contexts. Maori had developed a complex set of burial rituals by the beginning of the nineteenth century, practised within the framework of tangihanga. These included primary and secondary burial and limited memorialisation, with practices varying between iwi. Change and continuity characterised the development of Maori burial practices and materials, translated traditional practices into new materials, and new practices into traditional materials. Although urupa came to appear more European, they were still firmly embedded in the framework of tangihanga and notions of tapu. The nineteenth century settlement of New Zealand occurred at a time of transition in British burial practices, with the traditional churchyard burial ground giving way to the modern cemetery. The predominantly British settlers transplanted both institutions to the colonial context. The cemeteries, churchyards and burial grounds created in nineteenth century New Zealand were influenced by a great number of factors. These included the materials available, the religious and ethnic make up of settler society, regionalism, economic ties, major events, political and social conditions, means of establishment and function. These processes, events, and influences resulted in a rich yet neglected material culture of urupa, cemeteries, churchyards, burial grounds and lone graves which are today valuable components of our historic and cultural landscapes. Portions of this heritage have already been lost through decay and destruction. Neglect is now the major threat. Part of this neglect is due to the fact that we do not understand our cemeteries, what they show, how and why they have developed over time. Neglect is also engendered by cultural perceptions of what is valuable. While Maori regard urupa and burial places as toanga and sacred sites, Pakeha have tended to ignore their historic cemeteries. Such attitudes have been reflected and enforced by the policy of external agencies such as the New Zealand Historic Places Trust. New Zealand�s nineteenth century cemeteries have a great but under-utilised research potential, which it is important to recognise if we wish to preserve them.

Using a series of interlocking case-studies, this thesis investigates environmental anxieties in New Zealand�s settler society in the period 1830-1920. A central premise of this study is that the rapid environmental transformation of New Zealand stimulated widespread anxieties and reforms within settler society. These anxieties focussed as much on the changes already begun as on apprehensions of the results of these changes. Applying the concept of environmental anxiety to settler New Zealand expands understandings about colonial culture and its environmental history. It moves debate beyond simple narratives of colonial environmental destruction. Instead, this thesis highlights the ambiguities and complexities of colonial views of the natural world. This thesis points to the insecurities behind seeming Victorian confidence, even arrogance, in the ability of science and technology to bring constant material improvement. Europeans recognised that modern living brought material advantages but that the rapid environmental changes that underpinned these improvements also brought and threatened to bring unwanted outcomes. A diverse range of settlers worried about the effects of environmental changes. Individuals, institutions, committees, councils, doctors, scientists, artists, governments, engineers and politicians expressed environmental anxieties of one kind or another. Some farmers, politicians and scientists held that deforestation decreased rainfall but increased temperatures. Other scientists and politicians feared that it brought devastating floods and soil erosion. Some Maori, travellers, politicians and scientists held that it destabilised sand that would inundate fertile fields. Councillors, engineers and doctors constantly debated ways of improving the healthiness of towns and cities, areas seen as particularly dangerous places in which to live. Doctors� and settlers� anxieties focused on the effects of New Zealand�s climate on health and racial development. The impact of environmental change on the healthiness of certain areas, as well as the role played by humans in climate change, also provoked lively discussion. The effects of these anxieties are evident in some of the land policies, artworks, legislation, parliamentary and scientific debates, and writings of this period. Settlers believed curbing pollution, laying out parks, planting trees and restricting the construction of unhealthy properties improved living conditions in cities. Some scientists and politicians thought setting aside forest �climate reserves� in highland areas, tree-planting legislation and sustainable forestry practices prevented flooding and climate change. Individuals and authorities also established sanatoria and spas in particularly healthy spots, such as at the seaside and in high, dry places. In investigating these topics, this thesis expands the discipline of environmental history, bringing to light the importance of studying urban environments, aesthetics, climate change, desertification and health. It expands the largely �national� narratives of New Zealand�s environmental histories by acknowledging that local environments, events and attitudes as well as global environments, events and attitudes shaped anxieties and policies. Global ideas, often operating at a local level, played a role in reinforcing and providing solutions to New Zealand�s environmental anxieties. This thesis also acknowledges the on-going significance of Christianity in under-girding ideas about improvement and environmental protection. Most significantly, perhaps, this study underlines both that many settlers displayed an emotional attachment to the New Zealand environment and that most colonists wanted to ensure the long-term productivity of its lands.

This study develops a missional theology for both process and goals of 'Citywide Transformative Revival.' This has been grounded in the local realities of Auckland as a representative modern/postmodern city. Global discussion among urban missions strategists and theologians have provoked the question: 'What is the relationship of the Spirit of Christ to the transformation of a postmodern city?' This has been examined in a limited manner, using two local indicators: the New Zealand revival (for the work of the Holy Spirit) and Auckland city (for emergent modern/postmodern megacities). This has resulted in an exploration of revival theology and its limitations among Auckland's Pentecostals and Evangelicals and a proposal for a theology of transformative revival that engages the postmodern city. To accomplish this, a research framework is proposed within an evangelical perspective, a postmodern hermeneutic of 'transformational conversations ', an interfacing of faith community conversations and urban conversations. This is used to develop a new theory of 'citywide transformative revival' as an expansion of revival theories, a field within pneumatology. Citywide transformative revival is a concept of synergistic revivals in multiple sectors of a mega-city. This results in long-term change of urban vision and values towards the principles of the Kingdom of God. A theology of transformative process is developed from apostolic and prophetic themes. These are outcomes of gifts released in revival. Transformative revival results in new transformative apostolic and prophetic structures that engage the postmodern city soul. Transformation implies goals. The results of revival, the transformative visions for the city, are developed from themes of the City of God and the Kingdom of God. I expand largely 'spiritual' Western formulations of the Kingdom to a holistic Kingdom vision of the spiritual, communal and material aspects of the postmodern city. These enable conversation spaces with modern urbanism and postmodernism.
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This study examines three basic questions. Why did so many familiar floral species with which agricultural people have more or less successfully contested places for some 10,000 years apparently become highly problematic in New Zealand? How did those in whom the developing contest aroused considerable anxiety try to solve the problems they saw emerging? And what were the outcomes of their chosen courses of action? This study is organised around three main themes, science, the law and agricultural practices. Within each theme I take into consideration the ways New Zealanders used particular aspects of these broad disciplines to try to identify, understand and solve the problems they perceived to have been caused by their weedy biota. I also consider the extent to which recourse to these means has helped or hindered the ends they sought. The methodology adopted for this study is a variation of an 'organisational approach', advocated by the German environmental historian Frank Uekoetter. It focuses on the ways responses to perceived environmental problems are organised within a society. From my use of Uekoetter�s model I conclude that, despite a number of setbacks during the mid to late 19th century, by 1939 New Zealanders had developed highly dynamic processes within their weed science, extending into the wider farming community, by which they could feel their way with some confidence into a future where they might better manage the contest with their weeds, if not actually eradicate them.

Constructions of memory, myth and legend relating to Gallipoli have dominated the academic assumption which suggests that this dimension alone has allowed for the reawakening of the exceptional interest in the Anzac tradition; a tradition that has converged at the physical site in modern day Turkey. While these intangible constructions have waxed, waned, and re-emerged over the Twentieth Century, possessing the site to commence the construction of an Anzac Battlefield Cemetery has been ignored in academic enquiry. This significant series of events from 1916 to 1965 were indispensable to memory perpetuation and essential to the commemorative primacy that this preserved headland now enjoys. The desire to repossess, and then own in perpetuity the battlefield in order to attach the appropriate masonry adornments, is in itself unique. This dimension has not been academically scrutinised by any historian until now. Nor has the deliberate desire to construct an Anzac shrine that would someday attract pilgrims from the Antipodes been studied. Present day site-sacralisation by rite-of-passage pilgrims, thoroughly emersed in the Anzac tradition, suggests the convergence of the two dimensions is complete. To counteract this problem of the �hegemony of the intangibles� this thesis explores primary sources, gleaned largely from archival records, then evaluates the significance of the history of �physical Gallipoli.� Thematic approaches based upon the lines of possession, preservation and pilgrimage argue that this parallel dimension has played an indispensable role in shaping the end result today. Tens of thousands Australasian travellers now flock to this preserved battlefield to encounter the actual physicality of the tradition. The battlefield cemetery, complete with botanical emblems of ownership, had been out of the reach of the very generation who had created, acquired and constructed the battlefield landscape. The New Zealand public had to be content with assorted forms of vicarious pilgrimage coupled with widespread domestic memorialisation. New Zealand�s post-evacuation experience at Gallipoli became a story completely distinctive from that of Australia or Great Britain. The deliberately constructed Anzac Battlefield Cemetery is a unique landscape artefact that a proud but mournful generation set out to create. They eventually achieved this end by a complicated mixture of conquest, occupation, careful preservation, and commemorative ownership. These efforts were assisted by the vagaries of economic happenstance and international politics that left this remote Peninsula isolated and off-limits to human encounter. Fortuitously frozen in time, this landscape artefact, so steeped in Classical history, has emerged as one of the most sacred, and perhaps the most recognisable, geographic features associated with Australasia. Overriding these plans for shrine construction had been the stated goal of securing a reverent final resting place for those who fell during the creation of the Anzac legend in 1915. Sepulture perpetuelle became the post-evacuation catchphrase that propelled this Great War generation to go almost to the brink of war to secure the principles of this phrase. This lofty goal of permanence, by passage of time and the re-appropriation of nature, had mercifully been completed before the current �second invasion� that commenced in the 1980s. The Anzac Battlefield Cemetery is now a victim of its own very successful physical preservation.

This cultural history of paua shell jewellery redresses the lack of visibility of such objects as a significant part of 20th century New Zealand material culture and provides a basis for a more balanced interpretation beyond its stereotyping as tourist kitsch. It questions why quality paua shell jewellery made before the late 1960s failed to gain recognition with most New Zealanders until fairly recently as anything other than tourist souvenirs. Over 1,500 items of paua shell jewellery, mainly in private collections, formed the basis for this multidisciplinary research project that incorporates historical, anthropological and material culture studies approaches to write a cultural history of such jewellery. The objects were photographed and where available, their provenance recorded. A visual analysis of the items - paying attention to details of design and construction - established various, often overlapping categories that facilitated the dating and identification process. Gradually, a picture of the production of paua shell jewellery over the decades emerged. The wider socio-cultural context was then built using archival sources, various publications, conversations with one-time industry representatives, and discussions with original owners of paua shell jewellery. Interpretation of the material established multiple roles for paua shell jewellery over the decades for various groups of people. Changes over time provided insights into aspects of identity creation by New Zealanders. Until the 1920s, the shell�s main role had been as a European applied arts material and as inlay for Maori woodcarvings. Paua shell as a commercial souvenir material developed during the Depression and was shaped by the interaction between an emerging nationalism and a democratising of travel in New Zealand. Paua shell native bird brooches functioned as affordable alternatives to greenstone souvenirs for the working-class tourists that began exploring their own country. In addition to its role as emblems of nationhood in the interwar years, paua shell jewellery had meaning as souvenirs for American servicemen stationed in New Zealand during the War, and as patriotic tokens for its own population due to its association with disabled servicemen. Paua shell jewellery functioned as acknowledgement of settlement for European immigrants in the post war era, and as travel memento for trans-Tasman tourists from the mid 1950s. New Zealand girls received paua shell items as first jewellery, and women wore it as dress or costume jewellery. Until the increase of tourism in the 1960s, paua shell jewellery had existed on a number of planes. The exploitation of paua shell by the tourist industry, however, upset the balance and its dominance as souvenir forced a retreat of alternative uses. Other than as tourist souvenir, paua shell jewellery became invisible to the local population. Their withdrawal from an association with paua shell as a cultural marker of national identity explains why so many New Zealanders were uncertain about liking or disliking paua shell jewellery until recently.

AbstractWhat is well-being? Well-being has become synonymous with the multi-billion-dollar wellness industry, whilst also being rooted in ancient philosophy and religious practices. It has no universal definition across time, place or scientific discipline, yet the very term ‘statistics’ was invented to measure human happiness.This chapter contextualises the history of well-being data and development as one which is tied to political and technological change, firstly, in the desire to monitor human welfare, and secondly, for policy. Public management strategies embraced economic approaches to auditing, as a means to define value and efficiency in social policy choices. The chapter considers how well-being data became co-opted into an ostensibly rational process of decision-making and evaluation, becoming a tool of policy—for good and bad.

AbstractThis chapter studies the polarisation of 1970s’ British farm animal welfare politics and Ruth Harrison’s career as a full-time public campaigner on the RSPCA Council and as head of her own welfare Trust. Polarised conflicts triggered a professionalisation of RSPCA campaigning. The Society adopted new public pressure tactics, established expert committees, and started commissioning behavioural research. Internal tensions over elite “field sports” also led to the formation of the RSPCA Reform Group. Reform Group members oversaw a streamlining of RSPCA management and leadership. They also popularised animal rights thinking. Ruth Harrison supported opposition to “field sports” and helped trigger the internal crisis that led to the Reform Group’s formation. However, tensions over her role on FAWAC and her focus on gradualist reforms isolated Harrison. Forced to declare bankruptcy after a libel suit against another Council member, Harrison focused on developing her own Farm Animal Care Trust (FACT).

AbstractThe conclusion reflects on Harrison’s achievements as a campaigner and analyses the wider changes of animal welfare politics, science, and activism that occurred during her life. Between 1920 and 2000, synthesist Edwardian campaigning gave rise to professionalised activism and new concepts of animal cognition, affective states, and welfare. The “backstage” of British corporatist welfare politics was similarly transformed by polarising “frontstage” public protest and animal rights thinking. Aided by the rise of a new “mandated” animal welfare science and European integration, the turbulent 1970s eventually resulted in a new world of British welfare politics characterised by transnational decision-making and market-driven assurance schemes, which relied on consumer citizens rather than citizen campaigners to drive change. Determined to bear witness to animal welfare, Harrison shaped and witnessed most of these changes even though the economic drivers of welfare were becoming divorced from the universalist moral framework she believed in.

AbstractThis chapter analyses Harrison’s work on FAWAC and the committee’s wider impact. Agricultural officials had weighted FAWAC membership in favour of producer interests. Within the committee, there were significant tensions over how to define welfare and the status of ethological expertise. Officials, veterinary scientists, and agricultural interests favoured productivity-focused definitions of welfare and prioritised physiological measurements of stress and metabolic conversion. Harrison and other mostly female welfare representatives successfully resisted the passage of weak new welfare codes and called for an inclusion of ethological expertise and wider ethical considerations in FAWAC deliberations. The resulting stalemate between “scientific” and “ethical” factions soon led to a breakdown of FAWAC decision-making, a stagnation of British welfare reforms, and a polarisation of public welfare campaigning.

AbstractThis chapter examines the evolution of British farm animal welfare politics during the last two decades of Harrison’s campaigning. In 1979, the RSPCA boycotted the Thatcher government’s new Farm Animal Welfare Council (FAWC). The short-lived protest triggered a membership revolt and moderation of RSPCA policies. It also coincided with a weakening of agricultural corporatism in Westminster. FAWC was granted relative independence from the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food and explicitly acknowledged an updated version of the five freedoms. Ensuing British welfare reforms were also driven by the increasing involvement of European bodies in animal welfare. Now in her 60s, Ruth Harrison joined FAWC as a welfare member. Her increasing public recognition as a senior welfare campaigner enabled her to proactively push for reforms, expand her fundraising activities, and sponsor additional welfare research. By the late 1990s, most of her welfare positions had become part of mainstream politics.

AbstractThe 1980s has been described as a time when there was a ‘neoliberal turn’ in public and political debate. In Sweden, many of these new ideas focused on the size and organisation of the welfare state. Although the government implemented a few reforms in the 1980s, activists mobilised many welfare-state-related protests. In this chapter, we describe the trends of these actions and investigate which actors were behind these protests. Our findings show that trade unions and client groups of the welfare state were particularly active, and this aligns well with research on the retrenchment of the welfare state that has shown unions’ and client groups’ opposition to cutbacks everywhere. The third group that we expected to mobilise concerning welfare state issues comprised the proponents of neoliberal reforms, such as pro-business groups. Similar to other studies on the rich people’s movement, we show how these groups seldom choose visible actions, but when they do, they have the resources to organise significant and spectacular events. For example, the Fourth of October demonstration in 1983 was one of the largest demonstrations organised in Sweden. We also note that the mobilisation in the 1980s could not stop the significant welfare retrenchment that followed during the 1990s.

This paper examines the history within Australia of the ‘parklet’, a small architecturally-framed open space installed temporarily on an on-street car-parking space. The paper traces parklets’ varied and evolving forms, materials, production processes and functions. It examines how parklets have adapted to rapidly-changing social needs and priorities for economic activity, health, safety, socialising and on-street parking, and changes in street function. The contemporary parklet began in 2005 as a localised, grassroots activity to temporarily reclaim street space for public leisure, as part of the wider movement of ‘tactical urbanism’. Parklets rapidly became a worldwide phenomenon. Starting in 2008, parklets were absorbed into institutional urban planning practice, as a strategic tool to enhance community engagement, test possibilities, and win support for longer-term spatial transformations. From 2012, commercial parklet programs were developed in Australian cities to encourage local businesses to expand into street parking spaces, to calm traffic and enhance pedestrian amenity. A new generation of commercial ‘café parklets’ has emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic, facilitated by local governments, to support the heavily-impacted hospitality industry. Their design and construction show ongoing innovation, increasing scale and professionalism, but also standardisation. This paper draws on diverse Australian parklet examples to chart the emergence of varying approaches to their design and construction, which draw upon different materials, skills, local government strategies and international precedents. The findings also illustrate several convergences in the evolution of parklet design across different Australian cities, due to strong similarities in the spatial contexts, needs, risk factors, and technologies that have defined this practice.

The prerequisite for the study was the spread of views in the academic literature that the category of public welfare, without accounting for concretising factors, was a void abstraction, and that in Russia, public welfare was seen as the dominant principle over the individual. The main purpose of the study is to analyse the content of the term ‘the welfare of each and everyone’ in Russian legal theory. The author uses the methods of conceptual history and intellectual history to analyse the concept of ‘the welfare of each and everyone’ in the works of pre-revolutionary authors and the relationship between the concepts of ‘the welfare of each and everyone’ and ‘the common good’. The author determined that: ‘public welfare’ can be classified as fiction, purpose, method, interest and balance, depending on the context of use and semantic scope. The term ‘the welfare of each and every one’ became theoretically meaningful (as an objective, method, and interest), and was enshrined in law in Russian Empire in the XVIII -early XX centuries. The term was understood as achieving the common good, preserving the good of everyone and the reduction of public harm. Twentyfirst century Russian legal theory uses the related notion of ‘public welfare’, understood as a fiction, a goal, a method, an interest, a balance. The main findings of the study suggest that today the ‘public welfare’ is reduced to bringing benefits to anyone and everyone (D. I. Dedov), which is close to the historical understanding of ‘the welfare of each and every one’. The public welfare theory incorporates progressive elements such as the veil of ignorance, the win-win principle, and shapes institutions, resources, practices and formulates the issue of the emergence of a new generation of human rights.

This paper examines a range of grassroots protest memorials erected over the past 60 years within public spaces in the capital cities of three ‘Asian Tigers’: Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea. These cities grew quickly as their polities rapidly democratized in the 1980s after long periods of foreign and local authoritarian rule. The paper explores the complex relationships between these memorials and their various urban settings, and how these reflect the wider evolution of political authority, social history and values in each host territory. Drawing on documentary research, interviews, discourse analysis and site analysis of over 20 projects, the paper examines two key aspects of the planning and design of grassroots memorials in Taipei, Hong Kong and Seoul. Firstly, it discusses how these memorials’ designs communicate and critique the struggles of civil society against the cities’ authoritarian rulers. Secondly, it analyses the kinds of sites where these grassroots memorials have been erected, which contrast with the cities’ more prominent, government-endorsed commemorative sites. The paper identifies key formal types, commonalities and differences, and historical changes in the ways that citizens in each capital city have developed a post-colonial, post-authoritarian representation of local history through protest memorials in urban spaces.

Following BHP Steelworks redundancies in the 1980s and 1990s, shops, banks, service storefronts, even Public Bars, which lined Wentworth Street in Port Kembla, have for decades vacated the premises such that in 2019, except for the site of the Red Point Artists and café the scene was of an abandoned place. Interviews with participants that had worked at the Steelworks tell of a vibrant, busy and crowded Wentworth Street in the post-war period, lined with immigrant businesses and enterprises. This paper will approach the urbanism of Wentworth Street and Port Kembla from the lens of post-war immigrant history. It argues that such a lens reveals the links between the urbanism of Wentworth Street, its transition to vibrant culture and to neglected street, directly to the Port Kembla BHP Steelworks. The paper explores this immigrant perspective in two ways, firstly outlining a history of transnationalism and transculturalism resulting from the sheer numbers of immigrants to Port Kembla; and secondly, looking at that urban environment via the lens of works by immigrant cultural producers, the children of immigrant workers at the Steelworks.

Care has long been a gendered attribute, frequently associated with women but rarely, until very recently, understood as an ethic and action shaping the built environment. This paper proposes using the lens of care to uncover women’s material culture contributions to the built environment. Histories that focus on the formal intersection of architecture and town planning and their professional identities can exclude women makers who, historically had to find other ways to shape built material culture. Under the rubric of care, this paper examines how women makers worked in applied art media across a range of “care” sites through the post-suffrage organisation, the Victorian branch of the Country Women’s Association (CWA). This philanthropic organisation was established in 1928 to advance the rights and care of women, children, and families in regional areas. Through exhibitions, media, touring lecturers and an affiliation with the Victorian Arts and Crafts Society, the CWA Victoria used craft and domestic material culture to democratise craft ideals and ameliorate poor environments in rural homes and towns. It fostered public health, welfare and the comfort and repair of self and communities. Through these means the organisation also provided support for the influx of new arrivals generated from the post-war rural reconstruction schemes of soldier settlement and mass migration from Britain. These larger projects allied the CWA Victoria organisation to a post-war settler identity which reanimated settler myths of land. In early twentieth-century Australia, care of the settler, built environment was gendered and racialised, an event that prompts an intersectional reassessment of the feminist model of care.

In his article series “Modern Homes of Newcastle”, published in the Newcastle Morning Herald between 1961 and 1964, journalist Alan Farrelly wrote about the contemporary domestic architecture of Newcastle and its surrounds and in doing so brought public attention to the work of a generation of the city’s younger architects. Prominent amongst these was Sydney Charles Morton who had four houses of his own design featured in the series. These houses stand out for their bold modernist appearance involving stark rectilinear forms, light-weight construction, flat roofs and large amounts of glazing. For readers of the newspaper, they were an illustration of how far residential design in their region had come. This paper looks at the pre-history of these houses in the early domestic work of Morton which included the design of ‘Orana’, or what locally became known as “the chicken coop”. In the context of early 1950s Newcastle, where pitched roof, brick and tile homes were standard, ‘Orana’ certainly represented a radical departure and rethinking of the modern house. Like that of many of his generation, Morton’s work, and in particular his breakthrough project in ‘Orana’, occupies a position of ‘ultra’ defiance against convention. The aim of this paper is to understand how this position developed and grew in strength within his time as a student at Sydney Technical College and within his early practice.

The Centenary Estates project was announced in 1959 to mark the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of the State of Queensland. It was an early private sector development; a master-planned community adjacent to the Brisbane River (Maiwar) situated between Brisbane (Meeanjin) and Ipswich (Tulmur). An industrial garden city proposal, the Industrial Garden City Darra had been developed for the same site in 1916, but never realised. The development was overseen by the LJ Hooker Investment Corporation. Also known as the Centenary Project, it organised residential, commercial and industrial areas on 3500 acres of land, allocated to six “self-sufficient” suburbs with 9 kilometres of river frontage and two adjacent industrial estates. A total of 10,261 residential lots were surveyed, anticipating 35,000 residents, with 20% of the land set aside for commercial and industrial purposes. It included the promise of an Olympic-size swimming pool, golf course and a new bridge across the river with supporting infrastructure financed by the developers, as part of a new Centenary Highway connection from the city to Ipswich through the western suburbs. The paper will give an account of the prior history of the site including the proposed Industrial Garden City at Darra, and situate Centenary Estates within Brisbane’s post-war expansion west, the shift from public to private development, new methods of promotion, lifestyle aspirations, the transfer of knowledge between government, corporations, planners, builders and architects, and a cautionary tale for the consequences of building on flood-prone farmland adjacent to the river.

Background: Wars are always accompanied by various forms of violence. Gender-based violence occupies a special place. Currently, for the first time since the Second World War, the civilian population of Ukraine is facing widespread sexual violence, including rape, by the occupying forces. This situation requires a sociological study of sexual violence that takes into account the Ukrainian experience. Purpose: To identify the goals, as well as general and specific features of sexual violence committed against women during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Methods: Analysis of the memoirs of a victim of gender-based violence during the war; analysis of interviews with experts on sexual violence; method of comparison. Results: The particularity of sexual violence during the Russian-Ukrainian war is the "era of social media", when the relevant information technologies can turn an act of sexual violence into a public event. The primary purpose of various types of sexual violence is to add new "weapons" to the arsenal of war that will help to win. Conclusion: The recent history of Ukraine related to the Russian-Ukrainian war contains a significant amount of empirical data for further research on gender-based sexual violence during wars. Only after the full liberation of the temporarily occupied territories, the scale of sexual crimes committed by the Russian army can be determined, and their goals, forms of manifestation, consequences for the physical and mental health of victims and, accordingly, social consequences can be fully investigated. Keywords: gender-based sexual violence, sexual violence against women, rape culture.

There is much to learn from the recent New Zealand and Japan earthquakes. These earthquakes produced differing levels of liquefaction-induced ground movements that damaged buildings, bridges, and buried utilities. Along with the often spectacular observations of infrastructure damage, there were many cases where well-built facilities located in areas of liquefaction-induced ground failure were not damaged. Researchers are working on characterizing and learning from these observations of both poor and good performance. The “Liquefaction-Induced Ground Movements Effects” workshop provided an opportunity to take advantage of recent research investments following these earthquake events to develop a path forward for an integrated understanding of how infrastructure performs with various levels of liquefaction. Fifty-five researchers in the field, two-thirds from the U.S. and one-third from New Zealand and Japan, convened in Berkeley, California, in November 2016. The objective of the workshop was to identify research thrusts offering the greatest potential for advancing our capabilities for understanding, evaluating, and mitigating the effects of liquefaction-induced ground movements on structures and lifelines. The workshop also advanced the development of younger researchers by identifying promising research opportunities and approaches, and promoting future collaborations among participants. During the workshop, participants identified five cross-cutting research priorities that need to be addressed to advance our scientific understanding of and engineering procedures for soil liquefaction effects during earthquakes. Accordingly, this report was organized to address five research themes: (1) case history data; (2) integrated site characterization; (3) numerical analysis; (4) challenging soils; and (5) effects and mitigation of liquefaction in the built environment and communities. These research themes provide an integrated approach toward transformative advances in addressing liquefaction hazards worldwide. The archival documentation of liquefaction case history datasets in electronic data repositories for use by the broader research community is critical to accelerating advances in liquefaction research. Many of the available liquefaction case history datasets are not fully documented, published, or shared. Developing and sharing well-documented liquefaction datasets reflect significant research efforts. Therefore, datasets should be published with a permanent DOI, with appropriate citation language for proper acknowledgment in publications that use the data. Integrated site characterization procedures that incorporate qualitative geologic information about the soil deposits at a site and the quantitative information from in situ and laboratory engineering tests of these soils are essential for quantifying and minimizing the uncertainties associated site characterization. Such information is vitally important to help identify potential failure modes and guide in situ testing. At the site scale, one potential way to do this is to use proxies for depositional environments. At the fabric and microstructure scale, the use of multiple in situ tests that induce different levels of strain should be used to characterize soil properties. The development of new in situ testing tools and methods that are more sensitive to soil fabric and microstructure should be continued. The development of robust, validated analytical procedures for evaluating the effects of liquefaction on civil infrastructure persists as a critical research topic. Robust validated analytical procedures would translate into more reliable evaluations of critical civil infrastructure iv performance, support the development of mechanics-based, practice-oriented engineering models, help eliminate suspected biases in our current engineering practices, and facilitate greater integration with structural, hydraulic, and wind engineering analysis capabilities for addressing multi-hazard problems. Effective collaboration across countries and disciplines is essential for developing analytical procedures that are robust across the full spectrum of geologic, infrastructure, and natural hazard loading conditions encountered in practice There are soils that are challenging to characterize, to model, and to evaluate, because their responses differ significantly from those of clean sands: they cannot be sampled and tested effectively using existing procedures, their properties cannot be estimated confidently using existing in situ testing methods, or constitutive models to describe their responses have not yet been developed or validated. Challenging soils include but are not limited to: interbedded soil deposits, intermediate (silty) soils, mine tailings, gravelly soils, crushable soils, aged soils, and cemented soils. New field and laboratory test procedures are required to characterize the responses of these materials to earthquake loadings, physical experiments are required to explore mechanisms, and new soil constitutive models tailored to describe the behavior of such soils are required. Well-documented case histories involving challenging soils where both the poor and good performance of engineered systems are documented are also of high priority. Characterizing and mitigating the effects of liquefaction on the built environment requires understanding its components and interactions as a system, including residential housing, commercial and industrial buildings, public buildings and facilities, and spatially distributed infrastructure, such as electric power, gas and liquid fuel, telecommunication, transportation, water supply, wastewater conveyance/treatment, and flood protection systems. Research to improve the characterization and mitigation of liquefaction effects on the built environment is essential for achieving resiliency. For example, the complex mechanisms of ground deformation caused by liquefaction and building response need to be clarified and the potential bias and dispersion in practice-oriented procedures for quantifying building response to liquefaction need to be quantified. Component-focused and system-performance research on lifeline response to liquefaction is required. Research on component behavior can be advanced by numerical simulations in combination with centrifuge and large-scale soil–structure interaction testing. System response requires advanced network analysis that accounts for the propagation of uncertainty in assessing the effects of liquefaction on large, geographically distributed systems. Lastly, research on liquefaction mitigation strategies, including aspects of ground improvement, structural modification, system health monitoring, and rapid recovery planning, is needed to identify the most effective, cost-efficient, and sustainable measures to improve the response and resiliency of the built environment.

Banco de la República is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2023. This is a very significant anniversary and one that provides an opportunity to highlight the contribution the Bank has made to the country’s development. Its track record as guarantor of monetary stability has established it as the one independent state institution that generates the greatest confidence among Colombians due to its transparency, management capabilities, and effective compliance with the central banking and cultural responsibilities entrusted to it by the Constitution and the Law. On a date as important as this, the Board of Directors of Banco de la República (BDBR) pays tribute to the generations of governors and officers whose commitment and dedication have contributed to the growth of this institution.1 Banco de la República’s mandate was confirmed in the National Constitutional Assembly of 1991 where the citizens had the opportunity to elect the seventy people who would have the task of drafting a new constitution. The leaders of the three political movements with the most votes were elected as chairs to the Assembly, and this tripartite presidency reflected the plurality and the need for consensus among the different political groups to move the reform forward. Among the issues considered, the National Constitutional Assembly gave special importance to monetary stability. That is why they decided to include central banking and to provide Banco de la República with the necessary autonomy to use the instruments for which they are responsible without interference from other authorities. The constituent members understood that ensuring price stability is a state duty and that the entity responsible for this task must be enshrined in the Constitution and have the technical capability and institutional autonomy necessary to adopt the decisions they deem appropriate to achieve this fundamental objective in coordination with the general economic policy. In particular, Article 373 established that “the State, through Banco de la República, shall ensure the maintenance of the purchasing power of the currency,” a provision that coincided with the central banking system adopted by countries that have been successful in controlling inflation. In 1999, in Ruling 481, the Constitutional Court stated that “the duty to maintain the purchasing power of the currency applies to not only the monetary, credit, and exchange authority, i.e., the Board of Banco de la República, but also those who have responsibilities in the formulation and implementation of the general economic policy of the country” and that “the basic constitutional purpose of Banco de la República is the protection of a sound currency. However, this authority must take the other economic objectives of state intervention such as full employment into consideration in their decisions since these functions must be coordinated with the general economic policy.” The reforms to Banco de la República agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly of 1991 and in Act 31/1992 can be summarized in the following aspects: i) the Bank was assigned a specific mandate: to maintain the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy; ii) the BDBR was designatedas the monetary, foreign exchange, and credit authority; iii) the Bank and its Board of Directors were granted a significant degree of independence from the government; iv) the Bank was prohibited from granting credit to the private sector except in the case of the financial sector; v) established that in order to grant credit to the government, the unanimous vote of its Board of Directors was required except in the case of open market transactions; vi) determined that the legislature may, in no case, order credit quotas in favor of the State or individuals; vii) Congress was appointed, on behalf of society, as the main addressee of the Bank’s reporting exercise; and viii) the responsibility for inspection, surveillance, and control over Banco de la República was delegated to the President of the Republic. The members of the National Constitutional Assembly clearly understood that the benefits of low and stable inflation extend to the whole of society and contribute mto the smooth functioning of the economic system. Among the most important of these is that low inflation promotes the efficient use of productive resources by allowing relative prices to better guide the allocation of resources since this promotes economic growth and increases the welfare of the population. Likewise, low inflation reduces uncertainty about the expected return on investment and future asset prices. This increases the confidence of economic agents, facilitates long-term financing, and stimulates investment. Since the low-income population is unable to protect itself from inflation by diversifying its assets, and a high proportion of its income is concentrated in the purchase of food and other basic goods that are generally the most affected by inflationary shocks, low inflation avoids arbitrary redistribution of income and wealth.2 Moreover, low inflation facilitates wage negotiations, creates a good labor climate, and reduces the volatility of employment levels. Finally, low inflation helps to make the tax system more transparent and equitable by avoiding the distortions that inflation introduces into the value of assets and income that make up the tax base. From the monetary authority’s point of view, one of the most relevant benefits of low inflation is the credibility that economic agents acquire in inflation targeting, which turns it into an effective nominal anchor on price levels. Upon receiving its mandate, and using its autonomy, Banco de la República began to announce specific annual inflation targets as of 1992. Although the proposed inflation targets were not met precisely during this first stage, a downward trend in inflation was achieved that took it from 32.4% in 1990 to 16.7% in 1998. At that time, the exchange rate was kept within a band. This limited the effectiveness of monetary policy, which simultaneously sought to meet an inflation target and an exchange rate target. The Asian crisis spread to emerging economies and significantly affected the Colombian economy. The exchange rate came under strong pressure to depreciate as access to foreign financing was cut off under conditions of a high foreign imbalance. This, together with the lack of exchange rate flexibility, prevented a countercyclical monetary policy and led to a 4.2% contraction in GDP that year. In this context of economic slowdown, annual inflation fell to 9.2% at the end of 1999, thus falling below the 15% target set for that year. This episode fully revealed how costly it could be, in terms of economic activity, to have inflation and exchange rate targets simultaneously. Towards the end of 1999, Banco de la República announced the adoption of a new monetary policy regime called the Inflation Targeting Plan. This regime, known internationally as ‘Inflation Targeting,’ has been gaining increasing acceptance in developed countries, having been adopted in 1991 by New Zealand, Canada, and England, among others, and has achieved significant advances in the management of inflation without incurring costs in terms of economic activity. In Latin America, Brazil and Chile also adopted it in 1999. In the case of Colombia, the last remaining requirement to be fulfilled in order to adopt said policy was exchange rate flexibility. This was realized around September 1999, when the BDBR decided to abandon the exchange-rate bands to allow the exchange rate to be freely determined in the market.Consistent with the constitutional mandate, the fundamental objective of this new policy approach was “the achievement of an inflation target that contributes to maintaining output growth around its potential.”3 This potential capacity was understood as the GDP growth that the economy can obtain if it fully utilizes its productive resources. To meet this objective, monetary policy must of necessity play a countercyclical role in the economy. This is because when economic activity is below its potential and there are idle resources, the monetary authority can reduce the interest rate in the absence of inflationary pressure to stimulate the economy and, when output exceeds its potential capacity, raise it. This policy principle, which is immersed in the models for guiding the monetary policy stance, makes the following two objectives fully compatible in the medium term: meeting the inflation target and achieving a level of economic activity that is consistent with its productive capacity. To achieve this purpose, the inflation targeting system uses the money market interest rate (at which the central bank supplies primary liquidity to commercial banks) as the primary policy instrument. This replaced the quantity of money as an intermediate monetary policy target that Banco de la República, like several other central banks, had used for a long time. In the case of Colombia, the objective of the new monetary policy approach implied, in practical terms, that the recovery of the economy after the 1999 contraction should be achieved while complying with the decreasing inflation targets established by the BDBR. The accomplishment of this purpose was remarkable. In the first half of the first decade of the 2000s, economic activity recovered significantly and reached a growth rate of 6.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, inflation gradually declined in line with inflation targets. That was how the inflation rate went from 9.2% in 1999 to 4.5% in 2006, thus meeting the inflation target established for that year while GDP reached its potential level. After this balance was achieved in 2006, inflation rebounded to 5.7% in 2007, above the 4.0% target for that year due to the fact that the 7.5% GDP growth exceeded the potential capacity of the economy.4 After proving the effectiveness of the inflation targeting system in its first years of operation, this policy regime continued to consolidate as the BDBR and the technical staff gained experience in its management and state-of-the-art economic models were incorporated to diagnose the present and future state of the economy and to assess the persistence of inflation deviations and expectations with respect to the inflation target. Beginning in 2010, the BDBR established the long-term 3.0% annual inflation target, which remains in effect today. Lower inflation has contributed to making the macroeconomic environment more stable, and this has favored sustained economic growth, financial stability, capital market development, and the functioning of payment systems. As a result, reductions in the inflationary risk premia and lower TES and credit interest rates were achieved. At the same time, the duration of public domestic debt increased significantly going from 2.27 years in December 2002 to 5.86 years in December 2022, and financial deepening, measured as the level of the portfolio as a percentage of GDP, went from around 20% in the mid-1990s to values above 45% in recent years in a healthy context for credit institutions.Having been granted autonomy by the Constitution to fulfill the mandate of preserving the purchasing power of the currency, the tangible achievements made by Banco de la República in managing inflation together with the significant benefits derived from the process of bringing inflation to its long-term target, make the BDBR’s current challenge to return inflation to the 3.0% target even more demanding and pressing. As is well known, starting in 2021, and especially in 2022, inflation in Colombia once again became a serious economic problem with high welfare costs. The inflationary phenomenon has not been exclusive to Colombia and many other developed and emerging countries have seen their inflation rates move away from the targets proposed by their central banks.5 The reasons for this phenomenon have been analyzed in recent Reports to Congress, and this new edition delves deeper into the subject with updated information. The solid institutional and technical base that supports the inflation targeting approach under which the monetary policy strategy operates gives the BDBR the necessary elements to face this difficult challenge with confidence. In this regard, the BDBR reiterated its commitment to the 3.0% inflation target in its November 25 communiqué and expects it to be reached by the end of 2024.6 Monetary policy will continue to focus on meeting this objective while ensuring the sustainability of economic activity, as mandated by the Constitution. Analyst surveys done in March showed a significant increase (from 32.3% in January to 48.5% in March) in the percentage of responses placing inflation expectations two years or more ahead in a range between 3.0% and 4.0%. This is a clear indication of the recovery of credibility in the medium-term inflation target and is consistent with the BDBR’s announcement made in November 2022. The moderation of the upward trend in inflation seen in January, and especially in February, will help to reinforce this revision of inflation expectations and will help to meet the proposed targets. After reaching 5.6% at the end of 2021, inflation maintained an upward trend throughout 2022 due to inflationary pressures from both external sources, associated with the aftermath of the pandemic and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and domestic sources, resulting from: strengthening of local demand; price indexation processes stimulated by the increase in inflation expectations; the impact on food production caused by the mid-2021 strike; and the pass-through of depreciation to prices. The 10% increase in the minimum wage in 2021 and the 16% increase in 2022, both of which exceeded the actual inflation and the increase in productivity, accentuated the indexation processes by establishing a high nominal adjustment benchmark. Thus, total inflation went to 13.1% by the end of 2022. The annual change in food prices, which went from 17.2% to 27.8% between those two years, was the most influential factor in the surge in the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Another segment that contributed significantly to price increases was regulated products, which saw the annual change go from 7.1% in December 2021 to 11.8% by the end of 2022. The measure of core inflation excluding food and regulated items, in turn, went from 2.5% to 9.5% between the end of 2021 and the end of 2022. The substantial increase in core inflation shows that inflationary pressure has spread to most of the items in the household basket, which is characteristic of inflationary processes with generalized price indexation as is the case in Colombia. Monetary policy began to react early to this inflationary pressure. Thus, starting with its September 2021 session, the BDBR began a progressive change in the monetary policy stance moving away from the historical low of a 1.75% policy rate that had intended to stimulate the recovery of the economy. This adjustment process continued without interruption throughout 2022 and into the beginning of 2023 when the monetary policy rate reached 12.75% last January, thus accumulating an increase of 11 percentage points (pp). The public and the markets have been surprised that inflation continued to rise despite significant interest rate increases. However, as the BDBR has explained in its various communiqués, monetary policy works with a lag. Just as in 2022 economic activity recovered to a level above the pre-pandemic level, driven, along with other factors, by the monetary stimulus granted during the pandemic period and subsequent months, so too the effects of the current restrictive monetary policy will gradually take effect. This will allow us to expect the inflation rate to converge to 3.0% by the end of 2024 as is the BDBR’s purpose.Inflation results for January and February of this year showed declining marginal increases (13 bp and 3 bp respectively) compared to the change seen in December (59 bp). This suggests that a turning point in the inflation trend is approaching. In other Latin American countries such as Chile, Brazil, Perú, and Mexico, inflation has peaked and has begun to decline slowly, albeit with some ups and downs. It is to be expected that a similar process will take place in Colombia in the coming months. The expected decline in inflation in 2023 will be due, along with other factors, to lower cost pressure from abroad as a result of the gradual normalization of supply chains, the overcoming of supply shocks caused by the weather, and road blockades in previous years. This will be reflected in lower adjustments in food prices, as has already been seen in the first two months of the year and, of course, the lagged effect of monetary policy. The process of inflation convergence to the target will be gradual and will extend beyond 2023. This process will be facilitated if devaluation pressure is reversed. To this end, it is essential to continue consolidating fiscal sustainability and avoid messages on different public policy fronts that generate uncertainty and distrust. 1 This Report to Congress includes Box 1, which summarizes the trajectory of Banco de la República over the past 100 years. In addition, under the Bank’s auspices, several books that delve into various aspects of the history of this institution have been published in recent years. See, for example: Historia del Banco de la República 1923-2015; Tres banqueros centrales; Junta Directiva del Banco de la República: grandes episodios en 30 años de historia; Banco de la República: 90 años de la banca central en Colombia. 2 This is why lower inflation has been reflected in a reduction of income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient that went from 58.7 in 1998 to 51.3 in the year prior to the pandemic. 3 See Gómez Javier, Uribe José Darío, Vargas Hernando (2002). “The Implementation of Inflation Targeting in Colombia”. Borradores de Economía, No. 202, March, available at: https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/5220 4 See López-Enciso Enrique A.; Vargas-Herrera Hernando and Rodríguez-Niño Norberto (2016). “The inflation targeting strategy in Colombia. An historical view.” Borradores de Economía, No. 952. https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/6263 5 According to the IMF, the percentage change in consumer prices between 2021 and 2022 went from 3.1% to 7.3% for advanced economies, and from 5.9% to 9.9% for emerging market and developing economies. 6 https://www.banrep.gov.co/es/noticias/junta-directiva-banco-republica-reitera-meta-inflacion-3

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.