Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Public policy – congresses“
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Debray-Pelot, Elizabeth H. „School Choice and Educational Privatization Initiatives in the 106th and 107th Congresses: An Analysis of Policy Formation and Political Ideologies“. Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 109, Nr. 4 (April 2007): 927–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810710900407.
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This article is a policy analysis that considers how the policy option of using federal programs to promote educational choice was proposed and debated in the 106th and 107th Congresses. This debate was part of the reauthorization of Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) between 1999 and 2001. Over the past 20 years, Congress has debated numerous variants of private school voucher plans. The account demonstrates how the positions of the Clinton and Bush administrations, the 2000 presidential election, think tanks’ advocacy of educational privatization, and public opinion shaped congressional action. The article explains why private school voucher proposals failed to pass in two consecutive Congresses, when the Republicans held control of both houses for three of the four sessions. The article draws on interviews with congressional aides and members of interest groups during the ESEA reauthorization process, and it applies John Kingdon's framework on agenda formation to explain the persistence of alternatives for privatization within Title I. The issue of school choice in Congress reveals the limits of the GOP's ideological unity—that is, that there could be demands from Republican Party leadership to include vouchers in Title I, but President George W. Bush chose to steer his party away from those demands.
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Hero, Rodney E. „The U.S. Senate and Federalism Policy in the 96th and 97th Congresses“. Publius: The Journal of Federalism 17, Nr. 2 (1987): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a037639.
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Panao, Rogelio Alicor. „‘Does the upper house have the upper hand?’“. Philippine Political Science Journal 40, Nr. 3 (27.12.2019): 201–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340014.
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Abstract How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicameral policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive attention in the Philippine Senate, and the propensity by which these measures are passed into legislation. Contrary to views that portray deliberative processes in second chambers as redundant and time-consuming, the paper argues that this prerogative is institutionally functional as it affords a mechanism for checking the informational quality of legislative policies skewed by particularistic demands at the lower house. Analyzing the event histories of 10,885 bills filed and deliberated at the Philippine Senate between the 13th and the 16th Congresses, we find that policy proposals pertaining to education, health, and public works – the most frequent areas of particularistic legislative measures at the lower house – are less likely to be passed into law in the Senate even though overall they comprise the bulk of legislative proposals in the Philippine Congress. The findings are robust even when controlling for other political and institutional determinants of legislative attention.
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Tolozano-Benites, Elena, Roberto Tolozano-Benites und Víctor Gómez-Rodríguez. „SISTEMA DEACCIONES, PARADESARROLLAR LA PRODUCCIÓN CIENTÍFICA ENELINSTITUTOSUPERIORTECNOLÓGICOBOLIVARIANODETECNOLOGÍA GUAYAQUIL -ECUADOR“. Identidad Bolivariana 1, Nr. 1 (05.01.2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37611/ib1ol11-10.
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The system of actions that is developed in the Instituto Superior Tecnológico Bolivariano de Tecnología (ITB) is a dynamic and integral process of the institutional management model as it is a substantive axis for the quality culture policy, the transformations in the functional structure of research had the objective of implementing a system of actions for the management of technical and innovative scientific knowledge, for which a policy of strengthening and supporting scientific production was developed, which began with the training of research teachers, creation of the Center for Management of Scientific Information, creation of the ITB publishing house, the Bolivarian Projection magazine and the knowledge socialization policy, for the institutional presence in national and international congresses, the results were evidenced in the accreditation process where u n quantitative result corresponds to 71.41%; being 118.79% higher than the average of the country's higher technical and technological institutes. In conclusion, these results regarding research position the ITB as a reference in the contribution to knowledge with more than 49 research projects, 7 teachers accredited as researchers in SENESCYT, participation in 9 research networks, the annual organization of 3 international congresses endorsed by UNESCO, the Ministry of Public Health, the National Institute for Educational Evaluation, among others, 79 presentations at international conferences, 22 articles in high-impact indexed journals and more than 10 books published with the ITB publishing seal recognized by the Ecuadorian Book Chamber.
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Trindade, Evelinda, Anna Maria Buehler, Clarice Petramale, Luiz Augusto Carneiro D'Albuquerque, David Uip und Lorena Pozzo. „PP125 Evidence-based Policy Making – Bottom-Up Heuristic Engagement Process“. International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 33, S1 (2017): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026646231700280x.
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INTRODUCTION:Solid organ and hematopoietic cell transplantation are some of the more expensive procedures universally paid by the public Brazilian Unified Healthcare System (SUS). Transplanted patients depend on maintenance immunosuppression to prevent death or graft loss. A bottom-up heuristic process proposed new immunosuppression drugs for incorporation into the SUS.METHODS:Systematic evidence synthesis and Brazilian transplantation registries base-cases, Kaplan-Myer survival and economic assessments were presented in specialized national congresses with open public Delphi sessions to build professional Clinical and Therapeutic Protocols (PCDT) by consensus. Five consensus transplantation PCDTs with a SUS perspective budget impact and sensitivity analysis were submitted to the Health Ministry SUS Technology Incorporation National Commission (CONITEC) plenary for a decision. PCDTs were publicized in CONITEC Internet and Diário Oficial da União, an, official periodic publication, as well as undergoing widespread dissemination through mailings for Public Consultation. Public contributions were added to PCDTs to support Health Ministry policy making.RESULTS:The São Paulo State Health Secretariat coordinated the synthesis and economic assessments made by 115 experienced transplantation specialists and health technology evaluators over ten years. Heart, lung, liver, pancreas and hematopoietic cells transplantation PCDTs (with tacrolimus, sirolimus and everolimus alternative immunosuppression) can significantly prevent 27.8 percent, 28.1 percent, 7.2 percent, 11.1 percent and 4.3 percent graft loss or graft versus host disease and death, respectively, for refractory transplantees rescue during the first year post-transplantation, saving healthcare resources. Ten-year follow-up data demonstrated partial benefits were sustained. Analysis demonstrated +USD689,655.17, +USD501,567.40, -USD377,802.51, +USD221.289,42 and +USD50.734,08 budget impact, respectively, resulting in an overall USD1,085,443.55 for 2,146 transplantees. The 5 PCDTs were favorably voted by CONITEC plenary members, 155 public contributions were added by patients and stakeholders, and the Brazilian Health Ministry decided to adopt the SUS reimbursement listing.CONCLUSIONS:Democratic participation gave PCDTs real-world basis adjustments, SUS innovation and improved compliance.
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GOERRES, ACHIM, STAFFAN KUMLIN und RUNE KARLSEN. „Pressure without Pain: What Politicians (Don’t) Tell You about Welfare State Change“. Journal of Social Policy 48, Nr. 4 (28.03.2019): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279419000138.
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AbstractHow do political leaders politicise welfare state “reform pressures”, e.g. unemployment, ageing or globalisation, in election campaigns? Competing expectations range from no politicization at all to a clear and unbiased coupling between pressures and intended policy responses. Eighteen speeches held by prime ministerial candidates at election-year party congresses in Germany, Norway and Sweden (2000–2010) reveal an unfinished and biased problem-solution coupling. On the one hand, even in these affluent countries pressures are frequently politicised. On the other hand, leaders either cherry-pick less painful policy solutions, or refrain altogether from debating them. So, while citizens learn that the welfare state is pressured, they are not exposed to the full range of policies they increasingly have reason to expect after elections.
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Wood, Benjamin, Gary Ruskin und Gary Sacks. „How Coca-Cola Shaped the International Congress on Physical Activity and Public Health: An Analysis of Email Exchanges between 2012 and 2014“. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, Nr. 23 (03.12.2020): 8996. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17238996.
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There is currently limited direct evidence of how sponsorship of scientific conferences fits within the food industry’s strategy to shape public policy and opinion in its favour. This paper provides an analysis of emails between a vice-president of The Coca-Cola Company (Coke) and prominent public health figures in relation to the 2012 and 2014 International Congresses of Physical Activity and Public Health (ICPAPH). Contrary to Coke’s prepared public statements, the findings show that Coke deliberated with its sponsored researchers on topics to present at ICPAPH in an effort to shift blame for the rising incidence of obesity and diet-related diseases away from its products onto physical activity and individual choice. The emails also show how Coke used ICPAPH to promote its front groups and sponsored research networks and foster relationships with public health leaders in order to use their authority to deliver Coke’s message. The study questions whether current protocols about food industry sponsorship of scientific conferences are adequate to safeguard public health interests from corporate influence. A safer approach could be to apply the same provisions that are stipulated in the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control on eliminating all tobacco industry sponsorship to the food industry.
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LINKOVA, Elena. „“CHARLEMAGNE’S EUROPE” AND “PETER THE GREAT’S EUROPE”: RUSSIAN CONSERVATIVE THINKERS’ PERSPECTIVES ON RUSSIA’S INTERNATIONAL POSITION IN THE EARLY 18th CENTURY“. Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, Nr. 4 (27) (2021): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-4-26-35.
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The international situation of Russia and its foreign policy were a subject of discussions within the framework of various currents of public thought in the 19th century. However, Russian conservatives, concerned about the future of the country in a changing world, paid special attention to these issues. The conservative concept emerged and evolved in the course of reflections and polemics on Russia's place in the world and the relationships between foreign policy and domestic development. The emphasis in such discussions was placed on the era of Peter the Great, when Russia had become part of the system of international relations, declared its geopolitical interests and begun to implement them consistently. In fact, in Peter's time, the Westphalian system, in which Russia was assigned a clearly peripheral role, was replaced by a new European order based on the Congresses in Utrecht, Rastatt and BadenЯ(1713-1714), on the results of the Great Northern War (1700-1721) and the Treaty of Nystad (1721). Under these new conditions, Peter the Great showed not only continuity with his predecessors' policies but also outlined the main foreign policy vectors, which Russia followed throughout the 18th century and, as conservative thinkers pointed out, the whole of the 19th century.
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Vinnychenko, Oleksiy. „“CAPITAL CITY”: LVIV AS A VENUE FOR DIETINES AND CONGRESSES IN 1648–1651“. Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, Nr. 54 (03.11.2022): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11604.
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In 1651 the local nobility, who had gathered for the dietine meetings in Lviv on May 26, in the resolution approved at that time named Lviv as the “capital” city. This was the first time in the dietines documents of the Ruthenian voivodeship declared the capital status of this voivodship center, although members of the general regional diet in Vyshnya repeatedly (and since the first interregnum in the history of the Commonwealth) mentioned Lviv in their resolutions, granting requests from burghers or trying to interfere in city life. The documents of general (Vyshnya) regional diet of the Ruthenian voivodeship reflected the image of Lviv in the eyes of local nobility. Previously they consisted of the resolutions on the city affairs concerning conflicts between nobility and the city, different aspects of a city life, and resulted from examination of different sorts of complaints from and against townspeople. Nobility most often perceived Lviv as a place where public institutions were based and various public events were held. The participants of Vyshnya regional diet did not have any purposeful policy concerning Lviv: the interference of nobility into city business had incidental character and resulted from requests or complaints submitted by the city council, certain groups of a city society or individuals. In general, the dietines of the Ruthenian voivodeship during the period researched served as centers of social and political life for the nobility. They functioned as dependable channels of communication between the ruler and his subjects. The regional elites had a chance to voice their positions on the national level. The events in the middle of the 17th century had impact on the perception of Lviv by the local nobility as the capital of the Ruthenian voivodeship. The siege of 1648, albeit withstood by the city, revealed the possibility of its loss and caused concern for its defensive ability. Military action necessitated various public events in a well-protected place, such as Lviv, so dietines and congresses began to gather here more often (on June 4, 1648, the congress of the Lviv district gathered after the death of king Vladislav IV and before the diet, convened by the primate; on July 5, 1650, the nobility of Lviv district, who had gathered in the city for a session of the local land court, spontaneously held a congress and approved a declaration on the situation with the circulation of coins in the country; on May 26, 1651, the dietine of Lviv district was convened in accordance with the royal universal before the gathering of the noble militia to take part in a military campaign). The significant presence of gentry from other voivodeships in the city at that time, even holding its dietine meetings here (including dietine of the Bratslav voivodeship of 1649, on September 9, when were elected four ambassadors to the sejm: Bratslav land judge Maximilian Ochesalsky, Kyiv official Michal Aksak, Bratslav official Stanislav Zhevusky and N. Korytsky), had to crystallize in the minds of the nobility of the Russian voivodeship the interpretation of Lviv as “their” “capital” city. The perturbations of wartime raised the question of the city status – “capital” or “border” i.e., the war became a catalyst for socio-political processes and changes in mentality.
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Kostyuchok, Petro. „The agitation movement of the Greek-Catholic clergy of Eastern Slovakia in the first half of the 1920s“. Ethnic History of European Nations, Nr. 67 (2022): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.09.
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The article analyzes the agitation of Greek Catholic priests in Eastern Slovakia in the 1920s to join Transcarpathian Ruthenia and introduce the Ukrainian language in schools and state institutions. The territory of propaganda distribution has been determined. The center of agitation was Presov, where the Ruthenian league union, which included Greek Catholic priests, operated. The article describes the course and requirements of the Rusyn/Ukrainian congresses: the annexation of Western Rusyn counties to autonomous Subcarpathian Rus, the introduction of the Russian written language in schools and governments, and the admission of local residents to public service. Along with educational requirements, the idea of annexing the ethnic Ruthenian territories of eastern Slovakia to Subcarpathian Rus became a significant direction of agitation. It was found out that the propaganda movement contributed to consolidation, politicization, and caused opposition from the authorities. The article describes the official government position on the Propaganda Movement. It is determined that 1921–1923 is a period of active agitation, and the decline of the movement begins in 1924. The holding of the Ruthenian people’s Congress in Presov on September 7, 1925, demonstrated an attempt at National Unification of Ukrainians. Delegates and guests discussed the socio-economic situation of the Ruthenian people, the political situation, and the requirements for education. The resolution adopted by the Congress notes the need to increase the number of educational institutions of various levels for the Ruthenian population in Slovakia, equalize the rights of teachers of Greek Catholic schools with teachers of Public Schools. These attempts at ethnopolitical consolidation were leveled by the Czechoslovak press and evaluated skeptically. The author claims that the agitation movement of Greek Catholic clergy among Rusyns/Ukrainians in eastern Slovakia in the first half of the 1920s was the result of Slovak domestic policy and its practical idea of rapid assimilation of national minorities. The Propaganda Movement in eastern Slovakia developed in two directions: for joining/uniting Transcarpathian Ruthenia and demanding the introduction of national schools and, accordingly, the language of instruction.
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Kerner, Jon F., Eduardo Cazap, Derek Yach, Marco A. Pierotti, Maria Grazia Daidone, Pasquale de Blasio, Peter Geary et al. „Comprehensive cancer control-research & development: knowing what we do and doing what we know“. Tumori Journal 95, Nr. 5 (September 2009): 610–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030089160909500504.
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Comprehensive cancer control is defined as an integrated and coordinated approach to reducing cancer incidence, morbidity, and mortality across the cancer control continuum from primary prevention to end-of-life care. This approach assumes that when the public sector, non-governmental organizations, academia, and the private sector share with each other their skills, knowledge, and resources, a country can take advantage of all its talents and resources to more quickly reduce the burden of cancer for all its population. One critical issue for comprehensive cancer control is the extent to which the private sector can contribute to cancer prevention and control programs and policies that have historically been lead by the public health sector, and similarly how can the public sector increase its investment and involvement in clinical research and practice issues that are largely driven by the private sector worldwide? In addition, building capacity to integrate research that is appropriate to the culture and context of the population will be important in different settings, in particular research related to cancer control interventions that have the capacity to influence outcomes. To whatever extent cancer control research is ultimately funded through the private and public sectors, if investments in research discoveries are ultimately to benefit the populations that bear the greatest burden of disease, then new approaches to integrating the lessons learned from science with the lessons learned from service (public health, clinical, and public policy) must be found to close the gap between what we know and what we do. Communities of practice for international cancer control, like the ones fostered by the first three International Cancer Control Congresses, represent an important forum for knowledge exchange opportunities to accelerate the translation of new knowledge into action to reduce the burden of cancer worldwide.
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Zagóra-Jonszta, Urszula. „The Silesian Sanation on the Great Economic Crisis of the 1930s“. Studia Sieci Uniwersytetów Pogranicza 7 (2023): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/sup.2023.07.20.
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Goal – the article analyzes the anti-crisis policy of the Silesian Sanation. In this challenging period for the economy, the Silesian provincial authorities had to counteract the crisis’s adverse effects and defend themselves against attacks from the opposition, mainly the Silesian Christian Democrats and socialists, who criticized their actions. Research methodology – source analysis, comparative, and description methods were used. This investigation is based on pre-and post-war studies on the discussed topic. Score/results – during the crisis years, the Silesian authorities extended the public works system and triggered the Polonization of the Silesian industry. Contrary to the central government, the active involvement of the state in economic life was accepted by the Silesian Sanation. The state was taking over indebted German enterprises because of the weakness of the Polish private capital. Originality/value – the article is based on source materials, i.e., Prints and Transcripts of the Silesian Parliament, materials from the National Christian Labor Union congresses, and the Sanation press. The Silesian Sanation stance towards interventionism was stated, which is often forgotten when writing about the government’s attitude (as a representative of the total authorities) to the state’s role in the economy.
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Van Horn, Carl E. „Fear and Loathing on Capitol Hill: The 99th Congress and Economic Policy“. PS: Political Science & Politics 19, Nr. 01 (1986): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500017108.
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The first session of the 99th Congress was a year of wrenching institutional and political realignment. Facing monstrous structural budget deficits in excess of $200 billion a year. Congress struggled to adjust its distributive urges to the unpleasant realities of a redistributive era. Unlike previous budget crises that were caused by economic events beyond Congress's control, the current problem was created by an unwillingness to raise sufficient revenues to pay for the nation's defense and social program commitments. Frustration, gridlock, and partisan warfare eventually ended in surrender to the Executive Branch: a balanced-budget act was adopted that could radically alter Congress's power of the purse.During the 99th Congress, many Democratic members also continued to realign their policy positions in accordance with contemporary economic and political forces. Democrats in Congress searched for an appealing formula that would ensure political survival and continued control of the House. But the strain of reconciling their traditional public philosophy with conservative trends left Democrats demoralized and in disarray.
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Van Horn, Carl E. „Fear and Loathing on Capitol Hill: The 99th Congress and Economic Policy“. PS 19, Nr. 1 (1986): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900625316.
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The first session of the 99th Congress was a year of wrenching institutional and political realignment. Facing monstrous structural budget deficits in excess of $200 billion a year. Congress struggled to adjust its distributive urges to the unpleasant realities of a redistributive era. Unlike previous budget crises that were caused by economic events beyond Congress's control, the current problem was created by an unwillingness to raise sufficient revenues to pay for the nation's defense and social program commitments. Frustration, gridlock, and partisan warfare eventually ended in surrender to the Executive Branch: a balanced-budget act was adopted that could radically alter Congress's power of the purse.During the 99th Congress, many Democratic members also continued to realign their policy positions in accordance with contemporary economic and political forces. Democrats in Congress searched for an appealing formula that would ensure political survival and continued control of the House. But the strain of reconciling their traditional public philosophy with conservative trends left Democrats demoralized and in disarray.
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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. „Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy“. Modern Asian Studies 44, Nr. 4 (22.10.2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.
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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.
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YALOVA, Oksana. „WAYS AND FORMS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF LANGUAGE LEGISLATION IN UKRAINE“. INNOVATIONS IN THE SCIENTIFIC, TECHNICAL AND SOCIAL ECOSYSTEMS 1, Nr. 5 (2023): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.56378/oyfu20230301.
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The Purpose of the Study is to propose ways and forms of implementation of language legislation, arguing the necessity of implementation by state and local authorities, public organizations, and citizens of the provisions of the Law of Ukraine “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language” in 2019. The Research Methodology. During the preparation of the research article, were used the following methods: General scientific and specially-scientific, in particular: Comparative, historical, philosophical–legal, systemic, functional, and generalization. The Scientific Novelty of the research article consists in the fact that it is one of the first studies devoted to the issue of ways and forms of implementation of the adopted Law of Ukraine “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language”. The Conclusions. The issue of the Law of Ukraine “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language” is proposed to consider at the meetings of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine since the issue of the state language belongs to the sphere of national security. The role of the Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on culture and spirituality in the implementation of the language policy of the state has been defined. The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine's role in monitoring the implementation of language legislation is outlined. The available experience of the language policy implementation and ensuring the functioning of the Ukrainian state language, such forms as scientific conferences, round tables, symposia, congresses, discussions, etc., in Ukraine, has been analyzed.
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Hortobagyi, Gabriel N., Nagi S. El-Saghir, Tanja Cufer, Eduardo Cazap, Roselle de Guzman, Nicholas Anthony Othieno-Abinya, Jose Angel Sanchez und Doug Pyle. „The American Society of Clinical Oncology's Efforts to Support Global Cancer Medicine“. Journal of Clinical Oncology 34, Nr. 1 (Januar 2016): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2015.61.7696.
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Despite much progress in the management of malignant diseases, the number of new cases and cancer-related deaths continues to rise around the world. More than half of new cases occur in economically developing countries, where more than two thirds of cancer deaths are expected. However, implementation of all necessary steps to accomplish the dissemination of state-of-the-art prevention, diagnosis, and management will require increased allocation of resources, and, more importantly, harmonization of the efforts of hundreds of national and international public health agencies, policy-setting bodies, governments, pharmaceutical companies, and philanthropic organizations. More than 30% of the members of the American Society of Clinical Oncology (ASCO) reside and practice outside US borders, and more than half of attendees at all of the scientific congresses and symposia organized by ASCO are international. As cancer has become an increasingly global disease, ASCO has evolved as a global organization. The ASCO Board of Directors currently includes members from France, Brazil, and Canada. In 2013, the ASCO Board of Directors identified a number of strategic priorities for the future. Recognizing the importance of non-US members to the society, their first strategic priority was improving the society's service to non-US members and defining these members' identity in the international oncology community. This article reviews current ASCO activities in the international arena and its future plans in global oncology.
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Morozova, T. I. „Ways and Tools of Channeling the Official Image of Soviet Authorities to the Population of Siberia during the Period of the New Economic Policy“. Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, Nr. 8 (25.10.2022): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-119-131.
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The article analyzes one of the key aspects of the representation of authorities, i. e. channeling their official image to the population. Based on the achievements of Russian historiography and information from published and newly found archival sources, it identifies ways and tools used by the Soviet Authorities to deliberately and purposefully construct the idea about itself in the minds of Soviet citizens in Siberia and effectively channel it during 1921–1929. Among the main translators of the official image of the Soviet authorities were such institutions as the Communist Party, Soviets, trade unions, the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol), various public organizations, media press, cultural and political educational institutions. The article shows that these translators used tools that generally can be divided into three groups. The first one is traditional or universal tools, including congresses, conferences, meetings, elections, theaters, museums, clubs, libraries, books, newspapers, and magazines. The second group – tools established by the Soviet regime, including illiteracy elimination organizations, Izba Chitalnya (“village reading rooms”), Soviet party schools, Peasant Club, and “red” corners. The third group – unique or innovative tools: “nomination”, patronage of the city over the village. The article concludes by arguing that in the early years of the New economic policy (NEP) the efficiency of the majority translators and tools of the representation of the Soviet authorities were limited. However, as the Central committee of the RCP(b) abandoned the emergency policy in Siberia and the economic situation in the country and in the region had been improved, their work and influence were gradually restored. Because of this, the authorities got back their abilities of self-presentation in different forms, in different languages, among urban and rural residents, men and women, Russians and national minorities, and literate and illiterate citizens.
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Thusi, Xolani, und Kgalema Mashamaite. „The African National Congress and South Africa’s Public Service: A Crisis of Dominance and Accountability“. JISR management and social sciences & economics 21, Nr. 3 (30.09.2023): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31384/jisrmsse/2023.21.3.4.
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This article explores the impact of African National Congress-led government’s dominance on South Africa’s public service. On onehand, the African National Congress since the 1994 democratic elections had many achievements in advancing South Africa’s democracy and responding to the citizens’ needs through countless development and policy initiatives that were designed to cater to the basic needs of the citizens. On the other hand, it has become less responsive to citizen needs and this is evident as citizens have taken to the streets to protest for service provisions throughout the country. Citizens’ discontent can be seen in the rapid decline of the African National Congress’ political dominance and the formation of political coalitions. South African public service delivery has been marked by a lack of public accountability, corruption, cadre deployment, state capture, and procurement system manipulation as a result of the African National Congress’s dominance since the country’s first democratic elections. It is important to note that most South African citizens depend on the public sector and the African National Congress’s dominance in the public sector has damaged its ability to be responsive to citizens’ needs. This article relied on secondary sources, by reviewing current literature on the ramifications of having one political party dominating the country’s political space for decades.
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Randolph, Ned. „River Activism, “Levees-Only” and the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927“. Media and Communication 6, Nr. 1 (09.02.2018): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v6i1.1179.
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This article investigates media coverage of 19th and early 20th century river activism and its effect on federal policy to control the Mississippi River. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers’ “levees-only” policy—which joined disparate navigation and flood control interests—is largely blamed for the Great Flood of 1927, called the largest peacetime disaster in American history. River activists organized annual conventions, and later, professional lobbies organized media campaigns up and down the Mississippi River to sway public opinion and pressure Congress to fund flood control and river navigation projects. Annual river conventions drew thousands of delegates such as plantation owners, shippers, bankers, chambers of commerce, governors, congressmen, mayors and cabinet members with interests on the Mississippi River. Public pressure on Congress successfully captured millions of federal dollars to protect property, drain swamps for development, subsidize local levee districts and influence river policy.
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Jones, Charles O. „Public Policy“. News for Teachers of Political Science 54 (1987): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900000453.
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Purpose: The following syllabus is designed to introduce students to public policymaking at the national level of government. As designed, this course has the following goals associated with the process, issues, and institutions of national policymaking:1.Acquaint students with the political dynamics of the policy process— with particular focus on policy networks: those persons from the departments or agencies, members of Congress and their staff, and interest groups who interact on specific policy issues.2.Introduce the complexities of the specific policy issues that form the national agenda (e.g., trade, agriculture, welfare, taxes).3.Emphasize the importance of political institutions and their formal procedures—with particular stress on the budget process and presidential agenda setting.
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Afanasev, Alexander L. „The reformist character of the temperance movement in Russia in the “path choice” period in 1907-1914“. Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, Nr. 480 (2023): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/480/11.
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The aim of the article is to prove the author's hypothesis that the vast temperance movement (TM) increased the potential of the reformist development in Russia. The objective is to learn the exact mechanism of its influence on the society. The research methodology includes analysis, synthesis, objectivity, historicism and interdisciplinarity. The sources of the material are: reports and periodicals of temperance societies, papers by the movement participants, notes of the anti-alcohol congresses, articles by administrative bodies, newspapers. The analyzed territory is Russia without Poland and Finland. TM was the society's response to the alcohol policy by the tsarism. Its influence was increasing. As of 1 January 1911, there were 1,873 temperance societies in Russia with nearly 500,000 members. 74.5 % of the societies were located in villages with most members from the peasantry; 25.5 % were in urban settlements, with most members from workers. 1,782 societies (95.14 % of the total number) were religious with 1,771 of them Orthodox. Their leaders were mostly priests. Of 91 civil societies, 56 were Estonian, 15 Latvian, 2 Finnish and 18 international ones. The manifestation and outcomes of the movement were the following. (A) Locally, (1) the participants of the movement adopted a sober lifestyle, peace and wealth came into families; (2) the participants became a part of a group of soulmates, many of them found a high meaning of life; (3) some societies were involved in educational and charity work; (4) the societies encouraged people to take part in useful activities; (5) due to the societies' impact, open alcohol abuse, hooliganism and criminal activity were decreasing, sober traditions were emerging, communities made public verdicts to close down state wine stores and to ban illegal alcohol sale. (B) On the state and regional levels, on 11 December 1907 the III State Duma established the Anti-alcohol Panel. On 16 November 1911 the Duma adopted the law providing for essential educational and restrictive measures. In 1909-1912 All-Russia congresses against alcohol abuse were held. In 1913-1914 abstinence festivals in both capitals and in more than 50 other provinces were organized. Nicholas II saw the movement as a way to reinforce the political situation in the country; in April 1913 he began to openly support it and in January 1914 proceeded to change the alcohol policy in the country. A circular of the Minister of Finance of 11 March 1914 indicated that it was necessary to satisfy the petitions of rural societies to ban the sale of vodka on their territory. In February-July 1914, the government approved 800 such petitions. A campaign began, during which local governments and state authorities took new educational and restrictive anti-alcohol measures. So, the temperance movement, reformist in character, contributed to the improvement and strengthening of Russia. It urged the authorities to take measures that increased the stability of society and the possibility of development along a peaceful path. This was the “rise of Order out of Chaos”. At the same time, during the rapid anti-alcohol campaign of 1914, opposite processes began.
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Badia i Margarit, Antoni M., und Christina Bierbach. „Der "II. Congrés Internacional de la Llengua Catalana" von 1986: Pro und Contra“. Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 1 (01.07.1988): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.1988.210-218.
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The author, president of the II International Congress on Catalan Language held in 1986, presents his evaluation of this event that brought together about 17,000 linguists and congressmen, interested in the future of the Catalan linguistic community. He compares this congress and the first one, which took place in 1906, reaching, in many respects, a more positive conclusion for the first congress. Badia i Margarit discusses the reluctance that prevented some Catalan linguists from actively participating in the great effort to, once again, mobilize a public opinion for the language. The author highlights, however, the valuable contributions of the many participants in the positive attitudes of many social sectors which, together with the proposed policy measures, can contribute to making the congress a further stage in the process of linguistic normalization.
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Nissim-Sabat, Denis. „Psychologists, Congress, and public policy.“ Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 28, Nr. 3 (1997): 275–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0735-7028.28.3.275.
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Portillo-Van Diest, Ana, Laura Ballester Coma, Philippe Mortier, Gemma Vilagut, Franco Amigo, Beatriz Puértolas Gracia, Helena García-Mieres et al. „Experience sampling methods for the personalised prediction of mental health problems in Spanish university students: protocol for a survey-based observational study within the PROMES-U project“. BMJ Open 13, Nr. 7 (Juli 2023): e072641. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2023-072641.
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IntroductionThere is a high prevalence of mental health problems among university students. Better prediction and treatment access for this population is needed. In recent years, short-term dynamic factors, which can be assessed using experience sampling methods (ESM), have presented promising results for predicting mental health problems.Methods and analysisUndergraduate students from five public universities in Spain are recruited to participate in two web-based surveys (at baseline and at 12-month follow-up). A subgroup of baseline participants is recruited through quota sampling to participate in a 15-day ESM study. The baseline survey collects information regarding distal risk factors, while the ESM study collects short-term dynamic factors such as affect, company or environment. Risk factors will be identified at an individual and population level using logistic regressions and population attributable risk proportions, respectively. Machine learning techniques will be used to develop predictive models for mental health problems. Dynamic structural equation modelling and multilevel mixed-effects models will be considered to develop a series of explanatory models for the occurrence of mental health problems.Ethics and disseminationThe project complies with national and international regulations, including the Declaration of Helsinki and the Code of Ethics, and has been approved by the IRB Parc de Salut Mar (2020/9198/I) and corresponding IRBs of all participating universities. All respondents are given information regarding access mental health services within their university and region. Individuals with positive responses on suicide items receive a specific alert with indications for consulting with a health professional. Participants are asked to provide informed consent separately for the web-based surveys and for the ESM study. Dissemination of results will include peer-reviewed scientific articles and participation in scientific congresses, reports with recommendations for universities’ mental health policy makers, as well as a well-balanced communication strategy to the general public.Study registrationosf.io/p7csq.
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Izergina, Nina I., und Vera P. Izergina. „Participation of the Republic of Mordovia in the Finno-Ugric Movement as a Factor in the Formation of Russian Identity“. Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 20, Nr. 3 (30.11.2020): 288–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.051.020.202003.288-301.
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Introduction. The relevance of the problem of forming and strengthening the Russian identity in various aspects is not in doubt today. In this regard it is important to study the various factors that affect this process. The purpose of this research is to analyze the influence of the Republic of Mordovia’s participation in the Finno-Ugric movement on the process of forming Russian identity. Research objectives: to characterize the involvement of the Republic of Moldova in the Finno-Ugric movement in the Russian and international directions; to show this participation in realization of state national policy in the Republic; to identify opportunities and risks the further participation of Mordovia in Finno-Ugric movement for the formation and strengthening of the Russian identity. Materials and Methods. The choice of research methodology is dictated by the strategic goals of the state national policy of modern Russia, aimed at creating civil unity under the condition of mandatory preservation and further development of the country’s ethnic and cultural diversity. The combination of civil and ethno-cultural components in the formation and consolidation of Russian identity implies an organic methodology of the nation-building process, which denies the unification of ethnic diversity. The research uses materials from the websites of the Advisory Committee of Finno-Ugric peoples and “The information center of Finno-Ugric peoples”, as well as scientific works of Russian scientists containing data on various aspects of the participation of the Republic of Mordovia in the Finno-Ugric movement. Historical, phenomenological, institutional approaches, and document analysis were used to solve the tasks set in the article. Results and Discussion. The results of the study showed that the Finno-Ugric movement, aimed primarily at solving ethno-cultural problems, actively participates in the process of preserving and developing the ethno-cultural specificity of the peoples of the Russian Federation, implementing the strategic line of state national policy at the present stage. The Republic of Mordovia has made a significant contribution to the organizational and ideological design of the Finno-Ugric movement. At the IV and V congresses of the Finno-Ugric peoples of Russia held in Mordovia, the strategy of the movement was defined – the strengthening of all-Russian civil unity as a condition for the successful development of the ethnic identity of the Finno-Ugric and other peoples of Russia within the framework of a single state. The viability of ideological and institutional approaches to the development and implementation of the state national policy of the Russian Federation in the Republic, aimed at preserving cultural diversity, has been recognized throughout the Finno-Ugric world. The documents of the world Congress of Finno-Ugric peoples indicate the role of the Finno-Ugric movement in understanding the ethno-cultural specifics as great opportunities for countries and regions in cultural and socio-economic development. However, the implementation of ethnic policy, including through participation in the Finno-Ugric movement, there are the problems (insufficient use of the potential of ethno-tourism, youth participation in the development of Finno-Ugric peoples, the dependent position of some public Finno-Ugric organizations, the prevalence of threats and weaknesses over strengths and development opportunities of ethno-national space of modern Russia). Conclusion. The participation of the Republic of Mordovia in the Finno-Ugric movement, included in the implementation of the state national policy, is a factor in the formation of Russian identity. Recognition throughout the Finno-Ugric world of Mordovia’s positive experience in implementing state national policy has made the Republic its “heart”. Positive experience and unresolved problems in the field of Ethnopolitics point to the opportunities and risks of further participation of the Republic of Moldova in the Finno-Ugric movement for the formation of Russian identity. Opportunities are associated with the use of diverse cooperation within the Finno-Ugric movement to increase the ethnic identity of the Mordovians, and threats are associated with politicization and dependence on anti-Russian forces that weaken the all-Russian civil unity. Strengthening opportunities and preventing threats is possible on the basis of an organic methodology of nation-building, which means strengthening all-Russian civil unity as a condition for the successful development of the ethnic identity of the Finno-Ugric and other peoples of Russia within a single state.
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Jongkon, Lee. „Errors in Public Management and Congressional Oversight“. Korean Journal of Policy Studies 34, Nr. 2 (31.08.2019): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps34202.
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It is widely believed that “fire alarm” oversight (i.e., reactive oversight that responds to the complaints of interest groups) rather than “police patrol” oversight (i.e., precautionary congressional surveillance), better promotes the performance of government agencies by efficiently reducing bureaucratic moral hazard. However, fire alarm oversight can lead to bureaucrats being falsely accused by interest groups who provide biased information to members of Congress of failure to properly implement a policy, thereby causing an unnecessary administrative delay in public management. This article suggests a formal model that compares fire alarm and police patrol oversight and examines the development of congressional oversight mechanisms in the United States.
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Uslaner, Eric M., und Michael L. Mezey. „Congress, the President, and Public Policy.“ Political Science Quarterly 105, Nr. 3 (1990): 492. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150840.
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Ahrari, M. E. „Congress, Public Opinion, and Synfuels Policy“. Political Science Quarterly 102, Nr. 4 (1987): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151303.
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Bass, Scott A. „Public Policy and the 104th Congress“. Journal of Aging & Social Policy 8, Nr. 1 (26.06.1996): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j031v08n01_01.
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Makushev, Andrey E. „Government Policy and Corporate Interests: Search for the Development of Agricultural Engineering in Russia in the Late XIX – early XX centuries“. Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 19, Nr. 3 (30.09.2019): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.047.019.201903.249-262.
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Introduction. Against the backdrop of increased government participation in the economic development of the country, support for agricultural engineering was seen as one of the tools for transformation in the agricultural sector, as well as a way to increase public welfare. In addition, the government was interested in the growth of agricultural production and exports, which became one of the most important sources of foreign exchange funds. This article will attempt to explore the position of the state and the forms of its participation in the development of agricultural engineering in Russia. Special attention will be paid to the process of folding the corporate organization of manufacturers of agricultural machinery and implements, against the backdrop of the strengthening of monopolistic trends in the Russian economy in the late XIX – early XX centuries. Materials and Methods. In solving the research problems, archival materials, published data of official statistics, and also scientific literature were used. The study was conducted on the basis of the principles of historicism, objectivity and system approach. The need to process quantitative data necessitated the use of a statistical method. The use of modernization theory made it possible to include the development processes of the production of agricultural machinery and implements in the trend of industrial modernization. Results. Based on a study of archival and published sources, as well as available scientific literature, the main development problems were identified, and the evolution of government policy in the field of agricultural engineering in the late XIX – early XX centuries was examined. Against the backdrop of increased government participation, the processes of capital self-organization are shown, the forms and results of interaction between government structures and corporate-monopoly organizations in the development of this industry are studied. Discussion and Conclusion. At the end of the XIX and beginning of the XX centuries, state participation in the development of the industry took place in two directions. Firstly, the customs regulation of imports of agricultural machinery, which was protectionist in nature. Secondly, direct support to manufacturers of machinery and complex technical devices for agriculture (bonuses and soft loans to owners of specialized enterprises, assistance in the transportation and marketing of products, etc.). In parallel, there was a consolidation of domestic manufacturers of agricultural machinery and implements in order to exchange experience, jointly solve the most pressing problems and lobby their interests in government circles. Since 1907, congresses of Russian manufacturers of agricultural machinery and implements began to be regularly held. In fact, this corporate organization has transformed into a monopolistic type of association. The study showed that the interaction of government structures and corporate-monopoly associations of manufacturers of agricultural machinery and implements, despite some differences, was generally cooperative in nature and had a very positive effect on the development of the industry.
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Milovic, M., und M. Pusitsa. „Justification of Life imprisonment in Serbian Criminal Law“. Lex Russica, Nr. 5 (25.05.2021): 134–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.174.5.134-142.
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In Serbia, disputes have been going on for years (which are also the subject of many congresses) about the regulation of the most severe types of punishment. The criminal policy of the country shows a tendency to toughen penalties. By attracting a lot of media attention and putting pressure on state institutions concerning certain tragic events caused by the murder and rape of minors, including children, some members of the public hysterically demand that the state respond with the strictest penalties, even if they no longer exist (the death penalty).In December 1, 2019 The Law on Amendments and Additions to the Criminal Code, which, among other things, prescribes life imprisonment, entered into force. It is assumed that the fact that there is a life sentence for particularly serious crimes, such as murder or crimes against sexual freedom in particularly serious forms, may make criminals think twice before committing them. In addition, proponents of the introduction of such a punishment argue that the fear of life imprisonment can act as a corrective and preventive measure, thereby reducing the proportion of these criminal offenses.The paper provides a critical analysis of this justification for the return of life imprisonment to the criminal law. The arguments against this include: 1) statistics confirm that life imprisonment for possible criminals who have committed particularly serious criminal offenses is not a factor of prevention; 2) general prevention is undermined; 3) the previously existing maximum prison term was not an obstacle, that is, it was not a factor of prevention; 3) innovations would not change the decisions of criminals, although they were in their sound mind at the time of committing criminal offenses, realizing the illegality of these actions; 4) it becomes impossible to carry out the correction and re-socialization of the sentenced person, who knows that he will remain closed outside the social and family environment for the rest of his life; 5) it is also necessary to keep in mind that it is the state that financially maintains such criminals.
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Marcus, Alan I. „Sweets for the Sweet: Saccharin, Knowledge, and the Contemporary Regulatory Nexus“. Journal of Policy History 9, Nr. 1 (Januar 1997): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005819.
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In 1977, the United States Congress forbade the Food and Drug Administration to outlaw use of the food additive saccharin as an artificial sweetener for a period of three years. Subsequent legislation extended the congressional ban. It remains in effect today. Congress's saccharin action neatly represented late twentieth-century federal regulatory policy. The process had become decidedly antibureaucratic and ultimately democratic. Forces both for saccharin's prohibition and for its continued use outlined and debated their positions in public, letting their arguments contend in the marketplace of ideas. Following the conduct of this de facto national plebiscite, duly elected representatives weighed the respective cases and selected the course that their constituents seemed to favor.
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Figueira, Ricardo Rezende, und Neide Esterci. „Slavery in Today’s Brazil: Law and Public Policy“. Latin American Perspectives 44, Nr. 6 (09.04.2017): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17699913.
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The abolition of slavery in 1888 failed to eliminate the repressive and compulsory use of labor in Brazil. When pressure to reduce slave trafficking made African labor scarce, coffee producers in São Paulo recruited European migrants to replace it. Through indebtedness and compulsory work, migrants became captive to the landowners who hired them. As the occupation of the Amazon frontier became state policy in the 1960s, debt bondage was used against the thousands of migrant workers hired to clear the areas for agribusiness projects. Slavery had been prohibited since 1940, and in 1965 the Congress entered into two international agreements on slavery that included debt bondage. With the end of the military government in 1985, the category “slave labor” was incorporated into the regulatory framework for employment practices, and since then it has been broadened to include labor forced by violence, debt bondage, exhausting labor, and degrading working conditions. Tensions around the definition remain, however, and prosecutions under the law and guilty verdicts have so far been few. A abolição da escravatura em 1888 não eliminou o uso repressivo e compulsório da mão-de-obra no Brasil. Em oposição ao esforço de redução do tráfico negreiro, produtores de café em São Paulo recrutaram imigrantes europeus para substituírem a mão-de-obra africana. Por meio de dívida e trabalho compulsório, imigrantes tornaram-se cativos dos senhores de terra que os contratavam. À medida que a ocupação da fronteira amazônica transformou-se em política de Estado nos anos de 1960, a peonagem foi usada contra milhares de trabalhadores migrantes contratados para o desflorestamento necessário a empreendimentos agrícolas. A escravidão havia sido proibida desde 1940 e em 1965 o Congresso aderiu a dois acordos internacionais que coibiam a peonagem e o trabalho escravo. Com o fim da ditadura militar em 1965, a categoria “trabalho escravo” foi incorporada à estrutura regulatória das práticas de emprego. Desde então, essa categoria foi ampliada, abarcando trabalho forçado por violência, peonagem, trabalho exaustivo e condições degradantes de trabalho. Contudo, há tensões remanescentes sobre essa definição. Ademais, processos, e condenações, no âmbito jurídico por violação da lei permanecem raros.
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Stevenson, Michael R. „Sexuality, Public Policy, and the 104th Congress“. Journal of Psychology & Human Sexuality 10, Nr. 1 (18.03.1998): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j056v10n01_01.
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Andraka-Christou, Barbara. „Policy process lessons from the Orphan Drug Act: applications for health policy advocates“. Journal of Entrepreneurship and Public Policy 4, Nr. 3 (02.11.2015): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jepp-12-2013-0052.
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Purpose – The Orphan Drug Act has provided the pharmaceutical industry with incentives to research and develop drugs for orphan diseases: rare diseases with little profit potential. It is considered very successful legislation by legal scholars, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), and orphan drug activists. The policy process of the Act provides an important model of the policy process for future incentive-based pharmaceutical legislation. The purpose of this paper is to summarize the important incentives of the Act and the historical events leading up to the Act. The paper applies three different theoretical models of the public policy process to understand the emergence of the Orphan Drug Act: Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Model, the Advocacy Coalition Framework, and Social Constructionism Theory. The paper then synthesizes the public policy process lessons from each perspective and provides four recommendations for other social activists seeking to propel incentive-based pharmaceutical legislation for under-researched diseases. Design/methodology/approach – The author analyzes the history of the Orphan Drug Act based on publicly available scholarly research, government documents, and interest group publications. The author then applies three public policy theories to the history of the Orphan Drug Act to explain the emergence of the Act and to extract policy process lessons for future disease activists. Findings – Regardless of which theoretical perspective the Orphan Drug Act is analyzed from, some common themes of the policy process emerge. First, focussing events are instrumental in capturing the public’s sympathy and Congress’s attention. Second, in its activities and proposed legislation, a coalition should provide a role for all relevant and important actors. Third, the target groups of the legislation were construed positively, increasing the pressure for Congressmen to pass some kind of bill. Finally, the proper construction of “the problem” is instrumental to passing effective legislation as a “solution.” Originality/value – The Orphan Drug Act is widely considered successful incentive-based pharmaceutical legislation. However, because it was originally passed in 1983 and has not had public attention since the early 1990s (when it was amended), it has rarely been written about in recent years. However, its lessons are still highly relevant to policy activists, especially disease activists. Furthermore, existing articles focus on the impact of the legislation and ways to amend it, rather than on the passage of the Act.
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Hamilton, Lee H. „Economists as Public Policy Advisers“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, Nr. 3 (01.08.1992): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.3.61.
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As a member of the Joint Economic Committee for over 15 years I have had ample occasion to observe economists testifying. When I was Chairman of the Committee in the last Congress, for example, we held over 100 hearings and heard from at least that many different economists. From this experience, I have developed some views about how economists can be effective witnesses and, more generally, how they can make a useful contribution to economic policy. For me, the most important quality for economists to have when they are testifying or advising policymakers is the ability to express their ideas on important policy issues clearly and simply, without jargon. There is an art to telling policymakers what they need to know but don't want to hear. An economist who wants to contribute to the policy-making process needs to be a good salesman—but not a snake-oil salesman. I encourage more economists to take an active interest in public policy and to contribute to the debate on the economic issues.
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Oleksiv, Ilona. „The Slavic Academies of Sciences Intercultural Dialogue with the Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv (end of 19th – first third of 20th century)“. Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, Nr. 11(27) (2019): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2019-11(27)-13.
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The present article deals with the peculiarities of cultural and scientific cooperation of the Slavic Academies of Sciences with the Shechenko Scientific Society in Lviv. The paper is the first attempt to systematically represent, on the basis of the epistolary heritage of the Society and the preserved copies of editions of the Slavic academies of the main vectors of the NTSH intercultural dialogue with the Slavic academies of sciences at the end of the nineteenth and first third of the twentieth century. The book exchange issues with Slavic Academy of Science of South East Europe were described with particular attention. The objective of this paper is the scientific-publishing production of the Slavic Academies of Sciences and their correspondence with the Society. The problems of intercultural contacts are also considered. The author describes the forms and methods of cultural and scientific cooperation of Slavic academies with NTSh according to the principles of historicism and objectivity. It is claimed that the Slavic scientific world treated NTSH as a worthy partner and representative of 20th century Ukrainian scientific thought. Slavic academies of sciences readily supplemented the funds of their scientific book collections with the editions of the Lviv Scientific Society, considered it a matter of honor to welcome Ukrainian members on the occasion of various celebrations, highly valued scientific researches of Ukrainian scientists, published in professional academic collections, considered their associates about the retirement of Ukrainian scientists and public figures into the eternity, gladly received certificates of honorary members of NTSh, joined the publications of their researches in scientific collections of society, established interpersonal contacts, which eventually developed into a strong friendship. The valuable book and archival heritage of the Slavic Academies of Sciences is a confirmation of the multi-vector research activities of the Society, caused by the desire of its members to bring Ukraine to the level of European national peoples. A general conclusion is made concerning the editions of the Slavic Academies of Sciences, collected and preserved thanks to the thoughtful and far-sighted bibliographic policy of NTSH, are nowadays an inexhaustible source of diverse Slavic studies Keywords: Slavic academies of sciences, NTSH research and publishing, Serbian Royal Academy, book exchange, Slavic congresses, Slavic collections, books, academic publications.
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Kagan, Neil. „Blazing a Path to Wilderness: A Case Study of Impact Litigation Through the Lens of Legislative History“. Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law, Nr. 11.1 (2021): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36640/mjeal.11.1.blazing.
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Litigation can be a catalyst for legislation. Legislative history can reveal just how influential litigation is. The legislative history of the laws to designate wilderness in the 1980s provides an object lesson. It demonstrates that litigation both pushed Congress to act and shaped the legislation Congress enacted. This is especially true of the watershed year of 1984. That year, Congress enacted more wilderness laws and added more wilderness areas to the National Wilderness Preservation System in more states than in any other year. The legislative history of the 1984 wilderness laws embedded in bills, hearings, committee meetings, committee reports, and floor proceedings, in conjunction with the legislative history of the various wilderness bills and laws considered, rejected, and passed from 1979 through 1983, reveal the significant impact a particular lawsuit had on Congress in 1984 and beyond. Specifically, a lawsuit grounded in the National Environmental Policy Act, taking advantage of a powerful precedent, prompted the preservation of the wilderness character of millions of acres of public land. To be precise: The lawsuit impelled Congress to designate more than 9.171 million acres in twenty-three states as wilderness from 1984 through 1989. Of that number, more than 7.335 million acres are managed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture through the Forest Service; more than 1.835 million acres are managed by the U.S. Department of the Interior through the Bureau of Land Management and the National Park Service. This article uses legislative history to demonstrate how a strategic lawsuit sparked congressional action. It traces the litigation engendered by the Forest Service’s decision regarding roadless areas in national forests and the evolution of Congress’s response to that litigation, from the first lawsuit filed in 1979 to the last filed in 1983. In the process, it shows how legislative history can illuminate the underlying causes and policy choices that lead to legislation.
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Goelzhauser, Greg, und David M. Konisky. „The State of American Federalism 2018–2019: Litigation, Partisan Polarization, and the Administrative Presidency“. Publius: The Journal of Federalism 49, Nr. 3 (2019): 379–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjz014.
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Abstract Several themes characterize the state of American federalism. Increasing political polarization shapes preferences with respect to locating the vertical balance of power. To implement these preferences, the federal government is primarily relying on regulatory rollback and unilateral action. With Congress largely unable or unwilling to check the executive branch, states have pushed back on use of the tools of the administrative presidency through litigation. We address these themes through an analysis of voting and elections along with important policy developments from the previous year in the areas of immigration, health care, environmental policy, education, gun control, and criminal justice. We also review important federalism developments from the Supreme Court’s 2017 term.
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Davis, Raymond G. „Congress and the emergence of public health policy“. Health Care Management Review 10, Nr. 1 (Januar 1985): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004010-198501010-00008.
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Davis, Charles. „Public Lands Policy Change: Does Congress Support It?“ Journal of Forestry 93, Nr. 6 (01.06.1995): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jof/93.6.8.
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Santos, E. K. d., O. Santos, R. D. S. Reis, L. D. J. A. Pires und R. Marques. „Panorama of Pediatric Oncology Focused on the State of Rio De Janeiro, Brazil, 2017“. Journal of Global Oncology 4, Supplement 2 (01.10.2018): 167s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.18.72100.
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Background and context: Childhood cancer has low incidence, but it's 1st cause of death by disease from 1-19 years in Brazil. Given the lack of preventive measures, access to early diagnosis and treatment are important control actions. Aim: Elaboration of an advocacy tool based on consolidated data of incidence, mortality and morbidity of childhood cancer in Brazil. Strategy/Tactics: Collaborative work process with specialists: 1) evaluation of previous material, databases, available publications and the public ordinances and norms; 2) extraction and analysis of information, providing contextualized and commented content; 3) disclosure: it's launched annually to celebrate National Childhood Cancer Day, in social networks, media, and also presented at meetings, lectures and congresses for key stakeholders (print and electronic format). Program/Policy process: Consulted sources in 2017 were: national census, national registry of health facilities, mortality information system, cancer mortality atlas, hospital-based cancer registry (HBCR) system, and materials from national institute of cancer and IARC. It's estimated 630 new cases/year for the state of Rio de Janeiro (SRJ), 390 in the metropolitan region and 250 in the capital. Incidence rates in the world, Brazil and SRJ per million were: 140.6; 126.5 and 132 within ages from 0-14 and 185.3; 157.2 and 166 for ages 15-19. The classification of tumor types in Brazil, SRJ and capital were, respectively: 40%, 41% and 39% of nonsolid tumors; 43%, 59% and 61% of solid tumors (from which 28%, 24% and 29% are solid tumors of central nervous system). Total deaths per childhood cancer/week is 1540 in the world, 55 in Brazil and 4 in SRJ, being 2nd cause of death (behind external causes) and 1st cause of death due to illness (7.6%) within ages of 1-19 in Brazil. Authorized hospitals for childhood cancer treatment: 77 units in Brazil and 7 in SRJ, of which 70 and 6 have HBCR, respectively. Only 14 Brazilian units and 1 in ERJ treat a median of > 100 new cases/year. In SRJ, 75% of diagnosed cases started treatment within 15 days, and 15% of adolescents are treated with adults. What was learned: It's needed more involvement of pediatric oncologists and managers in analyzing information and its use in decision making, since many don't use existing databases routinely. Another challenge is to return information to those who register it, and thus help in understanding the working process to qualify and value it through appropriate strategies. Collective construction of consolidated information is an important advocacy tool for health practitioners, managers and even general public: it facilitates understanding the pediatric oncology scenario and exposes opportunities for improvement to deal with incomplete or low-skilled information. Ultimately, it allows and stimulates social control of the entire society, and can be used as support for the planning and alignment of public policies to local problems.[Figure: see text][Figure: see text][Figure: see text]
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Womach, Jasper. „Congress, Why Haven't You Heard of Weed Science?“ Weed Technology 8, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1994): 878–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0890037x00028876.
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Science shapes and is shaped by policy decisions. Yet scientists seem to have the greatest difficulty engaging in the policymaking process. When Congress makes public policy it does not work in a vacuum. It is responsive to public pressure. Interest groups that are effective at influencing policy know how Congress works, what are its rules, and who are the players. There is a need for scientists to engage in the process. Several important issues on the agenda involve weed science. There are a number of actions the weed science community can take to make itself available and helpful to policy makers.
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Bonvecchi, Alejandro, Ernesto Calvo und Ernesto Stein. „Legislating Fiscal Imbalance: Using Tax Policy to Protect Fiscal Decentralization in the Argentine Congress“. Publius: The Journal of Federalism 50, Nr. 4 (2020): 620–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa001.
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Abstract Why do common-pool problems persist over time in federations? The literature shows that macro institutional, economic, and political incentives facilitate bailouts through intergovernmental transfers and debt management. Little research, however, explores the legislative mechanisms that prevent common-pool problems from being effectively addressed. This article focuses on a most central mechanism: tax lawmaking. We argue that lawmakers, whose careers rest in the hands of provincial constituencies, administer the legislative process to promote bills that protect the federal transfers that finance vertical fiscal imbalances and to amend proposals that seek to change them. Using an expert-coded dataset designed to assess the direction and magnitude of tax policy change, as described by the amendments proposed by legislators to the full set of tax bills proposed to the Argentine Congress since 1983, we document the legislative dynamics underpinning the common-pool problems of decentralized fiscal federal arrangements.
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Veremeev, N. „US policy to Hong Kong after its handover to China“. International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, Nr. 4 (30.12.2022): 52–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.4.71.5.
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This article studies evolvement of the United States’ post-colonial Hong Kong (HK) policy from liberalism to realism. The author considers factors influencing this policy and differences between the White House/State Department and Congress in assessment of and reaction to developments in HK and responses to them. In 1992 Congress passed the United States-HK Policy Act which treated HK as a non-sovereign entity distinct from China, made the US a quasi-guarantor of HK’s autonomy and provided a framework for the advancement of US’s grand liberal strategy towards HK in pursuit of promotion of Western-style democracy in this special administrative region of China. During the first seventeen years after HK’s handover to China the US government paid little attention to HK and avoided public criticism of HK and China’s authorities over slow pace of territory’s democratization while some prominent anti-China hawks in Congress were unrestrained in such criticism. Pro-democracy protests of 2014 in HK did not alter US government’s cautious approach to HK. The Obama administration probably hoped for gradual democratic reforms in HK. Washington’s policy towards HK made a dramatic turn in 2018 on the back of rapidly deteriorating Sino-US relations after Donald Trump came to power. The Trump administration was disillusioned with the liberal agenda and was very eager to actively play a HK card against Beijing. Large scale 2019 protests/riots in HK, challenging China’s sovereignty over the territory, were publicly supported and in fact encouraged by top officials of the Trump administration and prominent Congressmen. After Beijing imposed the national security law (NSL) on HK in June 2020 anti-government movement was crashed. This prompted Trump to strip HK of certain privileges under the HK Policy Act. Due to NSL Washington lost many HK allies, its influence in the territory diminished and its ability to promote American democracy agenda was hampered. NSL signifies a final transition from American liberal strategy to realism vis-à-vis HK which is now fully covered by US’s China containment strategy. Washington will likely reduce its economic exposure to HK and use deep-seated anti-Beijing attitudes of some Hongkongers to undermine stability of this vulnerable territory of China.
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Kartashova, Maria V. „Mechanisms of Interaction Between Power, Society and Handicrafts in the Russian Empire at the End of the XIX – the Beginning of the XX century“. Economic History 16, Nr. 2 (20.08.2020): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.049.016.202002.129-139.
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Introduction. The article discusses the mechanisms of interaction between power, society and handicrafts in the Russian Empire in the late XIX – early XX centuries as part of the study of problems of Russian economic policy. The struggle between two ideological directions – conservative and liberal – was most clearly expressed in the attitude of government circles towards the peasantry. The author tries to trace two ways of interaction between the authorities and artisanal peasants. Materials and Methods. Based on archival and published sources, an analysis is made of the mechanism of interaction between power, society and handicrafts in the Russian Empire at the turn of the XIX–XX centuries. In the work, we used narrative, historical-typological, and historical-systematic methods of historical research. Results. The first way of interaction between the authorities and handicrafts included research activities, surveys, censuses. Committees and commissions played an important role in the mechanism of relations between power and handicraftsmen, which gathered at the initiative of the government in order to obtain information from the localities about the needs of peasant handicraftsmen. The highest public body in the system of relations between power and handicraftsmen was the congresses of workers in the handicraft industry, the decisions and decisions of which, after discussions, were submitted to the government for consideration and were also taken into account when developing government measures for the development of crafts. This whole mechanism was quite effective and made a significant contribution to the implementation of state assistance to artisans. Discussion and Conclusion. In recent years, research has been conducted on the problems of the interaction of power, society and the peasantry in various aspects on the materials of individual regions. The literature received coverage of the interaction of the state and various economic and political strata: the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, zemstvos, and the peasantry. The topic under consideration is of great importance for identifying the effectiveness of the Stolypin reform and its compliance with the traditions of the economic life of the Russian village. Of the two ways of interaction between power structures and artisanal peasants: “from above” and “from below,” the most effective was the first path, initiated from power structures. State programs for the development of handicrafts, formed in the process of interaction with handicraftsmen, were aimed at supporting small and medium enterprises in the peasant environment.
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Mills, Russell W. „Congressional modification of benefit-cost analysis as a vehicle for particularized benefits and a limitation on agency discretion: the case of the federal contract tower program“. Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 4, Nr. 3 (01.12.2013): 301–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbca-2013-0014.
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The literature on Congressional control of the bureaucracy has examined how members of Congress pursue strategies such as oversight, the limitation of discretion in legislation [Moe, T. (1989). The politics of bureaucratic structure. In J. E. Chubb & P. E. Peterson (Eds.), Can the Government Govern? Washington, DC: Brookings Institution); Huber, J. D., & Shipan, C. R. (2002). Deliberate discretion: The institutional foundations of bureaucratic autonomy. New York: Cambridge University Press], and the use of tools such as administrative procedures [McCubbins, M., & Schwartz, T. (1984). Congressional oversight overlooked: police patrols vs. fire alarms. American Journal of Political Science, 21(1), 165–179; McCubbins, M., Noll, R., & Weingast, B. (1987). Administrative procedures as instruments of political control. Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 3, 243–277] and limitation riders [MacDonald, J. A. (2010). Limitation riders and congressional influence over bureaucratic policy decisions. American Political Science Review, 104 (November), 766–782] to exert influence over executive agency decision making. One area where Congress has attempted to exert control over agency decision-making is through the legislative modification of one of the most common bureaucratic decision-making tools: benefit-cost analysis (BCA). While scholars have examined political influence in agency regulatory impact analysis BCAs for proposed rules [Shapiro, S., & Morrall III, J. F. (2012). The triumph of regulatory politics. Benefit-cost analysis and political salience. Regulation and Governance, 6(2), 189–206], there has been a lack of examination of Congressional modification of agency BCA processes to justify and protect particularized [Mayhew, D. (1974). Congress: The electoral connection. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press] infrastructure projects in their districts. This paper will examine the effect of Congressional control over agency BCA processes to secure particularized benefits by developing an in-depth case study of the Federal Contact Tower Program (FCTP) operated by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) that examines the political and public management implications of Congress’s limitation of the FAA’s autonomy to operate the FCTP under current benefit-cost guidance. Building upon the literature on particularized benefits and Congressional delegation, the results of this study indicate that members of Congress use BCA processes to insulate infrastructure projects in their districts by restricting the ability of agencies to optimize program effectiveness.
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D’Antonio, Patricia, und Brian Lindberg. „POLICY SERIES: GSA CONGRESSIONAL UPDATE“. Innovation in Aging 7, Supplement_1 (01.12.2023): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igad104.1095.
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Abstract This popular annual session will provide cutting-edge information on what the 118th Congress has and has not accomplished to date, and what may be left for end of the First Session. Speakers will discuss key issues such as ending of public health emergency, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and the Older Americans Act.
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Kriner, Douglas L. „Congress, public opinion, and an informal constraint on the commander-in-chief“. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, Nr. 1 (22.01.2018): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117745860.
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US presidents have routinely ordered the use of force without seeking prior authorisation from Congress. However, this practice does not mean that the legislature is irrelevant, as Congress often influences decisions by exercising informal political levers. One of the most important is through Congress’ ability to affect popular support for the commander-in-chief. Through a pair of experiments embedded on nationally representative opinion surveys, this article evaluates whether Congress’ constitutional prerogatives in war powers remain relevant when battling the president in the public sphere. Policy criticism significantly decreased support for the use of force, as did challenges to administration actions on constitutional grounds. Although Congress routinely fails to use the constitutional tools at its disposal to check the commander-in-chief, these powers bolster Congress’ capacity to influence public opinion. Hence, while presidents enjoy considerable leeway in the military arena, Congress’ capacity to erode public support can serve as a check on presidential power.