Thematische Bibliographien / Public opinion – germany (west)

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Public opinion – germany (west)“

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Veröffentlicht am 26. Juli 2024
Zuletzt aktualisiert am 27. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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Perry, Joe. „Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*“. German History 38, Nr. 3 (September 2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.
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Kruke, Anja. „Western Integration vs. Reunification? Analyzing the Polls of the 1950s“. German Politics and Society 25, Nr. 2 (01.06.2007): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250204.

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From the beginning of the West German state, a lot of public opinion polling was done on the German question. The findings have been scrutinized carefully from the 1950s onward, but polls have always been taken at face value, as a mirror of society. In this analysis, polls are treated rather as an observation technique of empirical social research that composes a certain image of society and its public opinion. The entanglement of domestic and international politics is analyzed with respect to the use of surveys that were done around the two topics of Western integration and reunification that pinpoint the “functional entanglement” of domestic and international politics. The net of polling questions spun around these two terms constituted a complex setting for political actors. During the 1950s, surveys probed and ranked the fears and anxieties that characterized West Germans and helped to construct a certain kind of atmosphere that can be described as “Cold War angst.” These findings were taken as the basis for dealing with the dilemma of Germany caught between reunification and Western integration. The data and interpretations were converted into “security” as the overarching frame for international and domestic politics by the conservative government that lasted until the early 1960s.
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Heinrich, Anselm. „West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-1969“. Journal of Contemporary European Studies 20, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2012): 550–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2012.737675.

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Grunbacher, A. „West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-68“. German History 29, Nr. 4 (23.05.2011): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr028.

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Hoskin, Marilyn. „Public Opinion and the Foreign Worker: Traditional and Nontraditional Bases in West Germany“. Comparative Politics 17, Nr. 2 (Januar 1985): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421729.

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Baryshnikov, Vladimir N., Victor N. Borisenko und Oleg Yu Plenkov. „The Student Riots in Germany and their Aftermath“. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, Nr. 4 (2022): 1212–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.411.

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This article deals with the peculiarities of the student protests of 1968 in Germany and their political and social consequences. Among the many protests in the West that year, they had particularly far-reaching consequences for German society. These consequences were related to the heavy legacy of the Nazis, who committed grave crimes against humanity during World War II. It is for this reason that the article places a special emphasis on overcoming the Nazi past, which played an extremely important role in the emergence and spread of youth protests in the FRG. Placing the German protests in the context of a generally rather homogeneous and synchronous protest movement in all Western countries against the old values of bourgeois society and its morals poses difficulty – it is no accident that one of the symbols of youth protest was John Lennon's single “Yesterday”. The past (“yesterday”) indeed came suddenly into the spotlight and was subjected to unrelenting criticism. But the changes in the political culture of society and its mentality were very significant. The mutation toward the triumph of leftist-liberal discourse in the West German public consciousness was so complete and total that it is possible to state, as German satirists joke, that the situation was similar to the way public opinion was controlled in the GDR. As a result, it can be rightly asserted that 1968 in the FRG was perhaps the most important reason for the triumph of left-liberal political discourse in Germany.
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SCHRAFSTETTER, SUSANNA. „‘Gentlemen, the Cheese Is All Gone!’ British POWs, the ‘Great Escape’ and the Anglo-German Agreement for Compensation to Victims of Nazism“. Contemporary European History 17, Nr. 1 (Februar 2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004262.

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AbstractIn 1964 the West German government agreed to provide £1 million in financial compensation to British victims of National Socialism. The distribution of the money, organised by the British foreign office, turned into a major public scandal, as a number of British POWs, among them survivors of the ‘great escape’, had their claims rejected. By examining the refusal of several British POWs to accept their exclusion from the scheme, the article addresses the interplay of political pressure and public opinion that led to a parliamentary inquiry into what became known as ‘the Sachsenhausen affair’ in 1967. Given that provisions of the agreement with West Germany had precluded indemnification to mistreated POWs, the distribution of the money almost inevitably led to bitterness and discontent. From this perspective, the article explores the impact of the Great Escape on British memory of the war, the public reception of the film The Great Escape (1963), and the way in which public memory influenced the debate on compensation.
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Young, Christopher. „"Nicht mehr die herrlichste Nebensache der Welt": Sport, West Berlin and the Four Powers Agreement 1971“. German Politics and Society 25, Nr. 1 (01.03.2007): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250102.

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1972 saw the coming to fruition of two events of major importance to the Federal Republic of Germany under Willy Brandt's leadership: the normalization of relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites through the process of Ostpolitik, and the Munich Olympic Games, which were designed to present a new Germany on the world stage. Although recent scholarship has highlighted the intricacies of East-West diplomacy and the political machinations of Cold-War sports relations, there have been few attempts to investigate the latter's role in the former. This essay seeks to investigate sport in the context of politics, and more vitally vice versa. Focusing on events in the immediate run-up to the Four Powers Treaty on West Berlin in 1971, it shows how sport's appeal to broad sectors of public opinion in Eastern and Western Europe made it a prime candidate for the cultural warfare that accompanied political negotiations.
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Andreyenkov, Vladimir. „Analysis and Questionnaire of the Survey "Public Opinion in the Soviet Union and West Germany"“. Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 22, Nr. 1 (März 1989): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910638902200102.

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Verovšek, Peter J. „“One Would at Least Like to Be Asked”“. German Politics and Society 41, Nr. 3 (01.09.2023): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410302.

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Abstract As the leading public intellectual of postwar West Germany, Jürgen Habermas was a prominent opponent of the unification of the two Germanies after 1989. While his fears regarding the identity, collective memory, Western orientation, and economic power of a united Germany are important, in contrast to the existing literature, I argue that Habermas's objections are primarily procedural, focusing on the normative deficiencies in Chancellor Helmut Kohl's executive-led, administrative approach to reunification. In Habermas's eyes this procedure short-circuited the democratic processes of public opinion- and will-formation necessary to fulfill the normative presuppositions of popular self-determination. Methodologically, I make this point by reading Habermas's “short political writings” alongside his theoretical writings, especially his early postwar readings of the German constitutional theory. In addition to reframing the debate over his opposition to unification, I also oppose realist critiques of his work by showing that Habermas's theoretical writings have direct implications for contemporary politics.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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Donnelly, Jared Mierzejewski Alfred C. „Public opinion of conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956“. [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10994.

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Donnelly, Jared. „Public Opinion of Conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10994/.

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In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.
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Gardner, Jocasta. „The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.

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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.
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Schneider, Christoph. „Der Warschauer Kniefall : Ritual, Ereignis und Erzählung /“. Konstanz : UVK, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2755735&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.

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Sharples, Caroline Louise. „A liberal turn? : war crimes trials and West German public opinion in the 1960s“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438042.

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Elfe, Constantin. „Die deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen die Entstehung des Antiamerikanismus durch Aufhebung der eigenen Probleme /“. Berlin : [s.n.], 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37445131.html.

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Emons, Thomas. „Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /“. Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Baur, Tobias. „Das ungeliebte Erbe : ein Vergleich der zivilen und militärischen Rezeption des 20. Juli 1944 im Westdeutschland der Nachkriegszeit“. Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015598772&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Wainwright, Paul Francis. „Public opinion and nuclear power : a West Cumbrian case study“. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284267.

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This work investigates the factors which might influence public opinion regarding the nuclear power industry, and the accuracy of existing theories about that opinion. West Cumbrian opinion is of particular interest, because the area has the highest concentration of the nuclear power industry in the UK, and might thereby represent a potentially 'nuclear-friendly' area which would contrast with the increasing scepticism reported in the rest of the country, and indeed across much of the industrialised world. The factors which may influence public opinion are analyzed in three ways. Firstly, historical factors are presented in an account of the development of the nuclear power industry. Next, the socio-economic situation and traditions of West Cumbria are examined, in order to assess particular local influences on public opinion. Thirdly, the public relations methods of important local and national groups are examined in the light of public relations theories, in order to assess the ability of such groups to influence public opinion (a new avenue of research related to nuclear power). In order to discover the state of West Cumbrian opinion in 1994, and to assess the impact of the above factors upon that opinion, a survey was conducted using a representative sample of the population of Cockermouth, chosen as a typical Cumbrian town. The scope of questions employed in previous studies was broadened to analyze attitudes towards antinuclear groups as well as towards the industry. Great attention was paid to the methodology of the new survey, the findings of which were analyzed in the light of a comparative analysis of existing research and theories related to West Cumbrian opinion. Local opinion was contrasted with that of a national 'public' consisting of political, environmental and energy orientated organizations. This study confirmed some previously held ideas about public opinion, but also found several differences which suggest flaws in the methodology of previous research. One very important finding was that it is important not to overstate the existence of controversy surrounding the nuclear industry in West Cumbria. Overall, the West Cumbrian population appeared to be relatively nuclear friendly, but not as strongly pro-nuclear as might have been thought. A surprisingly large number of people displayed a lack of knowledge about the subject, and many showed feelings of apathy and alienation. Nuclear power and coal were found to be controversial choices of fuel supply. Wind power received more support and less opposition. Environmental groups were seen to perform a watchdog role, for which they were welcomed in West Cumbria by more people than supported the presence of either BNFL or NIREX. Levels of pOlitical activity amongst local people were low. The particular socio-economic situation in West Cumbria appeared to have had an impact upon local opinion. Support extended to the local industry, and to BNFL in particular, far more than it did to the nuclear industry in general. The insular aspect of West Cumbrian culture has affected attitudes towards those groups perceived as 'outsiders', including the national media and environmental groups. It has also affected attitudes to the industry where public relations campaigns have been targeted at a national rather than a specifically West Cumbrian audience.
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Casey, S. „Franklin D Roosevelt, American public opinion and Nazi Germany 1941-1945“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508844.

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Bücher zum Thema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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Schüttemeyer, Suzanne S. Bundestag und Bürger im Spiegel der Demoskopie: Eine Sekundäranalyse zur Parlamentarismusperzeption in der Bundesrepublik. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986.

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Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth. The spiral of silence: Public opinion, our social skin. 2. Aufl. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

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Heinz, Alexander. "Oh, German! I thought there was something wrong with you.": West Germany in British perceptions, 1969-1975. Augsburg: Wissner, 2013.

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Müller, Christoph Hendrik. West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in media and public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany 1949-68. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Müller, Christoph Hendrik. West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in media and public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Roth, Jürgen. Spaltprodukte: Gebündelte Ost-West-Vorurteile. Leipzig: Reclam, 1997.

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Brettschneider, Frank. Öffentliche Meinung und Politik: Eine empirische Studie zur Responsivität des deutschen Bundestages zwischen 1949 und 1990. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1995.

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Dieter, Tiemann, und Hoffmann, Johannes, 1937 Aug. 9-, Hrsg. Die deutsche Frage im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert als west- und osteuropäisches Problem: Fachliche und didaktische Aspekte. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994.

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Bald, Detlef. Parlamentarische Kontrolle, Bundeswehr und öffentliche Meinung dargestellt am Beispiel der grossen und kleinen Anfragen des Deutschen Bundestages, 1953 bis 1987. München: Sozialwissenschaftliches Institut der Bundeswehr, 1988.

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1942-, Müller Walter, Braun Michael und Mohler Peter Ph 1945-, Hrsg. Blickpunkt Gesellschaft. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1990.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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Nathans, Eli. „American Public Opinion: Optimistic but Often Ignorant“. In Peter von Zahn's Cold War Broadcasts to West Germany, 197–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50615-9_8.

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Anderson, Christopher J. „Public Opinion and European Integration“. In The Federal Republic of Germany at Fifty, 313–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27488-8_24.

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Onderco, Michal. „German Public Opinion on Nuclear Weapons“. In Germany and Nuclear Weapons in the 21st Century, 136–54. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341161-9.

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de Boer, Connie. „West European Public Opinion and the Palestine Question“. In Public Opinion and the Palestine Question, 85–141. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003399421-4.

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Dörmann, U. „Public Opinion Relating to Crime and Police Action“. In Police Research in the Federal Republic of Germany, 77–88. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-74176-0_7.

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Oergel, Maike. „Public Spirit and Public Opinion in Britain and Germany 1789–1825“. In The British and German Worlds in an Age of Divergence (1600–1850), 327–68. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003499190-14.

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Hellman, Sven. „Scientists and Public Opinion—Differences between East and West“. In Nuclear Strategy and World Security, 355–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17878-0_34.

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Nathans, Eli. „Public Audiences and Official Networks“. In Peter von Zahn's Cold War Broadcasts to West Germany, 113–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50615-9_5.

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Sanzone, Donna S. „Women in positions of political leadership in Britain, France and West Germany*“. In Women and the Public Sphere, 160–75. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371502-19.

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Mustafa-Awad, Zahra, und Monika Kirner-Ludwig. „Digital News and Public Opinion: the Case of Syrian Refugees in Germany“. In Reconciliation and Refugees, 225–38. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666568565.225.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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TSE, CHING TAT. „A Comparative Analysis of the Economic Impacts of West Germany and Japan After the Plaza Accord“. In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.129.

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Kristiyanti, Dinar Ajeng, Akhmad Hairul Umam, Mochamad Wahyudi, Ruhul Amin und Linda Marlinda. „Comparison of SVM & Naïve Bayes Algorithm for Sentiment Analysis Toward West Java Governor Candidate Period 2018-2023 Based on Public Opinion on Twitter“. In 2018 6th International Conference on Cyber and IT Service Management (CITSM). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/citsm.2018.8674352.

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MARKS-BIELSKA, Renata, und Agata ZIELIŃSKA,. „FARMLAND ACQUISITION BY FOREIGNERS IN POLAND IN YEARS 2000–2013“. In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.100.

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The present study aimed at identification and evaluation the issue of agricultural land acquisition by foreigners in Poland in the years 2000–2013. The authors have used secondary data from: the Ministry of Interior, the Agricultural Property Agency (APA) and the Institute of Agricultural Economics and Food Economy. The issue of farmland acquisition regulation in UE countries was also mentioned. The area of agriculture land acquired in the analyzed time is 5 0833, 98 hectare. The phenomenon most intensively affects legal persons (with permission of Minister of Interior) who purchase 68.7 % of it. Having considered the analyzed issue from the perspective of the country of origin, Germany and Austria dominate in natural persons (49.04 %) and in the case of legal entities leaders are: Germany and the Netherlands (58.27 %).Significant for interest of polish agricultural land by foreigners was Poland’s accession to the European Community, when in the real estate market a recovery from the foreigners side happened. The future situation in the agricultural land market in Poland is determined by the political decisions and public opinion pressure, especially before 1 May 2016. Present prepositions of changes in the regulation will rather do not limit requirements in land acquisition by foreigners like in Hungary, Slovakia, Lithuania or Bulgaria.
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İrmiş, Ayşe, Mehtap Sarıkaya und Hatice Çoban. „People's Sector as an Alternative Economic Model and the Example of Denizli“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00662.

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People’s sector is an establishment of an enterprise result of bringing together production tools take decisions related to the management of this property and create self-employment opportunities with people’s own savings. This is the most distinctive feature from the private sector and the public sector. As well as the public sector and the private sector, labor is a part of the production, but in people’s sector, employees participate in management, capital and profit. In private sector and public sector there is an up to down organization but in People’s Sector, organization settles from down to top. People’s Sector resemble to publicly held companies and worker companies in Western Europe and United States but differ from them in the form of establishment and statue of partnership. Because in these companies in the West, government or private sector open shares to public or make workers partner to the shares. In these companies, managerial decisions belong to the person or group that holds most of the shares. Whereas in public sector enterprises, people come together and have equal rights in establishment and management of the enterprise, without any person or group keeping the majority of shares in the hand. Without a precedent in the world, this sector is formed in 1970’s with the savings of the workers went from Turkey to Germany and other European countries. In this study, a literature rewiev in the people’s sector has been made, then exemplary research was carried out by the founders of the two People’s sector companies.
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Grenouillet, Jean-Jacques. „EDF Decommissioning Programme: A Global Commitment to a Sustainable Development“. In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4722.

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Nowadays, decommissioning of nuclear power plants has become a key issue for nuclear industry in Europe. The phasing out of nuclear energy in Germany, Belgium and Sweden, as well as the early closure of nuclear units in applicant countries in the frame of EU enlargement, has largely contributed to consider decommissioning as the next challenge to face. The situation is slightly different in France where nuclear energy is still considered as a safe, cost-effective and environment friendly energy source. Electricite´ de France (EDF) is working on the development of a new generation of reactor to replace the existing one and erection of a new nuclear power plant could start in the next few years. Nevertheless, to achieve this objective, it will be necessary to get the support of political decision-makers and the acceptance of public opinion. Due to the growing concern of these stakeholders for environmental issues, their support can only be obtained if it is possible to demonstrate that nuclear energy industry will not leave behind unsolved issues that will be a burden to the next generations. In this context decommissioning of the first generation of EDF NPPs constitutes a prerequisite for the erection of a new type of nuclear power plant. This paper will present the programme defined by EDF for the decommissioning of its nine already shutdown reactors (Fig. 1). The reasons of the recent evolution of EDF decommissioning strategy will be explained and the key issues that will contribute to the successful implementation of this programme will be addressed. Finally, what has been achieved on sites so far and major planned activities will be described.
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Węcławowicz-Gyurkovich, Ewa. „Image of a Hanseatic city in the latest Polish architectural solutions“. In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8086.

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The problem of the reconstruction of centres of Polish towns and cities after the destructions of the World War II evoke discussions even today. Over the first years after the war, in numerous cases the centres of historical cities and towns were lost; in the place of former market squares and networks of streets with tenements crowned with endwall trims, randomly dispersed concrete blocks of flats were erected, in order to satisfy urgent housing demands. The situation changed after 1980, when in Elbląg, Gdańsk, Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, a rule was adopted according to which the peripheral development of city quarters was to be recreated, restoring tenements located in historical plots of land, but contemporary in style, maintaining the silhouettes and sizes from years before. It is also possible to observe other activities in the solutions of the latest public utility buildings, which - often by using a sophisticated intellectual play - restore the climate and character of cities remembered and known from the past centuries. In the west and north of Europe there are many towns and cities, predominantly ports, which used to be members of Hansa. The organisation of Hansa, the origins of which reach back to the Middle Ages, associated a number of cities which could decide about the provision of goods to cities within a specific territory, and secure markets for products manufactured in them. Thanks to that, cities that belonged to Hansa were developing more rapidly and effectively, and the beginnings of their development within the territory of Germany and in the Baltic states date back to the 13th and 14th centuries. The peak period of the development of Hanseatic cities, where merchants were engaged in free trade with people from European countries, fell in the 14th and 15th centuries, but already in the 17th century there was a complete decline of Hansa, resulting from the occurrence of competition in the form of associations of Dutch and English cities, as well as the Scandinavian ones. From amongst Polish towns and cities, members of Hansa were e.g. Szczecin, Gdańsk, Kołobrzeg, Elbląg, as well as Cracow. In 1980 an association of partner cities of North Europe, dubbed a New Hansa, was established, the objective of which is to attract attention to the common development of tourism and trade. Nowadays, this New Hansa associates over a hundred cities, similarly to what once was in the medieval Hansa. Numerous Polish cities faced the problem of reconstruction after the destruction of the World War II. The effects varied. By adopting the programme of satisfying predominantly housing demands in the 1960s and 1970s, historical old towns in dozens of cities from amongst nearly 2 hundred destroyed by warfare of the World War II in the north and west of Poland were lost forever. Today we can still encounter ruins of Gothic churches in Głogów or Gubin, where in the place of a market square and tenements of townsmen, randomly located rows of typical four- or five-storey blocks of flats have been erected.
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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Public opinion – germany (west)"

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NARYKOVA, N. A., S. V. KHATAGOVA und Yu R. PEREPELITSYNA. PEJORATIVE WORDS IN GERMAN MASS-MEDIA IN NOMINATIONS OF POLITICIANS. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-14-1-3-57-68.

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One of the main functions of mass media is influence on public opinion. So emotionally-painted lexical means are widely used in mass media in relation to leading politicians who are the centre of political arena. They are exposed to the frequent criticism, a negative estimation. The present article is devoted to the consideration of pejorative lexicon which is applied in nominations for heads of states. An empirical material of research were electronic newspapers and editions: Der Spiegel, Die Zeit, Sueddeutsche Zeitung, Der Tagesspiegel, taz, Die Welt, Gegenblende. As the basic methods of research are the following: the componental analysis, the lexico-semantic analysis, the stylistic analysis. The result of research revealed, that in German mass media there is a significant amount of persons names pejorative colouring. They express censure, disrespect, sneer, hatred, antipathy, condemnation, mistrust and so on. There main word-formations for persons nominations are composition, a derivation with using of suffixes and subsuffixes, attributive word-combinations, metaphorically-metonymical way. The materials of the research work can be used in the course of learning German language, at the practical training in oral speech, and also in the course of lexicology, general and aspect lexicography.
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Rowold, Carla. Differences in gender pension gaps in public and private pensions in West Germany: what role do work-family life courses play? Rostock: Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Juli 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/mpidr-wp-2024-015.

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Arzheimer, Kai. To Russia with love? German populist actors’ positions vis-a-vis the Kremlin. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), März 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0020.

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Russia’s attack on Ukraine and its many international and national repercussions have helped to revive the fortunes of Germany’s main radical right-wing populist party, the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). Worries about the threats posed to Germany’s traditional export-led industries by spiking energy prices, the country’s historical anxieties over becoming involved in armed conflict in Europe, and hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in Germany seem to have contributed to a modest rise in the AfD’s poll numbers after a long period of stagnation. However, the situation is more complicated for the AfD than it would appear at first glance. While many party leaders and the rank-and-file have long held sympathies for Putin (and for Russia more generally), support for Ukraine among the German public remains strong, even if there is some disagreement about the appropriate means and the acceptable costs. At least some AfD voters are appalled by the levels of Russian violence against civilians. Like on many other issues, there is also a gap in opinion between Germany’s formerly communist federal states in the east and the western part of the country. The AfD’s leadership has responded by blaming the government and unspecified external actors for the economic crisis, calling for a “diplomatic solution,” and demanding a “return to normal.” While this policy has helped to keep the AfD’s base mobilized, the stated approach is scarcely feasible and has not led to a surge in support for the party among the general population.
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