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Fryer, Roland G., und Glenn C. Loury. „Affirmative Action and Its Mythology“. Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, Nr. 3 (01.08.2005): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533005774357888.
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For more than three decades, critics and supporters of affirmative action have fought for the moral high ground through ballot initiatives and lawsuits, in state legislatures, and in varied courts of public opinion. The goal of this paper is to show the clarifying power of economic reasoning to dispel some myths and misconceptions in the racial affirmative action debates. We enumerate seven commonly held (but mistaken) views one often encounters in the folklore about affirmative action (affirmative action may involve goals and timelines, but definitely not quotas, e.g.). Simple economic arguments reveal these seven views to be more myth than fact.
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Papazoglou, Andreas S., Christos Tsagkaris, Dimitrios V. Moysidis, Athanasios Alexiou und Georgios Vourvoulakis. „The COVID-19 Saga: Myths, Allegories and the Aftermath for Contemporary and Future Practice“. Open Public Health Journal 14, Nr. 1 (26.11.2021): 498–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874944502114010498.
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The mythical fight of Heracles against the Hydra presents an allegory to the fight of humanity against the COVID-19 pandemic. The rational interpretation of the myth can help people understand the intricacies of the management of healthcare crises. Combined with this, the myth can also create respect for healthcare workers and inspire individuals to take positive action in the fight against COVID-19. Although myths have been regarded as a threat to public health, mythological elements and allegories can become potent tools of health promotion.
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Rahadini, Astiana Ajeng, und Rahmat Rahmat. „Philosophical meaning of the myth of pregnant and nursing mothers at Dawuhan village, Banyumas“. EduLite: Journal of English Education, Literature and Culture 3, Nr. 2 (02.09.2018): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/e.3.2.188-195.
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Traditional culture underlying a wide range of behavior and deeds of a society and gave birth to a variety of oral literature as well as myth. The myth that developed and still surviving in public life of Java among other myths related to pregnant and nursing mothers. This research is under a descriptively qualitative method supported by field research method along with un-depth interviews in Dawuhan village of Banyumas which is the village where the ancestors of Banyumas was buried. Through field observation and research method of interview to the trusted resource in Dawuhan village was obtained by results of research regarding the myth of pregnant and nursing mothers. This research finds some kinds of myths in relation to recommending and prohibition to perform an action that may harm the fetus, while the myth of breastfeeding mothers mostly prohibition and advice about foods that are consumed by the mother breastfeeding can harm the health of the baby.
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Wargadinata, Ella Lesmanawaty. „Institutional Transformation from Myth to Modern Action: Collaborative Efforts in Preserving Lengkong Lake, Indonesia“. Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya 26, Nr. 1 (14.06.2024): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jantro.v26.n1.p110-117.2024.
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Irrational beliefs such as myths, legends, and taboos play a role in protected area conservation or biodiversity; however, those remain unanswered in their conceptualization and practices. This research aims to reveal how a myth as an ancient institution evolves into a modern institution accepted by today's generation. It uses institutional transformation as an essential guide to reveal the linear transformation from old legend as a traditional institution into a modern multi-actor collaboration—data collection through observation, interviews with purposive informants, and support by secondary data. The result shows that the current Lake conservation covers long run long-institutional evolution: from the legend of the Zamzam water as the starting point, the legalization of the site as a natural conservation area, the strong kinship bond among local peoples, the metamorphosis of myth into public cultural events; to modern Collaborative action on religious tourism management of who, what, and when benefit and responsibility from different actors are shared. The institutional transformation has become a focal point over modernization that is intertwined and plays a significant role in the Lengkong Lake conservation.
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Akhyat Sulkhan, Khumaid. „Mitos Good Influencer dan Politik citra Awkarin dalam Pusaran Demonstrasi Mahasiswa Menolak RKUHP“. Jurnal Komunikasi 15, Nr. 1 (31.10.2020): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/komunikasi.vol15.iss1.art2.
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This paper discusses how Awkarin reproduces the myth of good influencers as part of her political image in the student action against the RKUHP on September 24, 2019. With the semiotic method developed by Roland Barthes, the author examines the meaning of denotation and connotation in Awkarin's Instagram photos that record her involvement in the action at Senayan. As a result, the authors found that Awkarin built the image of an influencer who cares about social and political issues and mobilizes all their potential to help the public. However, the myth of the good influencer Awkarin is problematic, because she only involves herself in issues that are popular in society without going into further detail
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Schmukler, Ricardo. „Myths as errors and inventions: the shadow of tradition in pa praxis“. International Journal of Organization Theory & Behavior 21, Nr. 3 (10.09.2018): 158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijotb-04-2018-0044.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impossible segregation of founding myths from any actual understanding of life in common, the public good and PA theorizing. The notion of shadow as used by Robert Denhardt to designate the “other side” of rational motives in organizing fits well with the approach to PA myths here intended, in consonance with the theme of unity in apparent opposites and the “intensely meaningful acts of heroes and heroines” (Denhardt, 1981, p. xii). Finally, the questionable opposition between logos and myth will be reviewed along the discussion of the sacred and the secret in PA tradition. Design/methodology/approach The author examines PA myths and discusses conjectures and explanations. Findings PA founding myths are not false believes or illusionary entities but genuine precursors and effective backstage arrangers of theory and praxis. The processes of languaging, musicking and organizing, basic human traits and fundamental events for human life to occur and get structured as it does, cannot prescind from them. Myths are intertwined with reasons and desires, inseparable, coexisting in the unified and pluriversal forms of doing, knowing and valuing that configure human life. Nothing different corresponds to PA and its myths as key components of the processes of thought, action and judgment that constitute the public domain. Originality/value PA myths persist not only through the ages of the administrative state but through the transformations of thoughts also occurred in each theorist’s own life experience. At different times, situations and conditions all of us – the author guess – have addressed this or that PA myth for motives worth deserving the reiterated discussion. It was never the same discussion; it could not have been, it is not, and it will not ever be.
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Polishchuk, O. P. „TOPOS, ETHOS AND AESTHESIS OF NATIONAL-STATE MYTH IN MODERN CULTURE“. UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, Nr. 2 (3) (2018): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2018.2(3).07.
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The article touches upon the issue of the need to study the phenomenon of “national-state myth” more intensively in the modern conditions of life of the society. The analysis of the national-state myth specifics is carried out not only as a kind of political myth, but firstly as a socio-cultural phenomenon. We assert that among the newest myths, which significantly affect the value orientations and life standards of each society, a special place is occupied exactly by the national-state myth. Such myth is called to form public opinion about the state as representative and defender of key nation’s interests and also culture differences. Such myth becomes especially popular in the crisis conditions of social processes in the state and its relationships with other countries. This myth is created in interests of those social strata, which occupied main positions in the management of the state. It is not necessary for such social strata to be the representatives of main nation in this society and its culture. A basic source of its promotion in society is an influence of mass communications on public consciousness in the process of symbolic production. Ethos of the“national-state myth” phenomenon in modern society is aimed at the formation of pride for nation and its culture, patriotism in the broad strata of society through an addressing to the historical events, special achievements of nation and so on. But interest to such myth and its popularity provide aesthetically beautiful moments during distribution of such social product in a symbolic exchange in modern society and its national culture. The research of the origins and functional features of "national-state myth" is realized, and they are compared to the origins and functional features of the classic, archaic myth. The specificity of these constructs of the ideal spiritual life in modern conditions is investigated, and the role of ethos and aesthesis of the “state’s art mythos” phenomenon is researched too. Also the article analyzes the formal and aesthetic aspects of the content of the information in such myth. To our opinion a modern national-state myth actually is an artistic myth on a form its presentation in facilities of mass communication. He uses facilities and possibilities of human artistic thought. Therefore modern cultural space which tested total influence of such myths appeared as a “place for a game senses and offenses” in the removal of contemporary from reality. We assert that it is liked to be a man not through insufficiency of knowledge, but because many modern people miss. Modern Europeans miss often, but yet presently they are often afraid of changes in their life through a crisis in society. Therefore such myth not only strengthens patriotism of citizens of country. Such myth creates the illusion of stability for them, gives them a confidence in itself and to the state. A modern man presently often has a desire to go from reality from its much by numeral problems in the idealizing world. Such myths give the alarmed people to calm down and enjoy life as spectacle in a theater or a circus. Myth of the “messiah calling of country” is analyzed as an example of state myth. Such myth once created terms, as ideological basis, for the representatives of one nation, to create a strong state. But in modern terms neglect to the people of other nations is drawn. It is therefore needed to mark that such myth becomes in modern terms a basis for the conflicts between different peoples. The question concerns propaganda of national exceptional nature from the side of any totalitarian states. Therefore such a myth creates terms for enmity between different nations and peoples, develops in man contempt to other people. We assert that national character of any modern nation appears in various aspects. E.g., attitude to the past, role of the country in civilization history, national historical myths, address to folk beliefs, ceremonies, and mysticism. Ethos of national-state myth not only speaks to the elements of national character of specific group of people, also causing changes in it. They are not always positive; vice versa such changes through growth of role of state myth for spiritual life of nation are a certificate of deep crisis in this society. The overstatement of the value for history of humanity conduces to inadequate and illusive perception of present life conditions of society. A man as a result of infatuation for such a myth becomes inadequate to estimate itself and other people. For his logic, acts or thoughts change. In fact, this is an a-logic. It is possible to say that under the action of such myth a man loses correct social standards of conduct. It is simply played, and a game is perceives as a real life. Keywords: Myth, ‘National-state Myth’, Ethos of Myth, Aesthesis of Myth, Symbol, Symbolic Production, Symbolic Exchange, Mass communications, Popular Culture.
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Rohova, Olena. „Дискусійні аспекти проблематики правового міфу“. Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 1, Nr. 3 (2022): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.20223.07.
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The axiological aspects of legal myth and mythological perception of reality were analyzed and it was found that several interrelated properties of the studied myth can be identified, which allow to assert the thesis about its own and instrumental value. In particular, the intrinsic (ontological) value of legal myth is manifested in the formation of a certain sign system, which is a reflection of legal reality in the minds of man (or society). Mythological perception of reality, in our opinion, is authorial, selective, to some extent biased. Instead, the instrumental value of legal myth is observed in the processes of human cognition of the world and legal reality, in the process of identification and self-identification of man. In particular, the legal myth is not just a means of knowing and identifying the phenomena of legal reality, but serves as a reliable apologist for the value and moral choice of man and his behavior, such a sign system that has a certain „indulgence” for any human action (inaction). The instrumental value of the legal myth is not limited to the framework of the epistemological process, the tasks of observation and cognition, but has a powerful potential for influence and transformation of legal reality. Awareness of this potential of the legal myth opens a wide space for its application in order to root in the legal consciousness of man and, ultimately, society as a whole, the relevant legal (or anti-legal) values. The principles of interaction of the legal myth and the modern state are determined. Any legal myth seeks to spread, social support, wider recognition, in the most ambitious end – official recognition and legitimacy, which is impossible without a strong state function. The legitimation of the legal myth occurs through its spread in society, receiving social support and rooting first in the legal consciousness of individuals, and gradually – in the public legal consciousness. It can be argued that legal myths permeate all levels of legal reality of the modern state, from legal consciousness (man and society), and ending with the processes of lawmaking, law enforcement, interpretation.
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Rothstein, Richard. „The myth of de facto segregation“. Phi Delta Kappan 100, Nr. 5 (22.01.2019): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0031721719827543.
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Today, our schools are more racially segregated than at any time in the last 40 years, mainly because the neighborhoods in which they are located are themselves racially segregated. Yet, the U.S. Supreme Court, in its 2007 Parents Involved ruling, prohibited school districts from implementing even modest race-conscious desegregation plans. If people of differing races live in different neighborhoods, the Court found, it is because of de facto segregation (e.g., private individuals’ choices about where to live), which the government has no power to remedy. But in fact, argues Richard Rothstein, residential segregation can be traced back to specific decisions made by public officials at the local, state, and federal levels. De facto segregation is a myth, and there’s no reason why the government shouldn’t take action to integrate schools in segregated neighborhoods.
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Massari, Alice. „Hollywood and the Myth of Criminal Convergence. The Case of Sicario: Day of the Soldado“. Public Anthropologist 3, Nr. 1 (04.03.2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891715-03010010.
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Abstract Narratives of drug cartels progressively assuming control of migration routes by smuggling and trafficking migrants and Islamic terrorists across borders is not only common in academic accounts and international organizations’ reports. It is also emerging in popular culture. This article sheds light on how the myth of criminal convergence can be created and conveyed to the public through crime-action films. I look at one of the most important places for mythmaking of any kind: Hollywood. Based on a visual social semiotic analysis of the film Sicario: Day of the Soldado, this article will show how the myth of convergence is conveyed throughout it, and what its implications are. It will argue that the rhetoric of criminal convergence fuels a simplistic account of the existence of a battle between good (law enforcement) and evil (criminals working on all sorts of interconnected cross-border crimes), thereby legitimizing every action in the fight against crime.
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Williams, Joseph M. „Moving from Words to Action: Reflections of a First Year Counselor Educator for Social Justice“. Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 5, Nr. 1 (01.04.2013): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.5.1.79-87.
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This article provides a personal narrative of my experience as a first year counselor educator organizing and facilitating a public panel discussion held at George Mason University in response to the murder of Trayvon Martin. The panel discussion provided an opportunity for open, honest, and constructive dialogue among students, faculty, staff, and community members on such topics as individual and institutional racism, stereotypes of Black masculinity, gun control laws, hate crimes against young Black men, the myth of a post-racial United States, and what we can do as citizens to prevent such tragedies in the future. I will also discuss the lessons learned, not only about organizing a public forum, but about taking the initiative.
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Ernst, Frederick A. „The Myth of Mental Illness Revisited: Language Matters“. Ethical Human Psychology and Psychiatry 18, Nr. 2 (2016): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1559-4343.18.2.92.
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The safety of the American public has been violated by a mental health treatment enterprise that is badly broken because it is based on a fundamentally flawed model of understanding distress and dysfunction. The system has generated language that has caused serious confusion among the public as well as the providers of mental health services. And language matters. Psychologists have drifted from their core identity and contributed significantly to this system by embracing the illness model as if it was their own. In their philosophical confusion feeding a myopic neuroscience zeitgeist, proponents of this flawed model and broken system have minimized the influence of psychological factors and emboldened a psychopharmaceutical industry that is now dangerously in control of the country’s mental health needs. Unless psychologists scrutinize the language on which they have become dependent and the practices dictated by that language, the broken system will be irreparable and the level of harm perpetrated on the American public will escalate from dangerous to perilous. Psychology is a unique basic science discipline among the mental health professions, and there is a faint pulse in the scientist–practitioner model of clinical psychology suggesting perhaps a glimmer of hope. Historians will not be kind to this era, and psychology will be found deeply culpable unless a major paradigm shift is achieved soon. Change cannot be accomplished without a complete rejection of the illness model and action to replace it in similar fashion to what is already under way in Great Britain.
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Soman, B. „Participatory GIS in action, a public health initiative from Kerala, India“. ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XL-8 (27.11.2014): 233–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xl-8-233-2014.
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Community ownership is essential for sustainable public health initiatives. The advantages of getting active involvement of homebound village women in a public health campaign to establish community health surveillance are being reported in this paper. With the support of the local self government authorities, we had selected 120 village women, and they were given extensive training on various healthcare schemes, home based management of local ailments, leadership skills and survey techniques. Afterwards, they had been asked to share their knowledge with at least 10-15 women in their neighbourhood. This had improved their status in the neighbourhood, as more and more people started getting their advice on healthcare and social services related matters. Subsequently, they had collected the socio-demographic and morbidity details of the entire households, including the geometric coordinates (longitude and latitude) of the households and public offices. In this process, they began to use the geographic position system (GPS) machines, dismissing the myth that women are not that techno savvy, further improving their acceptability in the community. Many among them were seen proudly describing the implications of the thematic maps to the village people and line department staff in the monthly subcentre meetings. Many were offered seats in the local body elections by leading political parties, a few of them did stand in the elections and three of them had won the elections. This experience reinforces our belief that the empowerment of villagers with newer technology could be a public health tool with much wider positive implications.
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Bratosin, Stefan. „Mediatization of Beliefs: The Adventism from “Morning Star” to the Public Sphere“. Religions 11, Nr. 10 (24.09.2020): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11100483.
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This article examines “the material becoming-forces of symbolic forms” mobilized by the Adventist beliefs in the public sphere of the United States of America during the 19th century. Particularly, the article focuses on the “transformation” of the prophetic letter’s secret of the Bible into “communicative action”, which is both civil and religious. The article aims to test the strengths and the weaknesses of Adventism’s symbolic function in the paradigmatic myth of the State, on the assumption that, in the creation of spiritual meaning in the present world, Adventism is an external referent to social transformation. Theoretical and exploratory in nature, this article also seeks to broaden the understanding of an atypical religion—“without particular religion”—through the old and the new media theory and research program of mediatization.
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Wink, Georg. „“Looking for more Brazilian solutions”: Rhetorical Strategies against Ethnic Quotas in Brazilian Higher Education“. Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 6, Nr. 2 (13.10.2018): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v6i2.97048.
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Since the 1990s, Brazil has experienced a growing public debate about policies of ethnic affirmative action. The arguments invoked by the opponents of affirmative action quotas, expressed in scientific publications, the mass media and even manifestos, have been the subject of study in several research projects. In their analyses, these scholars have concluded that the the anti-quota arguments suffered from logical inconsistency, theoretical and methodological flaws or simple lack of empirical evidence. However, anti-quota rhetoric appears to persist seemingly unaffected by academic counter-arguments, if not in the academic debate, at least in public opinion. This paper argues that the persuasive power of anti-quota arguments derives from the strategic use of specific rhetorical strategies, based on time-proven classical speech imagery that foreground evidence and logic even where speculation and heuristics are the actual foundation. Using methods of Critical Discourse Analysis I will analyze a representative corpus of prominent public discourses against ethnic affirmative action quotas in order to demonstrate how rhetorical strategies are deployed in these texts, showing how they broadly mirror the proposition of a “Rhetoric of Reaction” (Hirschman 1991). These rhetorics, I argue, draw heavily on the myth of “racial democracy” combined with a long-standing national master-narrative of Brazilian exceptionalism, the combination of which masks racial animosity and defers policy action to support ethnic minorities.
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Schwarz, Marc. „Leahey, Whitewashing War - Historical Myth, Corporate Textbooks, And Possibilities For Democratic Education“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 35, Nr. 2 (01.09.2010): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.35.2.106-107.
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No one who reads this study will have any difficulty identifying its thesis. The reader discovers it at the outset of the book and the author sustains it constantly to the end. In fact, Leahey presents his conclusion at the very beginning, giving the appearance of both a polemical and one-sided investigation. Whitewashing War asserts that public social studies education in American schools is influenced and controlled by forces such as the government, the military, the industrial establishment, and the media. Through federal action, military involvement, textbook sanitization, and media omissions the effort is to indoctrinate students with patriotism and loyalty, thus insuring a passive, obedient response. While this point of view is not without merit, in its ideological presentation it savors too much of a dictum rather than a matter for discussion.
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Martin, Lauren, und Annie Hill. „Debunking the Myth of ‘Super Bowl Sex Trafficking’: Media hype or evidenced-based coverage“. Anti-Trafficking Review, Nr. 13 (26.09.2019): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201219132.
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A large body of scholarship has described the narrow set of media narratives used to report trafficking for sexual exploitation to the public. This article examines US media coverage of human trafficking in relation to the Super Bowl, American football’s championship game. Available empirical evidence does not suggest that major sporting events cause trafficking for sexual exploitation. Yet, we find that 76 per cent of US print media from 2010 to 2016 propagated the ‘Super Bowl sex trafficking’ narrative. Local coverage of the 2018 Super Bowl in Minneapolis, Minnesota, was different, presenting a sceptical stance toward this narrative. The article describes how this substantial shift resulted from our research group and anti-trafficking stakeholders employing an action research approach to craft a Super Bowl communication strategy that aligned with empirical evidence. Although sensationalist narratives are difficult to dislodge, the Minnesota case shows that evidence on trafficking can be effectively used to inform media and impact public perceptions, when researchers work with stakeholders on the ground. Lessons learnt are shared to enable others to replicate these results.
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Harriss, John. „Public Action and the Dialectics of Decentralisation: Against the Myth of Social Capital as 'the Missing Link in Development'“. Social Scientist 29, Nr. 11/12 (November 2001): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518225.
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Popov, Dmitry. „Police/Militia in (Post-)Soviet Popular Culture (Towards a Historical Iconography of Power)“. Sociology of Power 36, Nr. 3 (25.10.2024): 136–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2074-0492-2024-3-136-163.
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The idea of the police as a “good order” from the Polizeiwissenschaft of absolutism was developed in the biopolitical model of caring for the population of the Modern era, engaged in ensuring safety and well-being. Being a product of mass society, the modern state has focused on influencing public opinion. In the XIX–XX centuries, there was a counter-movement of police supervision and art which gave rise to ‘police aesthetics’. Cinematography was an effective means of forming a desirable image of the Soviet militia in the post-war period of normalization of public life. By contributing to the Soviet myth of developed socialism, militia cinema contributed to a screen-to-life transfer of a new norm of trust between representatives of power and citizens. This constructivist cinema involved the viewer in the cinematic reality by likening them to the main character, a militiaman who acts as a moral guide. In addition to forming the image of the ‘familial militia’, intellectual militia cinema—with its focus on professionalism—is actively developing. The most popular version of the latter is militia cinema that thematizes the moral rightness of militia officers fighting crime in the name of Soviet citizens. Involvement in the cinematic reality through assimilation, novelty, memory, and imagination included the romanticization of the historical events of the revolution. Militia cinema was inverted during the years of the perestroika. It exploited the effect of novelty associated with the viewer's immersion in emerging market relations. The viewer's interest was focused on the wrong, criminal, side of public life. Crime is romanticized, the militia is stigmatized. From constructing the myth of cooperation between the government and the population, militia cinema moves on to deconstructing the myth, achieving an effect of denigration. The fashion for American cinema brings elements of action, thriller, horror. The viewer is no longer included in the imperious project of transforming reality; they are attracted by the illusion, the spectacle. The latest police cinema, overcoming total deconstructionism, is busy reconstructing the spirit of Soviet militia cinema in modern settings. Oscillating between the intention to generate positive images of the police and the demonstration of the “truth of life”, modern police cinema contains the natal shoots of a new cinema in which the image of the police is important for the normalization of public life.
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Rauchway, Eric. „The New Deal Was on the Ballot in 1932“. Modern American History 2, Nr. 02 (22.02.2019): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.42.
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During the 1932 campaign, Franklin Roosevelt explicitly committed himself to nearly all of what would become the important programs of the New Deal. In the months before his March 4, 1933, inauguration, he made his proposed policies even clearer. Yet many Americans have forgotten this clarity of purpose, led in large measure by histories of the New Deal and biographies of Roosevelt that echo old misconceptions of this critical election. Such texts are far more likely to describe Roosevelt's campaign as so devoid of substance and full only of “sunny generalities” that at the time he took the oath of office his “plans remained largely unknown to the public.” He had “no larger philosophy or grand design.” He stood only for “action, any action, with little or no thought given to the long-term consequences.” One historian recently declared, “The notion that when Franklin Roosevelt became president he had a plan in his head called the New Deal is a myth that no serious scholar has ever believed.”
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Spiers, Amy. „#MirandaMustGo: Contesting a settler colonial obsession with lost-in-the-bush myths through public and socially engaged art“. Art & the Public Sphere 8, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00022_1.
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In January 2017, settler Australian artist, Amy Spiers, launched a creative campaign to contest habitual associations at the site of Hanging Rock in Central Victoria with a white vanishing myth. Entitled #MirandaMustGo, the campaign’s objective was to provoke thought and unease about why the missing white schoolgirls of Joan Lindsay’s fictional novel, Picnic at Hanging Rock, prompted more attention and feeling in the general public than the actual losses of lives, land and culture experienced by Indigenous people in the region as a consequence of rapid and violent colonial occupation. The campaign incited significant media attention, substantial public debate and some reconsideration of the stories told at Hanging Rock. In this article, Spiers will describe how she conceptualized the artwork/campaign as a propositional counter-memorial action that attempted to conceive ways in which non-Indigenous Australians can acknowledge, and take responsibility for, the denial of colonization’s impact on Indigenous people. She will do so by discussing the critical methodology that underpinned this socially engaged artwork and continue by analysing the public reception and dissensus the campaign provoked. She will conclude in presenting some thoughts about what #MirandaMustGo produced: a rupture of the public secret of Australia’s violent colonial past, a marked shift to the discourse concerning Hanging Rock and an ongoing, unresolved agitation stimulated by Picnic at Hanging Rock’s persistent reproducibility.
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Kaspe, S. I. „The Nineties: Establishment of Polity“. Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 102, Nr. 3 (23.09.2021): 40–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-102-3-40-71.
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In the 1990s, after the collapse of the USSR, was established the Russian polity, which continues to exist to this day. In this paper polity is understood as a macro-social community, united by a certain political order i.e., by a stable set of institutions and actors, as well as normative standards for organizing their interactions, both formal and informal. Establishment is understood as a series of events that establish these most fundamental frameworks for political action, as well as a repertoire of its scenarios, behavioral stereotypes, strategies, and tactics. The negative myth about the nineties, which has dominated the Russian public discourse in the recent years, describes the 1990s as a time of catastrophe and degradation. It certainly has its reasons, but this myth almost completely ignores the fact that the same decade was also a time of creation. Thus, the current state of Russia cannot be understood without paying attention to the circumstances of its establishment. The article describes some of the key features of the modern Russian polity that emerged in the 1990s — the “main takeaway” of the constituent era. They are the following: the electoral legitimacy of the supreme political power; non-partisan presidency; capitalism as the economic foundation of the political order; federalism as a principle of territorial organization of political space; freedom of association; freedom of religion; open borders. This list is not exhaustive: there are other elements of the design of the Russian polity that can claim the status of constitutive ones. However, a radical change in all these institutions together or in any one of them individually would mean another re-establishment of the political community as a whole.
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Prismayanti, Rini. „IKON, INDEKS, DAN SIMBOL DALAM MEME DI INSTAGRAM“. LITERASI: Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Bahasa, Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah 14, Nr. 2 (31.07.2024): 520–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23969/literasi.v14i2.12043.
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This research discusses memes in digital form which are spread via the internet as a medium for conveying messages in a new form. The aim of this research is to describe and interpret the signs and meanings contained in memes, especially on the social media Instagram @hai.dudu, using Peirce's semiotic concept which focuses on icons, indices and symbols. Next, we use Barthes' semiotic concept which focuses on the meaning of denotation, connotation and myth. The method for collecting data is qualitative descriptive which focuses on data in words and images. This research uses documentation studies and interviews for data analysis using an interactive model. The research results showed that icons were found that depicted roles marked with special characters such as the characters dudu, momo, side. Next, icons were found depicting animals, objects, food and places. The index found based on expressions in images and text has a cause and effect relationship in producing meaning. In symbols, it is found to symbolize an event or action symbol, and is symbolic based on a word that has been agreed upon by the general public.
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Benton, Sarah. „Women Disarmed: The Militarization of Politics in Ireland 1913-23“. Feminist Review 50, Nr. 1 (Juli 1995): 148–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.28.
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The movement for ‘military preparedness’ in America and Britain gained tremendous momentum at the turn of the century. It assimilated the cult of manliness — the key public virtue, which allowed a person to claim possession of himself and a nation to reclaim possession of itself. An army was the means of marshalling a mass of people for regeneration. The symbol of a nation's preparedness to take control of its own soul was the readiness to bear arms. Although this movement originated in the middle-class, Protestant cultures of the USA and England, its core ideas were adopted by many political movements. Affected by these ideas, as well as the formation of the Protestant Ulster Volunteers in 1913, a movement to reclaim Irish independence through the mass bearing of arms began in South and West Ireland in autumn 1914. Women were excluded from these Volunteer companies, but set up their own organization, Cumann na mBan, as an auxiliary to the men's. The Easter Rising in 1916 owed as much to older ideas of the coup d'état as new ideas of mass mobilization, but subsequent history recreated that Rising as the ‘founding’ moment of the Irish republic. It was not until mass conscription was threatened two years later that the mass of people were absorbed into the idea of an armed campaign against British rule. From 1919 to 1923, the reality of guerrilla-style war pressed people into a frame demanding discipline, secrecy, loyalty and a readiness to act as the prime nationalist virtues. The ideal form of relationship in war is the brotherhood, both as actuality and potent myth. The mythology of brotherhood creates its own myths of women (as not being there, and men not needing them) as well as creating the fear and the myth that rape is the inevitable expression of brotherhoods in action. Despite explicit anxiety at the time about the rape of Irish women by British soldiers, no evidence was found of mass rape, and that fear has disappeared into oblivion, throwing up important questions as to when rape is a weapon of war. The decade of war worsened the relationship of women to the political realm. Despite active involvement as ‘auxiliaries’ women's political status was permanently damaged by their exclusion as warriors and brothers, so much so that they disappear into the status of wives and mothers in the 1937 Irish Constitution.
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JONCUS, BERTA. „‘HIS SPIRIT IS IN ACTION SEEN’: MILTON, MRS CLIVE AND THE SIMULACRA OF THE PASTORAL IN COMUS“. Eighteenth Century Music 2, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 7–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570605000230.
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This article explores the relationship between Drury Lane’s most popular eighteenth-century masque, Comus (1738), and the contemporary fashions in politics, literature and recreation that informed it. On one level, the masque was a revival honouring Milton, the author of its libretto, in a manner consistent with his eighteenth-century reception: as a genius whose merit was just being recognized, and as a patriot hero whose incorruptibility mirrored the aspirations of those pledging allegiance to ‘British’ values.On another level, however, the pastoral entertainment seems to have been mainly concerned with popular notions of female propriety and the challenges posed to those notions by the production’s star soprano, Kitty Clive. Titillation was assured by interpolated musical scenes which had little to do with the libretto but much to do with composer Thomas Arne’s mastery of the discursive techniques of ballad farce. The personality cult around Clive, the ‘Goddess of Mirth’, imposed upon the masque her most celebrated musical characterizations (both in the type of song and in the specific lyrics sung) to grant full voice to her flaunting of social codes.The overwhelming success of Comus caused the masque to be reinvented as a public diversion at Vauxhall Pleasure Gardens by its owner, John Tyers. A Milton statue was erected in the gardens to preside over ‘musical downs’, where instrumentalists played hidden behind bushes to the north of ‘The Temple of Comus’. Recontextualizing Comus at Vauxhall, Tyers created a site (nicknamed the ‘Rendezvous of Cupid’) in which lovers could further explore the transgressions of Mrs Clive’s musical scenes within a simulated pastoral myth.
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Perry, Nick. „Indecent Exposures: Theorizing Whistleblowing“. Organization Studies 19, Nr. 2 (März 1998): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084069801900204.
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'Whistleblowers' are defined as insiders who 'go public' in their criticism of the policy and/or conduct of powerful organizations. Their actions dramatize the more general issue of the relation between politics and truth, between power and knowledge and the institutions which sustain them. This is exemplified by those problems which arise out of the changing relation between scientific-technical expertise and the contemporary corporate system. The associated contradictions form the focus of this paper, in which the institutional and discursive characteristics of a cognitively efficacious technoscience are contrasted with the traditional premises of political action and the principles of political organization. The construction of innovation networks and the development of uncoupling practices are interpreted as working solutions to the problem of reconciling these otherwise distinct institutional imperatives with each other. These solutions, in their turn, presuppose the exercise of communication control over the scientific-technical and professional stratum, a control legitimated by a system of institutional and organizational myth and ceremony. The associated structurally generated dilemmas are thereby displaced onto individuals, a fraction of whom blow the whistle. This form of occupational 'suicide' is thus available for interpretation as either heroic or pathological. In this paper, however, the psychology of the whistleblower is viewed as less pertinent than the social construction and imputation of motives. The statistical (in)frequency of such behaviour is seen as being less pertinent than the extent and intensity of the controversy it promotes.
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Casadei, Delia, und Rossella Carbotti. „Towards a multitudinous voice: Dario Fo's adaptation of L'Histoire du soldat“. Cambridge Opera Journal 24, Nr. 2 (Juli 2012): 201–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586712000201.
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AbstractDario Fo worked with La Scala only once, in 1978–79; the occasion was an adaptation of Ramuz and Stravinsky's L'Histoire du soldat (1918). This brief, pointedly anti-operatic work connected the dissident artist and a leading cultural institution at a time when both were re-evaluating their means of addressing the public. For Fo, as well as for the Italian Left at large, 1978 marked the ten-year anniversary of the 1968 riots and a time of deep doubt about the possibility of collective political action. For La Scala, 1978 was not only the tenth year under the bold musical directorship of Claudio Abbado, but also involved celebrations of the theatre's bicentenary. In this article we weave together the Left's crisis with a close reading of Fo's adaptation, using the notion of vocal address as an interpretative linchpin. By considering the myth of Risorgimento opera as vox populi, the figure of Stravinsky's songless soldier, the sound of babbling crowds and the recorded speaking voice of Antonio Negri, we offer a new exploration of the cross section of art and left-wing politics in the Italy of 1978.
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Perry, Joe. „Nazifying Christmas: Political Culture and Popular Celebration in the Third Reich“. Central European History 38, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 572–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563562.
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Radicalregimes revolutionize their holidays. Like the French Jacobins and the Russian Bolsheviks, who designed festival cultures intended to create revolutionary subjects, National Socialists manipulated popular celebration to build a “racially pure” fascist society. Christmas, long considered the “most German” of German holidays, was a compelling if challenging vehicle for the constitution of National Socialist identity. The remade “people's Christmas” (Volksweihnachten) celebrated the arrival of a savior, embodied in the twinned forms of the Führer and the Son of God, who promised national resurrection rooted in the primeval Germanic forest and the “blood and soil” of the authenticVolk. Reinvented domestic rituals, brought to life by the “German mother” in the family home, embedded this revamped Christmas myth in intimate moments of domestic celebration. An examination of “people's Christmas” across this spectrum of public and private celebration offers a revealing case study of National Socialist political culture in action. It illuminates the ways Germans became Nazis through participation both in official festivities and the practices of everyday life and underscores the complexity of the relationship between popular celebration, political culture, and identity production in the “Third Reich.”
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Peterson, Kerry, Phyllis Sharps, Victoria Banyard, Ráchael A. Powers, Catherine Kaukinen, Deborah Gross, Michele R. Decker, Carrie Baatz und Jacquelyn Campbell. „An Evaluation of Two Dating Violence Prevention Programs on a College Campus“. Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, Nr. 23 (13.03.2016): 3630–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516636069.
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Dating violence is a serious and prevalent public health problem that is associated with numerous negative physical and psychological health outcomes, and yet there has been limited evaluation of prevention programs on college campuses. A recent innovation in campus prevention focuses on mobilizing bystanders to take action. To date, bystander programs have mainly been compared with no treatment control groups raising questions about what value is added to dating violence prevention by focusing on bystanders. This study compared a single 90-min bystander education program for dating violence prevention with a traditional awareness education program, as well as with a no education control group. Using a quasi-experimental pre-test/post-test design with follow-up at 2 months, a sample of predominately freshmen college students was randomized to either the bystander ( n = 369) or traditional awareness ( n = 376) dating violence education program. A non-randomized control group of freshmen students who did not receive any education were also surveyed ( n = 224). Students completed measures of attitudes, including rape myth acceptance, bystander efficacy, and intent to help as well as behavioral measures related to bystander action and victimization. Results showed that the bystander education program was more effective at changing attitudes, beliefs, efficacy, intentions, and self-reported behaviors compared with the traditional awareness education program. Both programs were significantly more effective than no education. The findings of this study have important implications for future dating violence prevention educational programming, emphasizing the value of bystander education programs for primary dating violence prevention among college students.
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Bennett, Jeffrey V., und Hugh C. Thompson. „Changing District Priorities for School–Business Collaboration“. Educational Administration Quarterly 47, Nr. 5 (26.09.2011): 826–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013161x11417125.
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Background: School district superintendents continue to favor collaborative relationships with their local business communities amid concerns over free-market competition, maintaining public legitimacy, and scarce financial resources. Prior research is inadequate regarding the development, implementation, and institutionalization of school and business collaboration, with respect to current institutional and market pressures, and the unique contributions of superintendents. Purpose: The purpose was to examine the superintendent’s role in the development and institutionalization of school and business partnerships in a district without prior history of collaborative relationships and to assess capacity for sustainability. Setting: A medium- sized (12,850 students) metropolitan-area school district in the U.S. Southwest that also includes one local chamber of commerce was the setting. Participants: Two district superintendents (transition in leadership occurred), a chamber of commerce CEO, and 13 other school district officials and business leaders (i.e., principals, chamber members, partnership coordinator) directly involved in partnerships or providing administrative oversight participated. Research Design: Qualitative case study was the research design. Data Collection and Analysis: Data were obtained using semistructured interviews, observations, and document analysis. A conceptual model for developing business partnerships and neo-institutionalism theory guide this qualitative analysis. Findings: Superintendent agency and district capacity for action (i.e., lack of professional development, departure of key roles, overdependency on myth and ceremony) both enabled and constrained partnership development, implementation, and capacity for institutionalization in the context of current institutional and market pressures. Conclusions: This study demonstrates the complimentary usefulness of the conceptual model and neo-institutionalism theory for studying leadership of school district and business partnerships and building school and community capacity for educational change.
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Tatyana V., Izluchenko. „The Role of Myth in Extremism: the Socio-Philosophical Analysis“. Humanitarian Vector 16, Nr. 2 (April 2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-2-88-96.
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This study examines myth as an ideological component of extremism. The objective is to define the role and meaning of myths in extremist activities. Extremism is a socio-cultural and political phenomenon of modern culture, expressed in actions against the foundations of the constitutional order and public security. Myths contribute to the formation of a holistic picture of the world, to the construction of an alternative social reality, and the creation of models of thinking and behavior that correspond to the goals and objectives of extremist organizations. The research methodology is based on the theories of myth by A. Losev and M. Eliade, on the phenomenological approach of P. Berger and T. Luckmann to the construction of reality, on the cognitive features proposed by A. Kruglanski, and the interpretation of deviance by J. Gilinsky. Extremist behavior is a form of deviance, expressing in the committing of non-normative actions that threaten the stability of society and activate the mechanisms of social control. Extremist thinking is the result of psychological construction, which arose on the basis of the unnatural functioning of the cognitive system. Extremist ideologies contain myths about the future ideal state and/or society, heroes, and legendary personalities, as well as eschatological myths. Essentially, these myths do not differ from the myths inherent in other types of activity and socio-cultural phenomena. However, they contribute to extremism by demonstrating acceptable and unacceptable norms of behavior as exemplified by some legendary personalities; interpretation of historical events and processes of social reality following the political goals of organizations; creation and transmission of relevant ideas and values; the formation of identity and a sense of exclusivity among extremists. Keywords: extremism, extremist organizations, ideology, myth, future state, ideal society, deviance
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HRABOVSKYI, Serhii. „MYTHS OF THE WAR AND MYTHS AROUND THE WAR: AN ATTEMPT OF ANALYSIS“. Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, Nr. 34 (2024): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2024.34.8.
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The article is devoted to actual theoretical and practical issues related to the Russian-Ukrainian war. The author of the article aims to study the phenomenon that can be characterized as myths of war. The first of these myths (more precisely, a group of myths) consists in the identification of all Ukrainians with the Soviet population, which in its majority is incapable of self-directed actions and is used to relying on the government, its instructions and ideas in everything. The next group of myths, which lives both in foreign and partly in Ukrainian public opinion, consists in denying the belonging of rashism, its instructions and practice, to one of the varieties of fascism. Rashism is terrible, but it is not fascism. But this myth is based on a misunderstanding at the best. This myth is connected to a myth that denies the totalitarian nature of both the Russian state and a number of its allies (Belarus, Iran, North Korea, etc.). These states are called either authoritarian or "totally not free" states, in the latter case ignoring the fundamental difference between them and, for example, Haiti. However, a totalitarian state is distinguished by the fact that, with rare exceptions, it cannot be changed by overthrowing the ruling regime. It can only be destroyed in one way or another. The next myth consists in laying the main blame for the failure of the 2023 counteroffensive on the Ukrainian command, on its wrong plans and actions. The author of the article proves that in the absence of the necessary support from those Western partners who were most afraid of "intensification of escalation", the counteroffensive was a priori doomed to failure. The correct thing to do under these circumstances would be to switch to strategic defence, and this myth is spread by those who are actually directly involved in the failure of the offensive. Finally, another myth of the current war is related to the use by the Rashists of thousands of so-called "refugees" and "migrants" from Asian and African countries for a "hybrid war" against the European Union in order to distract its attention and weaken support for Ukraine.
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Zerubavel, Yael. „The Politics of Interpretation: Tel Hai in Israel's Collective Memory“. AJS Review 16, Nr. 1-2 (1991): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003147.
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In 1920, a brief but fatal battle between Arabs and Jews took place at the Jewish settlement of Tel Hai in the northern Galilee. The defense of Tel Hai soon became a landmark in the history of Israeli society. The story of Tel Hai was regarded as a major symbolic text of the pioneering ethos and an important step toward the development of a new national Hebrew culture. Highlighting the theme of collective death and rebirth, Tel Hai offered a modern, secular text that sanctified the new nation and dramatized the emergence of a new type of Jew. For the Jewish pioneers in Palestine, Tel Hai embodied the ideals of settlement and defense, providing a concrete example of their resolute determination to hold on to new settlements at all costs.The present study examines the role of Tel Hai as a national myth, name-ly, a symbolic narrative relating to an important event in the nation's past that embodies sacred national values and is used as a charter for political action.1 Following Halbwachs's pioneering approach to the study of collective memory,2 this article explores the meaning of Tel Hai as it was constructed in public discourse, focusing upon two periods of conflict within Israeli society. Thus it is not a historical study of the event that took place at Tel Hai in 1920, but a study of how this event has been remembered and reinterpreted in Israeli culture.
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Nunes, Daniel Capecchi. „A Imaginação Constitucional Brasileira e o Mito da Atuação Contramajoritária: conferências nacionais de políticas públicas e a concretização de direitos de minorias por Poderes eleitos | The Brazilian Constitutional Imagination and the Myth of Countermajoritarian Action: national conferences of public policies and the achievement of minority law by elected Branches“. Revista Publicum 5, Nr. 1 (04.11.2019): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/publicum.2019.33506.
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O presente artigo tem por objetivo apontar as limitações de um dos mitos fundadores da imaginação constitucional brasileira, qual seja a noção de que somente o Poder Judiciário atuaria em defesa dos direitos de grupos minoritários. Por meio do caso das conferências nacionais de políticas públicas sobre direitos de minorias, demonstra-se como órgãos eleitos são capazes de produzir normas no interesse de grupos cuja representação política é reduzida, pela via de instrumentos participativos. A partir de pesquisas empíricas sobre o impacto de tais conferências na produção normativa do Legislativo e do Executivo, questiona-se a premissa de que uma atuação contramajoritária seria exclusiva do Judiciário. A partir disso, pretende-se alcançar dois objetivos. Em primeiro plano, direcionar um ônus argumentativo à presunção de oposição entre atuação contramajoritária e poderes majoritários. Em segundo plano, apontar a necessidade de explorar novos desenhos institucionais aptos a concretizar direitos de minorias em espaços não-judiciais.
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Kucukcan, Talip. „Nationalism and Religion“. American Journal of Islam and Society 13, Nr. 3 (01.10.1996): 424–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2308.
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Following the spectacular disintegration of the Soviet Union, popularand academic interest in nationalism and religion gathered momentum. Inaddition to recent ethnic clashes and religious conflicts in many parts of theworld, particularly the Balkans, Central Asia, the Middle East, and manyAfrican states, questions have been raised about the relation betweennationalism and religion. What, if any, is the relationship between nationalismand religion? To what extent can religion influence the emergenceand maintenance of nationalism? Can religious beliefs and sentiments legitimizea nationalist ideology? What is meant by “religious nationalism,” andhow is it related to nation-states, resistance, and violence? These questionswere addressed during a one-day conference held at the London School ofEconomics, University of London on 22 March 1996. The well-attendedconference was organized by the Association for the Study of Ethnicity andNationalism, which was established in 1990 and has published the journalNations and Nationalism since March 1995.The first paper at the Nationalism and Religion conference was presentedby Bruce Kapferer (University College of London, London, UK).In his paper “Religious and Historical Metaphors in the Context ofNationalist Violence,” he addressed political action, the force of ideologies,and the relevance of mythological schemes to religious and ritual practiceby means of a case study of Sinhalese Buddhists in Sri Lanka and theevents of 1989-90. In his own words, his focus was “the dynamics ofremythologization, or the process . . . whereby current political and economicforces are totalized within mythological schemes constructed in historicalperiods relatively independent of the circumstances of contemporarynationalism” and “the force of such ideological remythologizations, that is,how such remythologizations can became a passionate dimension of politicalactivity and give it direction.”According to Kapferer, the relation of mythologization to routine religiousbeliefs and ritual practice is significant. In his paper, he argued that“nationalism is the creation of modernism and it is of a continuous dynamicnature whose power is embedded in and sanctified by the culture that hasoriginated in the rituals of religion which provide a cosmology for nationalism.Cosmology of religion as diverse as nationalism itself that is far fromuniversal claims but exists in diversity.” Kapferer’s theorization is based onhis research in Sri Lanka where, he thinks, continuing conflict is related tonationalism based on cosmologies. The case of Sri Lanka provides anSeminars, Conferences, Addresses 425excellent example of how the construction of state ideology is influencedby religious forces, in this case Buddhism. Kapferer asserted that religionhad a deep territorialization aspect and that nationalism, in this sense, mighthave functioned as reterritorialization of a particular land and postcolonialstate. One can discern from his statements that, in the construction of stateideology in Sri Lanka, myths written by monks and religious rituals wereused to create a nationalist movement that eventually developed into a violentand destructive force in the context of Sri Lanka. Kapferer believes thatthe hierarchical order of the Sri Lankan state is embedded in the cosmologyof ancient religious chronicles.Christopher Cviic (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London,UK) analyzed another phenomenon taking place in WesternEurope. His paper, “Chosen Peoples and Sacred Territories: TheBalkans,” discussed the relationship between religion, nation, and statein the Balkans throughout history and analyzed how these forces haveplayed themselves out in current events. According to Cviic, historicaldevelopments in the Balkans can provide important clues to understandingthe ongoing Balkan crisis, in which the Orthodox Church hasassumed the status of a nationalist institution representing the Serbiannation. The roots of these developments and the creation of a mythical“chosen” Serbian nation legitimized by religion can be traced to thedefeat and fall of medieval Serbia at Kosova by the Ottomans. Thisdefeat meant that they lost the land.However, under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communitieswere allowed to organize their religious life and legal and educationalinstitutions. This allowed the Serbs to preserve and develop their ethnicand religious identities under the leadership of the Orthodox Church.Thus, religion and identity became inextricably linked, and the OrthodoxChurch assumed an extremely important role in the public life of individualBalkan nations. Cviic pointed out that “in the case of the Serbs, theirOrthodox Church played an important role in the formation of the modemSerbian nation-state by nurturing the myth of Kosova, named after theKosova Polje defeat by the Turks. Essential to that myth was the view thatby choosing to fight at Kosova Polje, the Serbs had opted for the Kingdomof Heaven. Later on the myth grew into a broader one, representing theSerbs as the martyr/victim people with a sacred mission of wresting theirHoly Territory of Kosova from the infidel Muslims to whom it had fallen.A later variant of that myth defined Serbia in terms of wherever Serbiangraves were to be found.” ...
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Khafaga, Ayman F. „Linguistic Manipulation of Political Myth in Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale“. International Journal of English Linguistics 7, Nr. 3 (04.03.2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v7n3p189.
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This paper investigates the linguistic manipulation of political myth in Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale. More specifically, the paper discusses the myth of the good of the nation which is linguistically manipulated verbally and nonverbally throughout the novel. Atwood’s novel is one of the distinguished dystopian narratives in the twentieth century. This type of fiction has always been a reflection of the irrationalities committed against people by those in power. This paper exposes the strategies of linguistic manipulation used by those in power to propagate for the good of the nation myth, which in turn strengthens their position, justifies their actions, and guarantees their continuation in power. In doing so, the paper uses Political Discourse Analysis to be the approach of analyzing the selected data. Lexical choices, didactic indoctrination, religionization and dehumanization are among the strategies used in the analysis of data. The main objective of this paper is to elaborate the extent to which the good of the nation myth is used by some regimes to oppress and dominate the public into complete submission to their goals. It is also an attempt to provide the public with some sort of linguistic enlightenment so as to be aware of the use and abuse of language in shaping and/or misshaping the public’s attitudes. The conclusion drawn from this paper shows that politicians rhetorically manipulate myths to normalize their practices and legitimize their irrationalities.
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Pomahač, Richard. „Artificial Public Administration – Myth or Reality?“ AUC IURIDICA 70, Nr. 2 (23.05.2024): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23366478.2024.27.
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The computerization of public administration tasks is a reality. In contrast, the intelligence of public administration is shrouded in myths. For many decades, administrative science has contributed to the clarification of this distinction. Digital constitutionalism and technology-oriented administrative law doctrine have recently been added to this research. The basic regulations, proposed and adopted within individual states, in the European Union and in international organizations, whether it concerns the protection of personal data, cyber security, or artificial intelligence, do establish new tasks for public administration, but they affect methods rather than forms of administrative activity. Emerging technology raises concerns about the ability to understand artificial reasoning and its methods of classification, personalization, and prediction. It is questionable to assume that all actions can be quantified and thus everything becomes objective. Technology compounds the situation and has its own imperative.
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Molodina, Alena. „Representations of queer identity in David Lynch's film Mulholland Drive“. Almanac "Culture and Contemporaneity", Nr. 1 (31.08.2021): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32461/2226-0285.1.2021.238550.
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The purpose of the article. This essay considers the queer identity as a modern tragic figure through a reading of David Lynch's 2001 film Mulholland Drive. Methodology. The article uses a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach using the methodological tools of cultural studies and queer theory based on structural-functional, semiotic-hermeneutic analysis, as well as Lacan's psychoanalytic concept of the subject. The scientific novelty. Within the framework of the humanities, in particular cultural studies, the analysis of the film by David Lynch "Mulholland Drive" in the context of queer theory is carried out for the first time. Conclusions. Since cinematography is a synthesis of various types of art, it embodies cultural phenomena and reproduces realities of life. Analysis of the peculiarities of the representation of queer identity in David Lynch's film Mulholland Drive through the prism of queer theory, in which identity is nothing more than a phenomenon that forms under the pressure of the dominant discourse and social order gives it the status of a cultural illusion or myth, demonstrates existing ideals. Cinema in the context of queer theory is self-reflective, autocratic, not indifferent. It can create a safe space - and at the same time be a protest action. The means by which the representation of a queer identity takes the place can be traced at all symbolic levels (material, index, iconic). At the material level, the grand plan is used as a sign in which all the characters in the film are related, without separating homosexual women visually. At the level of index status, the creation of the image of a homosexual couple is due to their profession. The heroines belong to the creative environment, in their relationship the dominant role is played by Diane. At the iconic level, images are constructed through their relationship with society. The heroines experience internal contradictions between their psychological state, natural nature, and social norms. The sexuality that is represented in the film contains a confrontation between the individual and the social. There is a tendency to normalize the image of queer identity in cinema, due to changes in the public consciousness. Based on the analysis, it was found that the film David Lynch reflects homosexuality as such, and not in the canonical models of traditional relationships.
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Tae, Ji-Ho. „Why do we remember the 1990s?: The cultural aspects of the 1990s and the present meaning of remembering them“. Academic Association of Global Cultural Contents 52 (31.08.2022): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.32611/jgcc.2022.8.52.183.
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The 1990s are already in the past, but they are still being recalled to our society in various forms. The phenomenon of past culture re-emerging in the present time and space is not so new, but what this paper pays attention to is why it is the 1990s and why it is now. To this end, this paper first examined the characteristics of culture in the 1990s through Arjun Appadurai's concept of landscape and Raymond Williams' concept of structure of feeling. From this point of view, it was confirmed that culture in the 1990s was forming a structure of feeling in the context of changes in domestic and foreign politics, economy, and international order. In particular, it has been confirmed that the dominant are consumer culture and cultural industry, the residual is a culture of action and reaction of political power, and the emergent is digital culture, and they coexist together and form a structure of feeling of culture in the 1990s. Later discussions focused on the concept of memory and dealt with the aspects of this 1990s culture being recalled and what it means today. First of all, it was discussed that culture in the 1990s was a kind of myth, although it is currently residual. This is because it has economic value and at the same time provides a refuge from the contradiction of reality. And it has been confirmed that remembering the culture of the 1990s is part of the way individuals expand and continue to connect and participate, and that today, it is becoming a puissance of the community. Through this, it was confirmed that remembering the culture of the 1990s means that our society recognizes the value of the residual, and that it is part of the performance of social members to construct identity.
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Nacchia, Antonio, Riccardo Lombardo, Andrea Tubaro und Cosmino De Nunzio. „From Terror to Treatment: a History of Human Castration“. International Journal of Urologic History 2, Nr. 2 (05.01.2023): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.53101/ijuh.2.2.01052306.
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Objectives Castration is any action, surgical or chemical, by which an individual loses use of the gonads, most commonly referring to loss of the testicles. Reference to elective castration has been, according to Diodorus, as old as the human record itself, first being practiced in pharaonic Egypt. Castration has been practiced as a means to produce eunuchs, a punitive measure in military and secular courts, and a source of trophy-taking in warfare. The role of castration in the control of advanced and metastatic prostate cancer became a well recognized standard of care in the mid-20th century earning Nobel Prizes for its pioneers. Our aim was to better understand the history of human castration and its transformation from an instrument of terror to a standard and sometimes life-saving urological treatment. Methods A literature review on human castration was performed through Medline, PubMed, the Gutenburg Project, and Google Scholar searching words “castration”, “eunuch”, “orchiectomy” and “androgen deprivation”. We accessed the public archives of the British Museum (London) and digital classical libraries as cited. Reports were collected to create a timeline. Results First reports of human castration date back to the 21st century (BCE) in the ancient city of Lagash, Sumeria when used for the creation of court eunuchs. Castration figured prominently in most ancient cultures from myth to jurisprudence. The god Uranus was castrated by his son, Cronus (Saturn), with an adamantine sickle, throwing the severed gonads into the sea. There is at least conjectural evidence of castration on medical, criminal, and even volitional grounds from pharaonic and classical history through medieval and modern times. Primitive medical observations recognized the different phenotypes of pre-pubertal and post-pubertal eunuchs especially on the voice which may account for the popularity of some castrati in the history of choral music. Castration was a well-established procedure in the domestication of animals for millennia but it was only in 1941 that Charles Huggins and others first demonstrated the effects of bilateral orchiectomy in the control of prostate cancer. Medical castration, now with special androgen receptor inhibitors, continues to be a mainstay in the management of metastatic and hormone refractory prostate cancer. Conclusions Medical or surgical castration plays an important role in the modern management of advanced prostate cancer. Castration has existed in human cultures for thousands of years, although its true prevalence is unknown, accounted for in the folklore and sparse records typical of ancient times.
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Stolyarov, V. „GDP: Myths and Realities“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 12 (2012): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-105-109.
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The traditionally calculated GDP will remain the basis of national accounting for a long time. However, there is a need to modernize approaches to the evaluation of the results of the economic activities. Among the priority actions for our country are the reduction of a commodity orientation, the accelerated development of manufacturing sector, especially engineering, the strong reduction in public spending that do not increase public welfare (e.g., the reduction in the number of officials and deputies, as well of the scope of their privileges, the effective actions against corruption, embezzlement, and misuse of budget funds).
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Marcuse, Peter. „A Critical Approach to the Subprime Mortgage Crisis in the United States: Rethinking the Public Sector in Housing“. City & Community 8, Nr. 3 (September 2009): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2009.01292_3.x.
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The subprime crisis rests on three pillars: the dependence on profit–making in the provision of housing; the absence of adequate public regulation; and the myths of home ownership. Fourteen recommendations for remedial action are listed.
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Ouassini, Anwar, und Mostafa Amini. „The Pershing Myth: Trump, Islamophobic Tweets, And The Construction Of Public Memory.“ JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 12, Nr. 1 (27.02.2018): 2499–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v12i1.6794.
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One of the enduring narratives of the 2016 presidential election was the nostalgic journey President Trump took the American public on to construct his ‘Islamophobic memory’ surrounding General Pershing’s actions during the American occupation of the Philippines. While the mobilization of memory by political actors is not new in Presidential elections, the mechanism utilized to impose and mobilize pubic memory was. This paper explores how the President Trump’s tweets via the Twitter social media platform transform into ‘mediated sites of contention’ in the nurturance of public nostalgia. As a public ‘site’ that is visited by millions of people -the tweet not only memorializes events of the past but it mobilizes meaning, memory, and the society’s sense of self, which has the ability to redirect and shape public memory. We argue that Trump’s nostalgic colonial folklore via the tweet serves his ideological sentiments and larger political platforms in order to promote a vision of the past to provide his right-wing ideologies and movement supporters currency.
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Bledar Kurti und Arburim Iseni. „THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CIA FROM INTELLIGENCE GATHERING AGENCY INTO COVERT ACTIONS, 1947-1953“. International Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities (IJSSH) 7, Nr. 1 (07.09.2023): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.58885/ijllis.v7i1.41.bk.
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There are many studies and books on the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) which have been focused mainly on the covert actions of this agency, occurring through the years in many countries, but why this agency was transformed into becoming the institution we know today, has received little, if not at all, attention, from scholars and researchers. A number of major and minor myths have grown up during the last decades, years about the CIA and the craft of intelligence. Sometimes these myths have grown out of news stories or books purposely launched to “flush” out the facts, or from a lack of understanding regarding intelligence. Allen Dulles, the CIA director from 1953-1961, wrote, “It is hardly reasonable to expect proper understanding and support for intelligence work if it is only the insiders, a few people within the executive and legislative branches, who know anything whatever about the CIA. Others continue to draw their knowledge from the so-called ‘inside stories’ by writers who have never been on the inside.” The purpose of this paper is to analyze the establishment and transformation of the CIA from intelligence gathering to covert action during the beginning of the Cold War. Covert action has been a unique aspect of America’s international engagement during the Cold War and a practice that has done more than anything else to define the public image of the CIA. The CIA’s covert actions were numerous, therefore this study will examine in detail only certain operations and events which led to a slow and gradual transformation of the Agency from its initial purpose and some which were in violation of the CIA charter. This paper will present analysis on the impact which the US Presidents had in the Agency’s framework; their support for the Intelligence technological improvement; their decision-making in the CIA’s covert actions and the legality of such activities. The main primary sources are taken from the hearings before congressional committees, memoirs of former CIA directors and operators, presidents, analytical books from people on the inside and outside, defenders and critics of the Agency, so that we could present a fair analysis on the subject.
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Hernandez, Judith Josefina, Edgar Cordoba und Ana Cecilia Chumaceiro. „Political Culture and Citizen Participation: Transiting from Political Space“. Fronteiras: Journal of Social, Technological and Environmental Science 10, Nr. 1 (03.03.2021): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21664/2238-8869.2021v10i1.p140-157.
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Societies build their interpretation and representation on the different phenomena in their social, historical and political processes, so also the political culture contains a set of beliefs, ideas, myths, norms, which give it identity, values, and ends. Consequently, from the democratic culture, the citizen is encouraged to move in the public space, determined by actions, and practices. As a result of these relationships, participation mechanisms are institutionalized for the emancipation or defense of citizens against the role of the State that is domination. Characterizing the aspects that involve political culture, participation and citizen action in the democratic political space, is the central object of this dissertation. The systematic review, bibliographic, documentary, and critical analysis, facilitate the method and the achievement of results, it is concluded that democracy as a system of government is characterized by its factual expression of representation and participation, this implies a global interaction with negotiation of the scheme of interests between rulers and ruled.
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Hashmi, Muhammad Usman, Ahsan Abid, Hira Tahir und Muhammad Athar Khawaja. „Mpox now a global emergency: a reality versus myths“. MedPharmRes 8, Nr. 2 (30.06.2024): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32895/ump.mpr.8.2.16.
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The global landscape of infectious diseases significantly transformed after the COVID-19 pandemic. Among the growing concerns, mpox had emerged as a serious infectious illness that needed immediate and urgent action. Recognizing the seriousness of the situation, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared mpox a health emergency. The rise in mpox cases has sparked a flurry of arguments and debates among healthcare experts and the general public. This spike of attention, however, has resulted in a proliferation of myths and misconceptions about the condition. In response to this critical moment in global public health, the authors seek to clarify falsehoods while shedding light on the significant difficulties that mpox poses to the healthcare community and society.
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YUN, JI-WHAN. „Democracy in Myth: The Politics of Precariatization in South Korea“. Issues & Studies 55, Nr. 01 (März 2019): 1950001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500012.
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After undergoing a series of mass demonstrations during the past three decades, including the 2016–2017 candlelight protests that led to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye, many commentators in South Korea are confident that their country has become a land for what Karl Marx called “free men.” Korean citizens are portrayed as being ready to participate in voluntary political associations and collective actions and to pursue their interests in the public sphere. However, the data are showing the opposite to be true: citizen participation in public-sphere activities has substantially decreased since the mid-2000s, while the government has managed to improve or at least maintain its political responsiveness during the same period. Explaining the unnoticed background to this imbalance, this essay sheds light on the myth of the benefactor state in Korean democracy, arguing that this has emerged because neoliberalism has not only placed an increasing number of people in precarious positions but also neutralized them politically. The Korean government has capitalized on this situation to mythicize itself as a benefactor state that possesses an incomparable administrative capacity to take care of precarious people. By investigating the period of Park’s presidency (2013–2017) and the current rule of President Moon Jae-in (2017–), this essay shows how the myth of the benefactor state has emerged and created a unique cycle of Korean democracy.
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Williams, John R. „The Myth of Normative Secularism: Religion and Politics in the Democratic Homeworld. By Daniel D.Miller. Pp. viii, 346, Pittsburgh, PA, Duquesne University Press, 2016, $33.00.Public Faith in Action: How to Think Carefully, Engage Wisely, and Vote with Integrity. By MiroslavVolf and RyanMcAnnally‐Linz. Pp. xii, 240, Grand Rapids, MI, Brazos Press, 2016, $21.99.“ Heythrop Journal 61, Nr. 1 (12.12.2019): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.13448.
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Tobing, Deddy, und Henny Saptatia. „BOOK ANALYSIS WITH THEMA GEOPOLITICS “MEDIA, TERRORISM AND THEORY”, A CRITICAL THEORY RESEARCH APPROACH USING SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS“. Jurnal Ilmiah Publipreneur 8, Nr. 2 (31.12.2020): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46961/jip.v8i2.158.
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This article seeks to create a discussion space related to the Media Book, Terrorism and Theory. This book seeks to provide an understanding of the contextualization of the global cycle of violence within the framework of "military action" and "terrorism," as well as mass communication media. The author tries to view this book as a literary work by using semiotic analysis to get the meanings in this book, especially in the sections Critical Media Theory, Democratic Communication, and Global Conflict and Chapter 8 with the title Terrorism, Public Relations and Propaganda. This research finally succeeded in achieving an evaluation that some myths were generated from the meaning of denotation and connotation of Roland Barthes' semiotic technique. These myths when tested through the source triangulation technique show inconsistencies. Some of the myths are discussed by academics and the media, but some do not appear in the media.
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Frisch, Nora. „Nationalism to Go – Coke Commercials between Lifestyle and Political Myth“. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 38, Nr. 2 (Juni 2009): 85–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810260903800204.
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Nationalism in the sense of symbols or actions glorifying the fatherland can be detected in many Chinese commercials today. In the form of a mythical narration, various aspects of an idealized China image are communicated, an image designed to bring about a sense of identity for all Chinese people. While first and foremost serving consumer preferences, these emotionally charged constructions of a “super nation” can also be interpreted in an ideological sense. Seen against the background of the public discourse on patriotism underway since 1989, this “Sinization” of advertising suggests the more or less subtle influence of party-state propaganda. In analysing TV commercials and interpreting their content, the ambivalent position and general background of advertisers must, however, be kept in mind. Even as they attempt to address and leverage popular trends, these advertisers are part of the community that has shaped the worldviews and values (some of them ideological) that are also reflected in the ads.