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1
Advertising research: Theory and practice. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1997.
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2
Not a conspiracy theory: How business propaganda is hijacking democracy. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2009.
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3
Gutstein, Donald. Not a conspiracy theory: How business propaganda is hijacking democracy. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2009.
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Chotikul, Diane. The Soviet theory of reflexive control in historical and psychocultural perspective: Preliminary study. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 1986.
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The (dis)information age: The persistence of ignorance. New York: Peter Lang, 2012.
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6
Marta, Sylvestrová, und Sign of the Times (Exhibition) (1999-2000), Hrsg. Political posters in Central and Eastern Europe, 1945-95: Signs of the times. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999.
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7
Nierop, Henk. The Life of Romeyn de Hooghe 1645-1708. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462981386.
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Romeyn de Hooghe was the most inventive and prolific etcher of the later Dutch Golden Age. The producer of wide-ranging book illustrations, newsprints, allegories, and satire, he is best known as the chief propaganda artist working for stadtholder and king William III. This study, the first book-length biography of de Hooghe, narrates how his reputation became badly tarnished when he was accused of pornography, fraud, larceny, and atheism. Traditionally regarded as a godless rogue, and more recently as an exponent of the Radical Enlightenment, de Hooghe emerges in this study as a successful entrepreneur, a social climber, and an Orangist spin doctor. A study in seventeenth-century political culture and patronage, focusing on spin and slander, this book explores how artists, politicians, and hacks employed literature and the visual arts in political discourse, and tried to capture their readership with satire, mockery, fun, and laughter.
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Nierop, Henk. The Life of Romeyn de Hooghe 1645-1708. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463725101.
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Romeyn de Hooghe was the most inventive and prolific etcher of the later Dutch Golden Age. The producer of wide-ranging book illustrations, newsprints, allegories, and satire, he is best known as the chief propaganda artist working for stadtholder and king William III. This study, the first book-length biography of de Hooghe, narrates how his reputation became badly tarnished when he was accused of pornography, fraud, larceny, and atheism. Traditionally regarded as a godless rogue, and more recently as an exponent of the Radical Enlightenment, de Hooghe emerges in this study as a successful entrepreneur, a social climber, and an Orangist spin doctor. A study in seventeenth-century political culture and patronage, focusing on spin and slander, this book explores how artists, politicians, and hacks employed literature and the visual arts in political discourse, and tried to capture their readership with satire, mockery, fun, and laughter.
9
Propaganda and Rhetoric in Democracy: History, Theory, Analysis. Southern Illinois University Press, 2016.
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10
Propaganda in Theory and Practice : an analysis of "The Peace Game". London, England: City of London Polytechnic, 1986.
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11
Mann, Joseph Arthur. Printed Musical Propaganda in Early Modern England. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781949979237.001.0001.
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Printed Musical Propaganda in Early Modern England exposes a relationship between music and propaganda that crossed generations and genres, revealing how consistently music, in theory and practice, was used as propaganda in a variety of printed genres that included or discussed music from the English Civil Wars through the reign of William and Mary. These bawdy broadside ballads, pamphlets paid for by Parliament, sermons advertising the Church of England’s love of music, catch-all music collections, music treatises addressed to monarchs, and masque and opera texts, when connected in a contextual mosaic, reveal a new picture of not just individual propaganda pieces, but multi-work propaganda campaigns with contributions that cross social boundaries. Musicians, Royalists, Parliamentarians, government officials, propagandists, clergymen, academics, and music printers worked together setting musical traps to catch the hearts and minds of their audiences and readers. Printed Musical Propaganda proves that the influential power of music was not merely an academic matter for the early modern English, but rather a practical benefit that many sought to exploit for their own gain.
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Kelly, Duncan. Carl Schmitt’s Political Theory of Dictatorship. Herausgegeben von Jens Meierhenrich und Oliver Simons. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199916931.013.009.
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This chapter reconstructs the intellectual-historical background to Carl Schmitt’s well-known analysis of the problem of dictatorship and the powers of the Reichspräsident under the Weimar Constitution. The analysis focuses both on Schmitt’s wartime propaganda work, concerning a distinction between the state of siege and dictatorship, as well as on his more general analysis of modern German liberalism. It demonstrates why Schmitt attempted to produce a critical history of the history of modern political thought with the concept of dictatorship at its heart and how he came to distinguish between commissarial and sovereign forms of dictatorship to attack liberalism and liberal democracy. The chapter also focuses on the conceptual reworking of the relationship between legitimacy and dictatorship that Schmitt produced by interweaving the political thought of the Abbé Sieyès and the French Revolution into his basic rejection of contemporary liberal and socialist forms of politics.
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Footnotes on the Figures of Suppression: Footnote 1. -, 2020.
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Como, David R. Secret Printing and the Crisis of 1640. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199541911.003.0003.
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This chapter outlines of the history of a secret press that appeared in London in 1640–1. Growing out of earlier radical propaganda networks, and created to provide an outlet for the dispersal of pro-Covenanter Scottish propaganda in England, the press distributed incendiary politico-religious tracts, which challenged Caroline policy at multiple levels. The chapter analyzes the ideas presented in these works, including contract theory, resistance theory, pleas for the demolition of the existing Church of England, extreme separatist propaganda, tolerationist arguments, and challenges to clerical monopolies. It traces personnel involved in the enterprise (including the future Leveller, Richard Overton) and assesses the impact of the propaganda dispersed by the press. The secret press provides a crucial vehicle for understanding the changing dynamics of print in the 1640s, the emergence of novel arguments against press censorship, and the later spread and development of radical political and religious ideas.
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Fischer, Nick. The Mythology of Anticommunism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040023.003.0011.
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This chapter examines the myth of conspiracy theory perpetuated by anticommunists as part of an elaborate propaganda. It shows how conspiracy theory was employed as a political technique of choice for opportunistic and calculating anticommunists, who inflamed and manipulated emotions to advance their cause. It considers how anticommunism found its ultimate reason for being in the notion that the United States was being subjected to unceasing subversion by an army of largely imported Bolsheviks, socialists, syndicalists, and anarchists. Anticommunist propaganda and conspiracy theory insisted that this army was being aided by an even larger number of treacherous and gullible homegrown enemies, from radicalized trade unionists and embittered African Americans to what they call unfeminine feminists, softheaded peaceniks, and eccentric freethinkers. The chapter discusses the anticommunists' conspiracy mythology by focusing on their paranoid politics, their justifications for their disavowal of communism, and their idealization of life in America.
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Baele, Stephane J., Katharine A. Boyd und Travis G. Coan, Hrsg. ISIS Propaganda. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190932459.001.0001.
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ISIS Propaganda offers a comprehensive overview and analysis of the Islamic State’s (IS) propaganda. Combining a range of different theoretical perspectives from across the social sciences and using rigorous methods, the authors pursue several interconnected tasks. They trace the origins of IS’s message, they lay bare the strategic logic guiding its evolution, they examine each of its many components (magazines, videos, music, social media, etc.) and show how they work together to radicalize audiences’ worldviews, and they highlight the challenges such a “full-spectrum propaganda” raises in terms of counterterrorism. The volume hence not only represents a one-stop point for any analyst of IS and Salafi-jihadism, but also a rich contribution to the study of text and visual propaganda, radicalization and political violence, and international security.
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Shildrick, Tracy. Poverty Propaganda. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447323976.001.0001.
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Does ‘real’ poverty still exist in Britain? How do people differentiate between the supposed ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor? Is there a culture of worklessness passed down from generation to generation? Bringing together historical and contemporary material, this book sheds new light on how poverty is understood in contemporary Britain. The book debunks many popular myths and misconceptions about poverty and its prevalence, causes and consequences. In particular, it highlights the role of ‘poverty propaganda’ in sustaining class divides in perpetuating poverty and disadvantage in contemporary Britain.
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Omissi, Adrastos. Usurper, Propaganda, History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824824.003.0007.
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This chapter opens with consideration of the emperor Julian’s Letter to the Senate and People of Athens, and explores how we can use the Letter to understand the ways in which usurpers attempted to shape popular opinion in the wake of their usurpations. It also explores the far-reaching effect that the Letter (and other, now lost, documents like it) have had on our understanding of not only Julian’s usurpation, but the whole course of his career in Gaul, thanks to the influence of Julian on three of the most important writers of the later Roman period, Ammianus Marcellinus, Libanius, and Zosimus. The chapter then explores the panegyrics delivered to Julian after he became sole ruler (Pan. Lat. III and Libanius’ speeches, especially his Oratio XII and XIII) and examines the homogeneity of their presentations as a model for how officially sanctioned narratives were developed and communicated.
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Dogliani, Patrizia. Propaganda and Youth. Herausgegeben von R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0011.
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Throughout its history, Italian fascism emphasized that it was a revolutionary and youthful phenomenon. During its rise from 1919 to 1922, the fascist movement, like its communist competitor, was novel in its appeal to youth. Fascism entailed the rejuvenation of the national political class of Liberal days and fostered a social and economic transformation whereby members of a middle class lacking an ancient inheritance of land and professional qualification could take up the reins of power. Most of the fascist leadership under the dictatorship were men born in the mid-1890s, framed by their experience of the First World War as twenty-year-olds. Fascism similarly could count on support from the next generation, a group who had only just been old enough to join in the last months of battle or who had missed the war altogether and felt frustrated at their loss.
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Publicover, Laurence. Intertheatricality and Propaganda. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198806813.003.0009.
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This chapter analyses the ways in which the collaborative drama The Travels of the Three English Brothers defends the Sherley brothers’ real-world political endeavours across Europe and Persia through its intertheatrical negotiations. Explaining the political background of those endeavours and their controversial nature, it illustrates how the playwrights liken the Sherleys to the heroes of dramas that had been popular on the early modern stage over the preceding twenty years, in particular Tamburlaine and The Merchant of Venice. It also examines the significance of Francis Beaumont’s specific parody, in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, of an episode in Travels in which the Persian Sophy acts as godfather to the child of Robert Sherley. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of playing companies in shaping dramatic output.
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Fischer, Nick. Antidemocracy and Authoritarianism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040023.003.0012.
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This chapter examines antidemocracy and paranoid authoritarianism as part of the Anticommunist Spider Web. It shows how anticommunist conspiracy theory, anticommunist propaganda, and the actions of many anticommunists encouraged the destruction of democracy and its replacement by a system of government by kinship group or tribe. It argues that the propaganda issued by the Spider Web, stressing the inherent disloyalty and degeneracy of huge sections of the community, inevitably pointed toward the restriction of American citizenship to those who truly deserved it. Anticommunism sought to restrict the franchise to people of the same ethnic background and religious and political beliefs. So even though anticommunist rhetoric emphasized the virtues of republican government and the universal basis of citizenship, it ultimately sought to legitimize an antidemocratic and even authoritarian society.
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Rider, Toby C. The Union of Free Eastern European Sportsmen. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040238.003.0005.
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This chapter considers the U.S. propaganda's use of defecting athletes in revealing a negative side of life behind the Iron Curtain. After all, no propagandist could say it better than someone who had lived under communist rule—for although athletes from Eastern Europe could be symbols of communist supremacy, they could just quite as easily be symbols of its frailty. For this reason, the Hungarian National Sports Federation (HNSF) and the National Committee for a Free Europe (NCFE) constantly lobbied the IOC to change its rules on the admission of stateless athletes, and from their efforts emerged the Union of Free Eastern European Sportsmen (UFEES). The prospect of a refugee athlete competing against the government of their communist homeland, or even under the flag of a capitalist country, was marvelous propaganda that would seriously damage a communist regime's prestige.
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Monaco, Nicholas J. Taiwan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0006.
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Taiwan is a country with a rich history and cultural ties to mainland China. Though there has been much research and effort dedicated to propaganda and censorship in the People’s Republic of China over the years, less attention has been paid to the digital propaganda sphere in Taiwan. This report explores computational propaganda in Taiwan and finds that digital propaganda in Taiwan can be divided into two types: (1) internal propaganda on domestic political issues and campaigns, and (2) cross-Strait propaganda—emanating from the mainland and promoting reunification of the two countries. Furthermore, recent computational and social research points to manual propaganda being the main method used in campaigns in both countries. The use of two political bots in Taiwan, an anti-fake news bot and an intelligence-gathering crawler bot used in a 2014 electoral campaign, is explored in detail.
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Clark, J. C. D. The Unexpected Revolution. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198816997.003.0006.
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This chapter emphasizes the role of contingency and questions attempts to explain the French Revolution as the embodiment of natural rights theory. Paine’s understanding of that episode was limited by small knowledge of French and adherence to English preconceptions. This chapter questions the thesis that Paine was influenced by Jefferson, in Paris, to produce a worked-out theory of republican government. Indeed, Paine was not the primary author of the key narrative section of Rights of Man; this was Lafayette’s, and it expressed Lafayette’s self-serving propaganda. Rather, the chapter argues that Paine was in London during the fall of the Bastille and the October days. He did not present a worked-out theory of natural rights; and this chapter offers an outline of the development of rights theory in England in the decade after 1789 to explain the setting within which Paine did not do so.
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Bolsover, Gillian. China. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0010.
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Computational propaganda is a growing concern in Western democracies, with evidence of online opinion manipulation orchestrated by robots, fake accounts, and misinformation in many recent political events. China, the country with the most sophisticated regime of Internet censorship and control in the world, presents an interesting and under-studied example of how computational propaganda is used. This chapter summarizes the landscape of current knowledge in relation to public opinion manipulation in China. It addressees the questions of whether and how computational propaganda is being used in and about China, whose interests are furthered by this computational propaganda; and what is the effect of this computational propaganda on the landscape of online information in and about China. It also addresses the issue of how the case of computational propaganda in China can inform the current efforts of Western democracies to tackle fake news, online bots, and computational propaganda. This chapter presents four case studies of computational propaganda in and about China: the Great Firewall and the Golden Shield project; positive propaganda on Twitter aimed at foreign audiences; the anti–Chinese state bots on Twitter; and domestic public opinion manipulation on Weibo. Surprisingly, I find that there is little evidence of automation on Weibo and little evidence of automation associated with state interests on Twitter. However, I find that issues associated with anti-state perspectives, such as the pro-democracy movement, contain a large amount of automation, dominating Chinese-language information in certain hashtags associated with China and Chinese politics on Twitter.
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Talbert, Matthew, und Jessica Wolfendale. War Crimes. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190675875.001.0001.
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In 2005, US Marines killed 24 unarmed Iraqi civilians in the town of Haditha. How should we assess the perpetrators of this and other war crimes? Is it unfair to blame the Marines because they were subject to situational pressures such as combat stress? Or should they be held responsible for their actions, since they intentionally chose to kill civilians? In this book, we take up these questions and propose a provocative theory of the causes of war crimes and the responsibility of perpetrators. In the first half of the book, we criticize accounts that explain war crimes by reference to external situational pressures, such as peer pressure, combat stress, and propaganda. We develop an alternative theory of war crimes that explains how military personnel make sense of their participation in war crimes through the lens of their self-conceptions, goals, and values. In the second half of the book, we reject theories of responsibility that excuse perpetrators on the grounds that situational pressures often lead them to believe that their behavior is permissible. Such theories are, we contend, unacceptably exculpating and imply that it’s unreasonable for victims of war crimes to blame their attackers. In contrast, we argue that perpetrators of war crimes may be blameworthy if their actions express objectionable attitudes toward their victims, even if they sincerely believe that what they are doing is right. In addition, we show that the demand that victims of war crimes forego blame fails to show sufficient regard for their moral standing.
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Sandler, Willeke. Africa or the East? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697907.003.0009.
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During the Second World War, the Nazi pursuit of race war and empire in Eastern Europe put colonialists under greater pressure to justify their African focus. While Africa remained a future possibility, Eastern Europe offered readily accessible territory for the fulfillment of colonial ambitions. In the euphoric early years of the war, colonialists presented the outbreak of war as finally providing the opportunity to fulfill their irredentist demands. Nazi officials, in particular within the Propaganda Ministry and the Nazi Party’s Reich Propaganda Office, objected to colonialists’ persistent propaganda efforts as distractions from the more urgent needs of the war effort. In the wake of the German defeat at Stalingrad and the declaration of total war, Martin Bormann, head of the Party Chancellery, shut down the colonialist organizations in January 1943, ending sixty years of organized overseas colonialist agitation in Germany.
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Rider, Toby C. Operation Rome. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040238.003.0009.
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This chapter examines the U.S. propaganda actions in Operation Rome. In the years following the Melbourne Olympics, the United States would cope with technological and cultural defeat at the hands of the Soviets, even as the U.S. psychological warfare apparatus would once again direct their propaganda efforts at the next Olympic Games. Rome in particular was the venue for the 1960 summer Olympics, and it would offer covert operators with another platform to destabilize and unhinge the regimes in the Soviet bloc. Adhering to the U.S. government's new direction in policy, the Free Europe Committee (FEC) sought to increase “contacts” between exiles and the people of Eastern Europe by targeting the Rome Olympic Games with a multifaceted plan that exploited the propaganda potential of the hosting city and the tourists who visited it.
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Arnaudo, Dan. Brazil. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0007.
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Computational propaganda can take the form of automated accounts (bots) spreading information, algorithmic manipulation, and fake news to shape public opinion, among other methods. These techniques are being used in combination with the analysis and usage of large data sets of information about citizens held by corporations and governments. This form of propaganda is spreading to countries all over the world, most notably during the 2016 US presidential elections and the run-up to the UK’s referendum to leave the European Union (Brexit). This chapter examines the use of computational propaganda in Brazil, by looking at three recent cases: the 2014 presidential elections, the impeachment of former president Dilma Rousseff, and the 2016 municipal elections in Rio de Janeiro. It examines the legal framework governing the Internet and the electoral process online, particularly how this process relates to computational propaganda. It also seeks to understand how bots are involved in multifarious economic and political themes, and in ongoing debates in the country about corruption, privatization, and social and economic reform. Through a collection and analysis of hashtags related to major investigations into corruption in politics, as well as to proposed reforms to social support systems and the protests related to them, the chapter identifies bots that are involved in these debates and how they operate. Finally, it looks at potential responses to this kind of propaganda, from legal, technical, and organizational perspectives, as well as indications of future trends in the use of these techniques in Brazilian society and politics.
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McElroy, Tricia A. The Uses of Genre and Gender in ‘The Dialogue of the Twa Wyfeis’. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198787525.003.0014.
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During the years 1567–73, from the fall of Mary Queen of Scots to the fall of Edinburgh Castle, civil strife plagued Scotland. The rival parties rallied around either the beleaguered Queen or her infant son, crowned James VI after Mary’s confinement and deposition in summer 1567. The Queen’s and King’s Parties—as they were known—waged war with more than arms, however. Indeed, the six-year conflict is notable for its profuse and malicious party propaganda. This chapter provides the first full-scale literary analysis of one such piece of literary propaganda, ‘The Dialogue of the Twa Wyfeis’. Examining possible literary influences, the chapter considers how the ‘Dialogue’ fits into representational patterns in other King’s Party propaganda. It also suggests how anti-feminist satire complements and strengthens the political argument, turning the wyfeis’ shrewdness back onto the women themselves and arguing strongly against Queen Mary’s supporters as viable governors of Scotland.
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Iverson, Jennifer. Electronic Inspirations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190868192.001.0001.
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Cold War electronic music—made with sine tone and white-noise generators, filters, and magnetic tape—was the driving force behind the evolution of both electronic and acoustic music in the second half of the twentieth century. Electronic music blossomed at the Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR [West German Radio]) in Cologne in the 1950s, when technologies were plentiful and the need for cultural healing was great. Building an electronic studio, West Germany confronted the decimation of the “Zero Hour” and began to rebuild its cultural prowess. The studio’s greatest asset was its laboratory culture, where composers worked under a paradigm of invisible collaboration with technicians, scientists, performers, intellectuals, and the machines themselves. Composers and their invisible collaborators repurposed military machinery in studio spaces that were formerly fascist broadcasting propaganda centers. Composers of Cold War electronic music reappropriated information theory and experimental phonetics, creating aesthetic applications from military discourses. In performing such reclamations, electronic music optimistically signaled cultural growth and progress, even as it also sonified technophobic anxieties. Electronic music—a synthesis of technological, scientific, and aesthetic discourses—was the ultimate Cold War innovation, and its impacts reverberate today.
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Cheng, Vincent Shing. Hypocrisy. Hong Kong University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888455683.001.0001.
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Although the official propaganda surrounding the drug detainees in China is that of helping, educating, and saving them from their drug habits and the drug dealers who lure them into drug abuse, it is clear, according to Vincent Shing Cheng, that those who have gone through the rehabilitation system lost their trust in the Communist Party’s promise of help and consider it a failure. Based on first-hand information and established ideas in prison research, Hypocrisy gives an ethnographic account of reality and experiences of drug detainees in China and provides a glimpse into a population that is very hard to reach and study. Cheng argues that there is a discrepancy between the propaganda of ‘helping’ and ‘saving’ drug users in detention or rehabilitation centres and the reality of ‘humiliating’ them and making them prime targets of control. Such a discrepancy is possibly threatening rather than enhancing the party-state’s legitimacy. He concludes the book by demonstrating how the gulf between rhetoric and reality can illuminate many other systems, even in much less extreme societies than China.
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Tomlinson, Jim. Productivity. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786092.003.0008.
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This chapter shows that the drive for higher productivity never attained universal popular support, though in government circles it was widely believed that such popular support was absolutely essential to achieve this goal. While most of the productivity drive came from government, it involved, at times, extensive and ambitious publicity campaigning. Hence productivity improvement is a particularly important theme in the overall story of government attempts to shape economic understanding since the 1940s. In both the 1940s and the 1960s, a Labour government placed increasing productivity at the centre of its economic policy agenda, accompanied by extensive publicity aimed primarily at the ‘shop-floor’ worker. But while there were continuities in the propaganda on productivity, there were also differences in approach and tone, which, along with the differences in the methods of propaganda employed, help us to understand the varying resonance the term had in these two decades.
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Borch, Fred L. An Unfortunate Sideshow. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777168.003.0012.
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There have always been men and women who collaborate—provide aid, comfort, and support—to the enemy in time of war. In the Indies, both Europeans and nonEuropeans collaborated with the Japanese during the occupation. This chapter examines five war crimes tribunals involving Europeans, with the focus on the prosecution of a Japanese-speaking Dutchman who made radio propaganda broadcasts for the enemy and the trial of Head Police Commissioner P. J. H. M. Maseland, the highest-ranking official to collaborate with the enemy. The former was the NEI equivalent of “Lord Haw-Haw” and “Tokyo Rose,” and demonstrates that the Dutch took the impact of enemy propaganda on the war effort seriously. The latter was a Japanese-speaking police official who compromised his integrity during the occupation.
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Douzet, Frédérick. Cyber-Security Challenges. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0031.
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With the expansion of cyberspace, European armed forces are confronted by new challenges. Cyber threats keep growing more sophisticated, targeted, and powerful. Not only states, but also individuals, political groups, and criminal and terrorist organizations use these rather affordable and widely accessible technologies remotely to conduct operations such as espionage, sabotage, information warfare, or influence. Russian nationalist propaganda has made a powerful comeback on social networks, along with ISIS propaganda. Cyber attacks for neutralization or strategic espionage have increased in worrying proportions. The specificities inherent to cyberspace and the unusual intertwining of political, economic, and military issues represent a real challenge for the elaboration and the implementation of a strategic or tactical response. They also represent a challenge for international cooperation in crisis resolutions and the conduct of military operations.
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Messer-Kruse, Timothy. From Eight Hours to Revolution. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037054.003.0007.
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This chapter traces further developments leading to the Haymarket affair, citing the eight-hour-workday movement in particular as the necessary spark of revolutionary fervor. Had the anarchists not married their ideas of the propaganda by deed to the eight-hour workday, they may well have gone on happily marching in their halls, airing incendiary speeches at the lakefront, and brandishing their homemade bombs for the benefit of reporters and newcomers to the movement without incident. Though anarchists embraced the eight-hour-workday movement because they saw in it a vehicle for their more sweeping aims, in doing so they committed themselves to a specific point of action—that fateful May Day weekend—and thereby forced the issue of their theories of action and revolution.
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Sandler, Willeke. The Stakes of Overseas Colonialism in the Weimar Republic. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697907.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 asks how colonialists dealt with the end of their personal and professional involvement in overseas colonialism after the loss of these territories in the Treaty of Versailles. Colonialists after 1919 sought to convince the German public through their propaganda that this colonial loss was a national tragedy. In the Weimar Republic, they also had to adapt to the context of mass politics and to confront both colonial skepticism and anti-imperialism (particularly among Socialists and Communists). To maintain their continued agitation, colonialists increased their attempts to attract the support of the masses through the General German Colonial Program of 1928. They also sought new political alliances, including with the nascent Nazi Party in the early 1930s.
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Webster, Wendy. Allies. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198735762.003.0005.
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From 1941, the image of an ‘allies war’ in the British media expanded to include many new allies and emphasized inter-allied friendship and solidarity, with occasional conflict—often due to misunderstandings—easily resolved. Outside the world of propaganda, mixing in Britain produced many close transnational friendships and mutual respect in the wider community of allies, as well as the imperial community. But mixing did not always bring people together. There was also considerable inter-allied antagonism and violence. In wartime propaganda, some allies were more visible than others. Men in uniform were highly visible and fighting men enjoyed much popular approval—although with many reservations in the case of white Americans. Allied women in Britain were largely invisible. Accusations levelled against Jews placed them outside the idea of an allied community making a common effort and Jews were also increasingly excluded from the media’s vision of an allied community after 1942.
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Brock, Lothar, und Hendrik Simon, Hrsg. The Justification of War and International Order. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865308.001.0001.
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The history of war is also a history of its justification. The contributions to this book argue that the justification of war rarely happens as empty propaganda. While it is directed at mobilizing support and reducing resistance, it is not purely instrumental. Rather, the justification of force is part of an incessant struggle over what is to count as justifiable behaviour in a given historical constellation of power, interests, and norms. This way, the justification of specific wars interacts with international order as a normative frame of reference for dealing with conflict. The justification of war shapes this order and is being shaped by it. As the justification of specific wars entails a critique of war in general, the use of force in international relations has always been accompanied by political and scholarly discourses on its appropriateness. In much of the pertinent literature the dominating focus is on theoretical or conceptual debates as a mirror of how international normative orders evolve. In contrast, the focus of the present volume is on theory and political practice as sources for the re- and de-construction of the way in which the justification of war and international order interact. The book offers a unique collection of papers exploring the continuities and changes in war discourses as they respond to and shape normative orders from early modern times to the present. It comprises contributions from International Law, History and International Relations and from Western and non-Western perspectives.
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Marx, Karl, und Friedrich Engels. The Communist Manifesto. Herausgegeben von David McLellan. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199535712.001.0001.
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The Communist Manifesto is one of the most influential pieces of political propaganda ever written. It is a summary of the whole Marxist vision of history and is the foundation document of the Marxist movement. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were aged 29 and 27 respectively when The Communist Manifesto was published on the eve of the 1848 revolutions. The authors had been close collaborators since 1844, and the Manifesto is a condensed and incisive account of the world-view they had evolved during their hectic intellectual and political involvement of the previous few years. This new edition is critically and textually up to date, and includes the Prefaces written by Marx and Engels subsequent to the 1848 edition.
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Plantinga, Carl. The Power of Screen Stories. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190867133.003.0002.
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Stories presented on screens have the potential to influence individuals and cultures because they are pervasive, because they are stories (in narrative form), and because they partake of the special capacities of audiovisual media. This chapter surveys a broad spectrum of responses to the power of screen storytelling, discussing social worker Jane Addams, the Production Code of 1930, government censorship, attempts to harness the narrative power of screen storytelling in propaganda, and experiments in social engineering through telenovelas. The chapter goes on to consider the role of storytelling in human cultures from an evolutionary perspective. It considers the specific nature of storytelling on screens and through audiovisual media and describes the ubiquity of mass narratives and their viewing contexts in contemporary culture. The chapter also describes storytelling techniques unique to audiovisual media.
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Feinberg, Melissa. Soporific Bombs and American Flying Discs. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190644611.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the longing for war among the largely anticommunist population of East European exiles. Refugees imagined that war would liberate their countries from Communist rule. Often, they claimed such a war would not harm their homelands, fantasizing that an American atomic strike on major Soviet cities would remove Communist regimes while leaving Eastern Europe untouched or that the Americans had a “soporific bomb” that would put all the Communists to sleep, enabling their easy removal. These fantasies of liberation fed off the West’s own characterization of East Europeans as captive peoples. Both East European and American propaganda emphasized Eastern Europe’s essential powerlessness in the face of greater enemies. Combined with the realities of Stalinist rule, this rhetoric of powerlessness led many émigrés to claim the mantle of captivity, taking refuge in their own inability to fight Communism without Western aid.
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Webster, Wendy. 1940. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198735762.003.0002.
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This chapter focuses on the different groups that arrived in Britain in 1940—mainly from the British Empire and the European continent. Journeys to Britain were often daring, improvised, and dangerous. In mid-1940, when an imminent invasion of Britain was widely expected, there was a climate of intense hostility to foreigners. The British government introduced a policy of mass internment of people of enemy nationality, but hostility was often directed at all foreigners in Britain, regardless of nationality, with suspicions that they were acting as spies and fifth columnists. In contrast, there was often a warm welcome for those arriving in military uniform and they featured prominently in British propaganda which emphasized a war fought by allies, not Britain standing alone. The chapter argues that by the end of 1940, the climate of intense hostility to foreigners had begun to change.
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Sylvestrova, Marta, und James Aulich. Political Posters in Central and Eastern Europe 1945-1995: Signs of the Times. Manchester University Press, 2000.
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Sylvestrova, Marta, und James Aulich. Political Posters in Central and Eastern Europe 1945-1995: Signs of the Times. Manchester University Press, 2000.
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Etty, John. Graphic Satire in the Soviet Union. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496820525.001.0001.
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Krokodil produced state-sanctioned satirical comments on Soviet and international affairs from 1922 onward. Authored by professional and non-professional contributors, and published by Pravda in Moscow, it became the satirical magazine with the largest circulation in the world. Every Soviet citizen and every scholar of the USSR was familiar with Krokodil as the most significant and influential source of graphic satire in the USSR. This book uses an original framework for reconsidering the forms, production, consumption, and functions of Krokodil magazine. It considers the magazine's content, structures and conventions; it also uses modern cultural and media theory to look beyond content analysis to consider visual language and the performative construction of character. Empirical analysis of Krokodil is thus used to extend and nuance our understanding of Soviet graphic satire beyond state-sponsored propaganda. In several ways, this book challenges existing approaches. It conducts close readings of a large range of different types of cartoons that have not before been discussed in depth, and it does so in ways that reveal new insights. It shows that Krokodil's satire was complex, subtle and intermedial. It highlights the importance of Krokodil's readers' and artists' collaborative exploration and shaping of the boundaries of permissible discourse, and it argues that Krokodil's cartoons simultaneously affirmed, refracted and critiqued official discourses, counterposing them with visions of Soviet citizens' responses. Ideology, Krokodil's satire suggests, is an interpretive tool for negotiating everyday reality and official discourses, and it was not always to be taken seriously.
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Al-Hassan, Hawraa. Women, Writing and the Iraqi Ba'thist State. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474441759.001.0001.
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The book examines the trajectory of the state sponsored novel in Iraq and considers the ways in which explicitly political and/or ideological texts functioned as resistive counter narratives. It argues that both the novel and ‘progressive’ discourses on women were used as markers of Iraq’s cultural revival under the Ba‘th and were a key element in the state’s propaganda campaign within Iraq and abroad. In an effort to expand its readership and increase support for its pan-Arab project, the Iraqi Ba‘th almost completely eradicated illiteracy among women. As Iraq was metaphorically transformed into a ‘female’, through its nationalist trope, women writers simultaneously found opportunities and faced obstacles from the state, as the ‘Woman Question’ became a site of contention between those who would advocate the progressiveness of the Ba‘th and those who would stress its repressiveness and immorality. By exploring discourses on gender in both propaganda and high art fictional writings by Iraqis, this book offers an alternative narrative of the literary and cultural history of Iraq. It ultimately expands the idea of cultural resistance beyond the modern/traditional, progressive/backward paradigms that characterise discourses on Arab women and the state, and argues that resistance is embedded in the material form of texts as much as their content or ideological message.
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Hoffmann, George. From Communion to Communication. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808763.003.0007.
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Satires’ vitriolic nature made them poor tools of propaganda. Rather than as instruments of persuasion, they often read as anxious to foreground their own inflated diffusion, power to provoke, and coherence through retrospective serialization that suggested a fictional continuity. If part publicity stunt, however, these satires also cannily exploited and extended the reformed theological concept of “communication” by which the traditional corporeal understanding of the social body, figured in Communion, was replaced with spiritual connection to Jesus and, ultimately, to fellow worshipers. Satires’ emphasis on foreignness and distance from one’s neighbors in particular facilitated a kind of “stranger sociability” with fellow reformed readers they did not know. This theological origin suggests that the modern public sphere began with the communication of the Mass before it transformed into mass communication.
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Hone, Joseph. Coronation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814078.003.0003.
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This chapter challenges enduring assumptions about the insignificance of Anne’s coronation. Contrary to those assumptions, Anne’s coronation was a carefully orchestrated propaganda display. Drawing on hitherto overlooked or unknown archival sources, this chapter suggests that Anne’s coronation triggered debates about her legitimacy more than it resolved them. It explores how the Archbishop of York’s coronation sermon adapted Elizabethan iconography for Anne, examines new evidence about the complex political imagery of the coronation medals designed by Isaac Newton, and looks at how this imagery was appropriated by various partisan authors in their coronation panegyrics. Public responses to Anne’s coronation were frequently oblique in their political commitments.
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Spiegel, Avi Max. Unheard Voices of Dissent. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0006.
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This chapter explores how young Islamists relate to the authority of the state. The dawn of the twenty-first century brought new opportunities for Islamist activists, especially ones from illegal movements, to resist authority and to flourish. To begin with, their funding sources cannot easily be cut off. In addition, their overall ability to communicate is less easily disrupted. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, combating the dissemination of propaganda and publicity is nowhere near as straightforward as it once was. Authorities can outlaw the publication of materials or even confiscate books or clamp down on frightened booksellers, but banned movements can simply print more—and elsewhere.