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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Pronuclear proponents – South Africa“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Pronuclear proponents – South Africa"
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Makoti, Palesa, und Rudi Oosthuizen. „Do death taxes deserve to die? An international search for alternatives“. Journal of Economic and Financial Sciences 8, Nr. 1 (30.04.2015): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/jef.v8i1.91.
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The death tax debate has been going on for a long time, with opponents and proponents of death taxes citing various reasons for retaining, amending or abolishing the taxes and no obvious answer coming to the fore. This study conducted a search for alternative taxes that could replace death taxes. The search transcended national borders in order to identify possible solutions to this age-old problem. The suitability of the alternatives (in the eyes of both the opponents and proponents of death taxes) was measured by comparing the advantages and disadvantages associated with each alternative identified to the advantages and disadvantages associated with death taxes. This study further evaluated whether any of the identified alternatives would be suitable for South Africa. It summarises the available alternatives, their advantages and disadvantages. It also concludes that extensive further research is required to arrive at an optimal solution for South Africa.
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Delport, Terblanche. „Erasing the Nation“. Theoria 68, Nr. 168 (01.09.2021): 136–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2021.6816807.
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The story of conqueror South African historiography relies on the ebbs and flows of narrative clichés and tropes. The main narrative arcs relate to historiographies that frame the understanding and analysis of conqueror South Africa. These historiographies interpret history as forming part of an epistemological paradigm of conqueror South Africa: a historiography that does not question the ethical right to conquest. This article focuses on the interpretations of African Nationalism by proponents of the liberal and Marxist historiographic traditions and critiques the way in which these historiographies depict and characterise African Nationalism. This historical characterisation bears an influence in current political and social discourse in conqueror South Africa: African Nationalism is relegated to a misguided moment in history, something to be reflected upon from a distance, an irrelevant phase in the long walk to a multiracial and cosmopolitan South Africa.
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Wait, R., und R. Rossouw. „A comparative assessment of the economic benefits from shale gas extraction in the Karoo, South Africa“. Southern African Business Review 18, Nr. 2 (29.01.2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1998-8125/5651.
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It has been said that the development of a shale gas industry could be a ‘game changer’ for South Africa. Proponents of shale gas tend to emphasise the benefits, whilst opponents emphasise the environmental costs. This paper is an attempt to inform the policy debate by highlighting both the potential economic benefits and environmental costs. To date, the Econometrix report (published in 2012) provides the only estimate of the economic impacts that may emanate from developing the Karoo’s shale gas. The report uses a Keynesian multiplier model to estimate the impacts. The analysis performed in this paper estimates the economic impacts using a Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) modelling approach, and the results are compared to the findings of the Econometrix report. In doing so, this paper provides an expanded view of the potential economic impact. Accordingly, this paper provides a number of findings on the estimated economic impact of shale gas extraction – based on the application of an economy-wide impact modelling methodology – which should be of interest to both opponents and proponents of the shale gas industry. By including all possible results, such as a boost in public sector jobs and an analysis of the impact on consumer prices and jobs in other sectors, this paper expands the current understanding of the likely impact of shale gas extraction in the Karoo of South Africa.
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Maake, Manala Shadrack. „LAND REFORM IN SOUTH AFRICA: OBSTINATE SPACIAL DISTORTIONS“. Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 46, Nr. 1 (09.12.2016): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/1234.
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This theoretical paper seeks to make an empirical contribution to the Land Reform discourses. The paper argues that the pace of land redistribution in South Africa is undeniably slow and limits livelihood choices of relatively most intended beneficiaries of land reform programme. The primacy and success of the programme within rural development ought to measured and assessed through ways in which the land reform programmes conforms to and improve the livelihoods, ambitions and goals of the intended beneficiaries without compromising agricultural production and the economy. In addition, paper highlights the slow pace of land reform programme and its implications on socio-economic transformation of South Africa. Subsequently, the paper concludes through demonstrating the need for a radical approach towards land reform without disrupting agricultural production and further to secure support and coordination of spheres of government. The democratic government in South Africa inherited a country which characterized by extreme racial imbalances epitomized through social relations of land and spatial distortions. Non-white South Africans are still feeling the effects of colonial and apartheid legal enactments which sought to segregate ownership of resources on the basis of race in particular. Thus, successive democratic governments have the specific mandate to re-design and improve land reform policies which are targeted to reverse colonially fueled spatial distortions. South Africa’s overall Land Reform programme consists of three key elements and namely are; land redistribution, tenure reform and land restitution. Concomitantly, spatial proponents and researchers have denounced and embraced land reform ideology and its status quo in South Africa. The criticisms overlapped towards both beneficiaries and state due to factors like poor post-settlement support, lack of skills, lack of capital, infighting over land claims and land management.
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Singleton, Judith L. „The South African Sexual Offences Act and Local Meanings of Coercion and Consent in KwaZulu Natal: Universal Human Rights?“ African Studies Review 55, Nr. 2 (September 2012): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0028.
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Abstract:In 2007 South Africa's Parliament passed the Sexual Offences Act, which had been debated since 1999. The law includes a statutory provision with new legal definitions of rape and consent. Influenced by Western human rights ideology and vocabulary, the Sexual Offences Act represents one form of discourse in South Africa about sexual coercion and consent. By using ethnographic methods, this article examines the wide disparity between some of the state discourses about coercion and consent and local beliefs and practices about the meanings of these terms in the Zulu township of Mpophomeni. Proponents of South Africa's new democracy often ignore poor young women's and men's local understandings of rape and of the violence they encounter on a daily basis. Against this background, the article offers recommendations to improve the current law and its effectiveness.
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Bond, Patrick. „Climate Justice Politics across Space and Scale“. Human Geography 3, Nr. 2 (Juli 2010): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861000300204.
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After roughly two decades of growing activist interest in the climate problem, the deadlocked politics of formal climate change negotiations generated such divisions that a formal global network of radical proponents of ‘climate justice’ emerged. In December 2007, Climate Justice Now! was formed to transcend earlier technicist, market-oriented, insider strategies by environmental NGOs. South Africa is one place where climate justice politics reflected the top-down lack of political will and growing bottom-up anger. The spatial and scalar visions of climate justice activists at both global and local levels are worth considering in detail, given the importance of this work for planetary sustainability and the living conditions of future generations, as well as for transnational activism more generally. Using David Harvey's insights on crisis and displacement, the article suggests routes of analysis, strategies, tactics and alliances that can be compared between global and local levels, with South Africa as a case study.
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Tyler, Emily, Michelle Du Toit und Zelda Burchell. „Emissions trading as a policy option for greenhouse gas mitigation in South Africa“. Journal of Energy in Southern Africa 22, Nr. 1 (01.02.2011): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3051/2011/v22i1a3207.
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Emissions trading is fast becoming one of the most popular policy instruments for reducing greenhouse gas emissions internationally. This hybrid instrument combines the certainty of mitigation volume delivered by regulation, whilst also harnessing the power of the market through an economic approach to deliver migitation price discovery and least cost mitigation opportunities. Theoretically, this is a powerful combination.However, the realities of uncertainty and lack of information result in international emissions trading experience deviating substantially from the instrument’s theoretical potential. This is of particular relevance in a developing country context. Scheme design is therefore very important to counter these market failures, and policymakers are required to strike a balance between this and introducing distortions. Given that the instrument is in its infancy, performance of the various schemes up and running internationally is inconclusive. Emissions trading proponents argue that the benefits will be realised over time, once the initial teething problems are overcome. The paper is the result of research conducted in 2008 and presented at the South African Climate Policy Summit in 2009. It considers theory and international experience in application to the potential establishment of an emissions trading scheme in South Africa. Lack of data, capacity and experience with markets in the energy sector present complications in the use of the instrument as a central part of the nation’s mitigation policy suite, as do market concentration issues. Should an emissions trading be proposed, the paper argues for ways in which its design could address these complications, and align with the current energy security imperative resulting from the electricity crisis in the country, the twin political objectives of poverty reduction and employment creation of the recently elected government, and the timeframes proposed by the Long Term Mitigation Scenarios.
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Boshoff, Willem H. „Rethinking ASGISA and the rand exchange rate“. South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 11, Nr. 1 (07.05.2012): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v11i1.381.
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Abstract: The ASGISA policy document identifies the exchange rate as one of the factors constraining accelerated growth in South Africa. This note argues that currency developments do not translate into business cycle movements in the aggregate economy, and that a weaker exchange rate is less likely to boost either foreign investment or export performance in the face of regulatory uncertainty. The South African government has recently launched the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative (ASGISA) aimed at raising the long-term growth path of the economy. The plan identifies several so-called “binding constraints” that are considered to be inhibiting the economy from rising to more elevated levels of economic growth. One such “constraint”, according to the ASGISA policy document, is the “volatility and level of the currency” (Republic of South Africa, 2006). By including this issue, policymakers have signalled that fluctuations in the Rand are considered significant to broader economic fluctuations in South Africa. This research note questions such a conviction by offering evidence that currency fluctuations are not mirrored in the South African business cycle. Nonetheless, proponents may argue that a weaker Rand will stimulate particular sectors, mostly those that are export-oriented, while it will boost Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). However, this note argues further that a weaker Rand is less likely to generate sustainable improvement in either export-oriented industries or FDI in the absence of other reforms. The following sections consider these two issues in sequence.
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Ngubane, Londeka. „Traditional Practices and Human Rights: An Insight on a Traditional Practice in Inchanga Village of Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa“. Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-annual International Journal of the Science of Man 20, Nr. 2 (30.09.2020): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972558x20952969.
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After falling into absolute dereliction in the Zulu community, the traditional practice of virginity inspection made a retaliation some 10 years ago, after the country’s first democratic elections. This study investigates the perceptions and experiences of virginity inspection of female adolescents in Inchanga village, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. A focus group interview was conducted with 10 Zulu maidens for qualitative data collection. Proponents of virginity inspection believe that virginity inspection is a traditional practice that can assist in reducing HIV infection and teenage pregnancy among the youth, and in the detection of children who are sexually abused by adults. Opponents of virginity testing, such as several human rights groups in South Africa, as well as the South African Human Rights Commission of virginity inspection, strongly believe that the practice of virginity inspection interferes with human rights and constitutional prescripts that protect the rights to equality, privacy, bodily integrity, and sexual autonomy of young women. The study found that the participants have only positive experiences of the practice of virginity inspection, and the only negative experiences they encounter are negative responses from community members who do not support the practice. The findings also confirmed that virginity inspection is being done irrespective of different opinions from different scholars and experts on the subject, and most of the time, the age of the children is not considered.
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Rose, Hilary, und Steven Rose. „Israel, Europe and the academic boycott“. Race & Class 50, Nr. 1 (Juli 2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808093298.
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From competing in the Eurovision song contest to participating in the European Research Area, Israel is beneficially treated as a European nation. Yet its violations of international law against the Palestinians, attested in UN resolutions and in contravention of Europe's own humanitarian conventions, attract no international sanctions. The academic boycott of Israel, following the wide-ranging boycott of South Africa that helped to publicise and end the iniquities of apartheid, aims to focus attention on issues of human rights, in the hope of securing a just peace in Palestine/Israel. The parameters of the boycott and the opposition mounted against it are explored here by two of its leading proponents, even as they expose the double standards to which Israeli and Palestinian students and academics are subjected.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Pronuclear proponents – South Africa"
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Risimati, Risimati Elia. „Forging resistance: An analysis of opposition to nuclear energy in South Africa“. Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/31340.
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Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements
Of the
Master of Arts
Degree
In
Sociology
At the
University of Witwatersrand
Department of sociologyThe main purpose of this research is to provide an analysis of opposition to nuclear energy in South Africa, focusing on organisations and activists opposed to the current nuclear build programme. The organisations opposed to nuclear include Earthlife Africa, Greenpeace, Coalition Against nuclear Energy, national Union of Mineworkers, the Economic Freedom fighters and Democratic Alliance, COSATU and other organisations. The study utilises a qualitative approach, mainly document analysis complimented by indepth expert interviews. The South African nuclear energy programme is a polarised issue triggering intense and often emotive debate on both sides, anti-nuclear activists and pronuclear proponents. The research pays specific attention to anti-nuclear activists and organisations opposed to South Africa's nuclear energy programme. In order to understand the anti-nuclear position, I have also incorporated pro-nuclear arguments in the study to have a better grasp of the concerns raised by organisations opposing nuclear energy. There are three main points of conflict: economic, environmental, and political. I show how opponents have framed resistance around cost and safety concerns, environmental impacts associated with nuclear and the nexus of elite political capture of state resources.
Andrew Chakane 2021
Bücher zum Thema "Pronuclear proponents – South Africa"
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Hoover, Jesse A. “God Will Come from the Afric”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825517.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 examines the first of two competing Donatist apocalyptic trajectories which evolved between the cessation of the Macarian repression and the 411 Conference at Carthage: a tendency within mainstream Donatism to identify itself as a prophesied eschatological “remnant.” After first establishing the viability of such an interpretation within the dissident communion, the chapter uses the Epistula ad Catholicos and related texts to uncover three interlocking presuppositions shared by its proponents. First, they argued that the Gospel had already been preached to all nations. Second, that the world had entered into an age of apostasy: the prophesied “falling away.” Finally, that the scriptures had foretold the location of those who would remain faithful until the end: in the South of the world, i.e., North Africa.
Buchteile zum Thema "Pronuclear proponents – South Africa"
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Nault, Derrick M. „The Perils of ‘Progress’“. In Africa and the Shaping of International Human Rights, 38–63. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859628.003.0003.
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Chapter Two, building on the insights of the German American political theorist Hannah Arendt, examines the African colonial origins of Nazi atrocities that led to the issuing of such documents as the Nuremberg Principles and Genocide Convention. It shows that Nazi racial beliefs, hardly a product of the 1930s or 40s, emerged from nineteenth-century theories of race and progress that were tested and refined in Africa. Highlighting the plight of blacks in South Africa and Nama and Herero in German South-West Africa, it further demonstrates that the concentration camp as an instrument of dehumanization and death was first perfected in southern Africa and later inspired Nazi proponents of genocide. As to why colonial Africa’s significance for World War II atrocities has largely gone unrecognized, the chapter discusses key events and social processes that gave rise to obfuscations and omissions in global historical memory.
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Snowball, Jen D. „Valuing Arts Festivals, A case study of the South African National Arts Festival“. In Focus on World Festivals. Goodfellow Publishers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23912/978-1-910158-55-5-2989.
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The South African National Arts Festival (NAF) is in its 42nd year and has evolved to be one of the largest cultural festivals in Africa. The value of cultural festivals extends well beyond the financial (that is, economic) impact, including such things as building social cohesion, cultural capital and identity. Significant advances in measuring such values, using both qualitative and quantitative techniques, have been made in the past 30 years. Nevertheless, economic impact studies are still one of the most widely used valuation methods for cultural events, largely because they demonstrate to funders, government and artistic producers the monetary contribution of the events to the city or region in which they take place. Economic impact studies are thus a powerful tool for arts proponents in arguing for increased resources and demonstrating the impact of this sector of the cultural industries. Using research undertaken at the National Arts Festival, this chapter discusses the measurement of festival impacts, describing the method and results, and pointing out how festival organisers used the information. It also demonstrates how impact studies, if conducted in multiple years, can track changes in festival audience composition, which can be useful for event management and organisation.
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Mabena, Keatlegile Moses. „Discarding Political Hypocrisy and Mystification of Xenophobia While Maximizing the Economic Weight of Immigrant Nationals in African Economies“. In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 189–209. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7099-9.ch011.
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The chapter challenges existing political hypocrisy perpetrated by anti-immigrant proponents including politicians and governments in some purposively selected African countries which form part of this case study. The chapter selected South Africa, Nigeria, Libya and Kenya to provide background to investigate the identified problem. This chapter premises that in the selected countries, manifestations of xenophobia in society are perpetrated by hypocritical political speeches of politicians and government officials. These speeches mystifies xenophobia. Politicians and government officials denied existence of xenophobia to justify their xenophobic rhetoric. There is what others have called ‘denialism' with regard to xenophobia in countries such as South Africa where influential politicians including government officials would create theories such as ‘criminality' and influence of ‘third force' which lead to locals attacking immigrant nationals. The chapter presents that, indeed there have been historical xenophobic manifestations in the selected countries which were in the main sponsored by political hypocrisy of politicians and government officials. Political leaders used inflammatory political rhetoric during economic hard times to exonerate themselves from non-delivery of expected service by their electoral bases, and therefore resorted to xenophobic utterances. Contrary to some assertions, immigrant nationals were crucial for local economic growth and general development. Political leaders and government officials should enforce policies and practices that protect immigrant nationals from any harm or any type of violence. Locals should also be educated about the Human Rights of immigrant nationals in terms of domestic statutes and international obligations of states. Also, locals should be educated on the positive contributions immigrant nationals make in society. Locals could learn appreciation of diversity, and therefore be prepared to embrace multi-culturalism in the era of growing internationalization and globalisation.