Thematische Bibliographien / Produce trade xGovernment policy

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Produce trade xGovernment policy“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 28. Januar 2023

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Produce trade xGovernment policy"

Johnson, Madeline, und Betsy D. Gelb. „Cyber-Libel: Policy Trade-Offs“. Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 21, Nr. 1 (April 2002): 152–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1509/jppm.21.1.152.17598.

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The laws that limit the publication of false but harmful statements about goods, services, or the companies that produce them do not extend to Internet service providers in the same way they do to older media. Companies therefore are vulnerable to negative communication from sources whose anonymity provides the heart of a legal dilemma: freedom of expression and privacy versus the right to damages when libeled. This dilemma leads the authors to suggest public policy and corporate policy remedies.

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Saxonhouse, Gary R. „What Does Japanese Trade Structure Tell Us About Japanese Trade Policy?“ Journal of Economic Perspectives 7, Nr. 3 (01.08.1993): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.7.3.21.

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Some argue foreign access to Japanese markets remains tightly controlled and that if Japan is to be a member in good standing of the international economic system, Japan must do more than just adhere to the formal rules of the GATT; Japan must show by the results of its international economic transactions that foreign access to its market is not tightly controlled. As this point of view is increasingly dominating American economic diplomacy with Japan, it is particularly important that its premise be examined. First I examine Japan's growth record and trade record. To the extent that Japan's trade performance is different, I explore whether the difference can legitimately be attributed to Japanese policies. This paper finds that neither the price behavior of Japanese firms nor the pattern and volume of what Japan imports or exports suggests that Japan's trade regime is different. Some of Japan's economic institutions may be distinctive but there is little evidence they produce outcomes which distort the international economic system. What remains to be explained is the conviction of so many that Japan is more a parasite than a pillar of the international economic system. The record of economic research directly and indirectly bearing on this issue does not support such a conclusion at all.

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Grindal, Karl. „Trade regimes as a tool for cyber policy“. Digital Policy, Regulation and Governance 21, Nr. 1 (14.01.2019): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dprg-08-2018-0042.

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PurposeThis research develops a framework for assessing international trade regimes which could be used to address global cybersecurity challenges based on the corresponding costs of implementation and their distribution. Trade regimes, such as export controls, tariffs, investment restrictions and localization requirements, have disparate effects on foreign and domestic producers and consumers.Design/methodology/approachThese trade regimes and their effects are explored through a literature review and conceptual framework. A case study then assesses trends in the use of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS).FindingsCFIUS investment restrictions have justified blocking specific Chinese acquisitions of American companies, at least partially, on cybersecurity grounds using a targeted and evidence-based approach. Because of its targeted effect, CFIUS is the least likely of these trade regimes to block legitimate international trade. Restrictions on international trade, without sufficient cause, produce dead weight loss under the theory of comparative advantage.Originality/valueThese costs should be accounted for in any policy-based decision, particularly as policy entrepreneurs increasingly push for embedding cybersecurity reforms into these trade regimes. While the literature on trade regimes and cybersecurity is growing, this paper advances this research with its comparative framework.

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Hollifield, C. Ann. „The Specialized Business Press and Industry-Related Political Communication: A Comparative Study“. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 74, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1997): 757–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909707400407.

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Although trade publications produce half as many copies as consumer magazines and twice as many as daily newspapers, there has been little study of their role and performance in the U.S. media system. This study compared coverage of an industry-related policy proposal, the National Information Infrastructure, by the communication-industry trade press, non-communication-industry trade press, and newspapers. The study found that trade media appear to function as an insider channel of communication in the early stages of industry-related policy processes, but that they are less likely than nonindustry-related media to cover the social implications of industry policy proposals.

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Baker, Andy. „Why is Trade Reform So Popular in Latin America?: A Consumption-Based Theory of Trade Policy Preferences“. World Politics 55, Nr. 3 (April 2003): 423–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0014.

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Despite wavy national economies and a perception among observers that economic globalization is growing increasingly unpopular, aggregate support for free trade remains quite high across Latin America. This finding is robust to the wording of survey questions and has been quite resilient through time, even in the face of economic stagnation. Current theories of trade preferences, including the widely applied Heckscher-Ohlin model, do not explain this trend. Instead, the author proposes a theory of trade preferences based not on what citizens produce but on what they consume. Statistical analyses of different surveys, including one conducted in fourteen Latin American countries, demonstrate that a consumption-based approach best accounts for trade preferences across individuals and countries. Moreover, the theory provides an explanation for the overall popularity of free trade in Latin America: citizens recognize and appreciate the lower price, increased variety, and higher quality of goods that have come in the wake of trade liberalization.

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Kashyap, Usha, und Neha Bothra. „Sino-US Trade and Trade War“. Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.879180.

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Trade has been one of the most primary reasons behind economic association. Cross-border trade not only makes the markets cost-efficient but rather also brings up a higher degree of specialization to the respective nations. Bilateral trades have proven to be quintessential to both sides of the deal. However, on a parallel front, every economy has a self-interest toward the domestic produce, and they also try to defend their local manufacturers from cross-border competition. The United States has an “America-first” policy. Whenever the United States imposes tariffs and duties, similar responses have been observed by China. These moves are an area of great concern for global trade. The impact is often visible on the rest of the world. A trade-off exists between domestic economic growth and favored imports. This study is an attempt to discuss the trade relations between the United States and China and how this has led to a trade war. The trade tensions between the United States and China may continue for a few more years. There is a battle for economic supremacy and global leadership. This study explains why the United States is increasing tariffs on Chinese goods and how China is retaliating. This US–China trade war has affected not only the two economies but also the world economy. This study elucidates the repercussions of trade war on the international supply chain and the countries of the European Union. This study has also endeavored to discuss the impact of this trade war on the Indian economy. It is a golden opportunity for India to increase exports to China, the United States, and Europe.

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Shayo, Moses. „Social Identity and Economic Policy“. Annual Review of Economics 12, Nr. 1 (02.08.2020): 355–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-082019-110313.

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I review evidence that individuals associate themselves—or identify—with groups in two fundamental ways: ingroup bias and conformity to group norms. The evidence spans many spheres of economic activity, including consumption, production, hiring, promotion, education, cooperation, financial investments, and law enforcement. Group identities are not fixed, even when it comes to ethnic and religious identities. I argue that the choice of identity can be captured by a simple trade-off between gains from group status and costs to distance from the group. I outline a simple conceptual framework that captures the main empirical regularities and illustrate how it can be used to study the two-way interaction between economic policy and social identity. The analysis implies, e.g., that inequality and immigration of low-skilled workers can strengthen nationalism and reduce redistribution, and that changes in the economic environment can produce shifts in identification patterns that feed into trade policy. Finally, I discuss open theoretical questions and domains where the interaction between identity and economic activity is not well understood. This includes the provision of public services, the evolution of gender norms, and the use of identity to motivate workers.

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Folfas, Pawel, und Beáta Udvari. „Chemical industry and value-added trade – A comparative study on Hungary and Poland“. Acta Oeconomica 69, Nr. 1 (März 2019): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2019.69.1.5.

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Nowadays, global production networks (GPN) and global value chains (GVC) play an important role in the world economy intensifying the trade and production networks and resulting in products having value-added in different countries. The analysis of how many intermediate products a country imports in order to produce a product and of how many products a country exports to another country in order to produce new products draws the attention to value-added trade. In the present study, we compare the Hungarian and Polish value-added trade of chemicals and chemical products. We use the OECD-WTO data of value-added trade, which is based on an input-output table. By calculating numerous indices, we reveal that the domestic value-added of chemicals and chemical products in the two countries was relatively low and should be increased by adequate economic policy.

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Mikhnevich, S. „Multifunctionality of Agriculture and Its Influence on the Process of International Trade Liberalization“. Voprosy Ekonomiki, Nr. 1 (20.01.2003): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2003-1-117-127.

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The essence of the modern concept of multifunctionality of agriculture is analysed in the article. Three multifunctional aspects of agricultural sector, the influence of the concept of multifunctionality on the process of trade policy negotiations in the framework of the WTO, the impact of the said concept on the process of liberalization of the international trade of agricultural produce are considered.

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Nikolic, Goran. „Uticaj spoljne trgovine na ekonomski rast“. Ekonomski anali 50, Nr. 165 (2005): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0565145n.

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This paper presents a survey of a great number of recent studies which investigate relation between trade (trade openness) and economic growth by means of regression analysis. On the basis of this research, it can be concluded that there are no firm connections between foreign trade and growth but prevailing majority of studies show positive and statistically revealed moderately significant impact of foreign trade (trade openness) on growth. For developing and transition countries (such as Serbia), a more consistent trade liberalization would produce higher and hopefully sustainable growth of GDP, with reliance on prudent fiscal and monetary policy, stable and undiscriminatory foreign exchange rate and a lower level of corruption.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Produce trade xGovernment policy"

Williams, Brett Gerard. „The importance of disciplining the choice of policy instrument to the effectiveness of the GATT as international law disciplining agricultural trade policies /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw72122.pdf.

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Wang, Yan Chao. „EU's agricultural support policy and its revelation on China's agricultural policy“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555588.

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Coskeran, Helen Mary. „Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.

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Holmes, Catherine Ann. „Healthy marketplaces : insights into policy, practice and potential for health promotion /“. View thesis, 2003. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20031031.160623/index.html.

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Hailu, Martha Belete. „Agriculture under the Doha Round and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.

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Corbett, Johannes Kruger. „The EU-SA free trade agreement : implications for selected agricultural products“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51976.

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Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.

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Kruger, Abraham Jakobus. „Herstrukturering van die Suid-Afrikaanse landbousektor : kan kontrakboerdery 'n rol speel?“ Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/844.

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Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Grondhervorming en dit wat daarmee gepaard gaan, is een van die hoekstene van die normalisering van ons samelewing en is sedert 1994 deel van die transformasieproses. Die huidige regering gaan uit van die oortuiging dat blywende vrede nie verkry kan word sonder dat dié ongelykhede reggestel word nie. Is daar ‘n antwoord op Suid-Afrika se ongelyke grondbesit, en kan kontrakboerdery 'n rol speel in die oorbrugging van die probleme? Een van die belangrikste aspekte van die regstelling van die ongeregtighede van die verlede, is die uitwissing van armoede, en in hierdie verband is Landbou 'n belangrike rolspeler. Ten einde armoede te bestry en werk te skep, moet die toekomstige generasie bemagtig word deur eienaarskap te versprei. Die Wet op Inheemse Grond van 1913, die Inheemse Trust- en Grondwet van 1936, en die Groepsgebiedewet van 1950 het swart Suid-Afrikaners die geleentheid ontneem om plaaseenhede te besit en te bedryf in die blanke gebiede van Suid- Afrika wat, soos ons almal weet, verreweg die grootste gedeelte van die land asook die meer produktiewe boerderygrond uitgemaak het. Die grondhervormingsproses streef om die erfenis van hierdie wette ongedaan te maak. Sedert die Suid-Afrikaanse grondhervormingsprogram in 1994 van stapel gestuur is, heers daar groot debat oor die beleid, implementeringstrategieë en die impak van sodanige pogings op landbougrond, die lewens van die bevoordeeldes, en die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie. Met die toename in skaal en kompleksiteit van grondhervorming het dit al hoe moeiliker vir die Regering geword om die proses te monitor en te evalueer. Dit is nou alombekend dat, behalwe vir kwantitatiewe aanwysings, daar baie leemtes bestaan in die inligting oor grondhervorming. In die lig van die veranderende aard van wêreld-landbou- en voedselmarkte en die voortspruitende behoefte vir vertikale integrasie van die voedselverskaffingskettings, het hierdie werkstuk ten doel om die rol van kontrakboerdery as 'n instelling te ondersoek, ten einde die voortgesette deelname te verseker van kleinboere in ontwikkelende lande in die markte vir hoëwaarde produkte. Die klem val spesifiek op die Suid-Afrikaanse omstandighede vir grondhervorming. Die werkstuk bespreek die teoretiese rasionaal van kontrakboerdery, en illustreer hoe dié vorm van boerdery aangewend kan word om markmislukkings en a-simmetriese informasieprobleme te oorkom.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land reform and associated matters are some of the cornerstones of the normalizing of our society and have been part of the transformation process since 1994. The present regime is of the conviction that lasting peace cannot be achieved without such unequalities being addressed. Is there an answer to unequal ownership of land in South Africa, and can contract farming play a role in bridging these problems? One of the most important aspects of the unrighteousness of the past, is poverty and in its eradication, agriculture is an important role player. In order to combat poverty and create jobs, the future generation must be empowered by ownership of the economy. The Indigenous Land Act of 1913, The Indigenous Trust and Land Act of 1936, and the Group Areas Act of 1950 deprived Black South Africans of the opportunity to own and run farming units within the white areas of South Africa that, as we all know, formed by far the largest part of the land as well as the more productive farming land. The land reformation process strives to annul the legacy of those laws. Since the South African land reform program was started in 1994, a heated debate has raged about the policy, implementation stategies, and impact of such efforts on agricultural land, the lives of the beneficiaries, and the South African economy. With the increase in scale and complexity of land reform, it became more and more difficult for the regime to monitor and evaluate the process. It is now common knowledge that, except for qualitative indications, many shortcomings are apparent in the information on land reform. In light of the changing nature of world agricultural and food markets and the subsequent need for vertical integration of the food-supply chains, this study aims at investigating the role of contract farming as an institution, in order to ensure the continued participation of small farmers in developing countries in the markets for high-value products. The emphasis falls specifically on the South African conditions for land reform. This study describes the theoretical rationale of contract farming, and illustrates how this form of farming can be applied to overcome market fiascos and assimmetrical information problems.

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Brites, Alice Dantas. „Monitoramento dos efeitos ecológicos e socioeconômicos da comercialização de produtos florestais não madereiros“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/90/90131/tde-24032011-215203/.

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A comercialização de produtos florestais não madeireiros (PFNMs) popularizou-se como atividade promotora do desenvolvimento socioeconômico de comunidades florestais com baixo impacto ambiental. Há evidências, contudo, de que a exploração possa produzir efeitos ecológicos e socioeconômicos negativos, sugerindo que é necessário monitorar tais iniciativas. A comercialização frequentemente ocorre em áreas remotas e em contextos de pobreza, como é o caso de muitas daquelas da Amazônia brasileira. Desta forma, é necessário que o monitoramento restrinja-se a avaliar os efeitos evidenciados como mais comuns em estudos anteriores. Este estudo revisa e sintetiza as evidências científicas dos efeitos da exploração de PFNMs sobre parâmetros ecológicos e socioeconômicos e, a partir daí, indica aqueles mais relevantes ao monitoramento. O estudo também levanta até que ponto o monitoramento é implementado no contexto da Amazônia brasileira e avalia quais os parâmetros importantes e viáveis de monitoramento neste caso específico. Para isso, foram realizadas revisões sistemáticas da literatura e a consulta a profissionais da área através do método Delphi. Os resultados indicam que efeitos ecológicos negativos são frequentes, principalmente quando se coletam folhas ou cascas. Alterações em órgãos ou processos fisiológicos e a taxa de sobrevivência dos espécimes explorados são parâmetros que devem ser monitorados, em particular quando se coletam frutos e partes vegetativas. Para todos os tipos de PFNMs, o tamanho e a estrutura populacional são parâmetros prioritários ao monitoramento. A riqueza de espécies da comunidade explorada merece atenção, principalmente quando se coletam frutos. Para os aspectos socioeconômicos, efeitos positivos foram mais frequentes que negativos. A contribuição da renda monetária obtida com o comércio na renda total, a regularidade de ingresso desta renda e o papel dos PFNMs como recursos de salvaguarda são parâmetros do capital financeiro prioritários ao monitoramento. Para o capital social, o empoderamento feminino, a coesão de grupo e o acesso aos benefícios gerados pela comercialização devem ser monitorados. Na Amazônia brasileira são poucas as iniciativas de implementação do monitoramento da comercialização de PFNMs. Embora este seja considerado importante, existem dificuldades que derivam principalmente da falta de apoio institucional, políticas de incentivo e de recursos financeiros. Os profissionais participantes do Delphi consideram que os parâmetros ecológicos mais importantes a monitorar neste contexto são o tamanho e a estrutura populacional do recurso explorado, o aumento da taxa de mortalidade, a quantidade total de recurso extraída e a técnica de coleta utilizada. Para os parâmetros econômicos, aspectos do mercado, como o preço pago ao coletor, a demanda e a qualidade do produto, bem como a renda monetária obtida pelos indivíduos são os parâmetros considerados mais importantes. Por fim, para os aspectos sociais, os efeitos na cultura, na qualidade de vida e na organização interna da comunidade foram priorizados. Os profissionais indicam que é viável estabelecer o monitoramento dos parâmetros levantados.
Amazon, non-timber forest products, ecological effects, socioeconomic effects, monitoring.

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Williams, Brett Gerard. „The importance of disciplining the choice of policy instrument to the effectiveness of the GATT as international law disciplining agricultural trade policies / Brett Gerard Williams“. 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw72122.pdf.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves p. i-xxxii) Pt. 1. Is there a link between the problem with agriculture under GATT rules and policy choice under GATT rules? -- pt. 2. The economic and political significance of distinctions between policy instruments -- pt. 3. The application of the pre-Uruguay Round GATT to agriculture -- pt. 4. The Uruguay Round rules on agriculture -- pt. 5. The thesis and its importance Seeks an answer to the legal difficulties in applying GATT to agriculture

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Williams, Brett Gerard. „The importance of disciplining the choice of policy instrument to the effectiveness of the GATT as international law disciplining agricultural trade policies / Brett Gerard Williams“. Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19745.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves p. i-xxxii)
xxi, [778], xxxii p. ; 30 cm.
Seeks an answer to the legal difficulties in applying GATT to agriculture
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Law, 2000

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Bücher zum Thema "Produce trade xGovernment policy"

Deepika, M. G. Trade policy determinants of trade in agriculture. Bangalore: Institute for Social and Economic Change, 2003.

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Deepika, M. G. Trade policy determinants of trade in agriculture. Bangalore: Institute for Social and Economic Change, 2003.

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Tanzania. Agricultural marketing policy. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Marketing, 2008.

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U.S. agricultural trade: Trends, composition, direction, and policy. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2008.

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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Development Centre. Agricultural trade liberalization and India. Paris, France: OECD, 1993.

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Elements of agricultural trade policies. New York: Macmillan, 1986.

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Gawande, Kishore S. Lobbying and agricultural trade policy in the United States. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2006.

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European trade policy in agricultural products. Dordrecht: M. Nijhoff, 1988.

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United States. Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service. Safeguarding, Intervention, and Trade Compliance Program. Riverdale, Md.?]: U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service, 2004.

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L, Gardner Bruce, und American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research., Hrsg. Reforming agricultural commodity policy. Washington, D.C: AEI Press, 1995.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Produce trade xGovernment policy"

Erokhin, Vasilii. „Produce Internationally, Consume Locally“. In Handbook of Research on Agricultural Policy, Rural Development, and Entrepreneurship in Contemporary Economies, 273–95. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9837-4.ch014.

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China is one of the world's biggest importers of agricultural products. Until quite recently, China's agricultural policy focused on food self-sufficiency. Globalizing trade in agricultural commodities, however, has brought new challenges to establishing secure supply and achieving security rather than self-sufficiency. In the face of emerging trade tensions with the USA, one of China's responses to the emerging volatility of the global market is to expand production facilities abroad and thus diversify deliveries. This chapter discusses how China's Belt and Road Initiative may serve improving food security of the country by establishing of a predictable system of agricultural production and trade across Eurasia, particularly, with the involvement of land-abundant Russia and the countries of Central Asia. The author explores possible responses to emerging threats to China's domestic food market by elaborating an approach to theoretical definitions and practical issues of ensurance of food security and adaptation of China's policy to contemporary global challenges.

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Erokhin, Vasilii. „Produce Internationally, Consume Locally“. In Research Anthology on Food Waste Reduction and Alternative Diets for Food and Nutrition Security, 926–47. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-5354-1.ch047.

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Cairney, Paul, Michael Keating, Sean Kippin und Emily St Denny. „Strategies to Reduce Gender Inequalities“. In Public Policy to Reduce Inequalities across Europe, 140–65. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898586.003.0008.

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Abstract This chapter examines how governments define and pursue gender equality. There is a strong consensus, both nationally and internationally, that reducing gender inequality is the right thing to do and has wider economic and other benefits. However, what gender equality means, what it should look like, and the means to achieve it, remain contested. In this context, feminist civil society and policy actors have helped generate new visions to improve gender equality policy and policymaking for the purpose of reducing inequalities. ‘Gender mainstreaming’ (GM) in particular has gained global prominence as a way to redirect the policy process to systematically produce outputs compatible with gender equality goals. Nevertheless, policy efforts in this area, including those associated with GM, remain plagued by an ‘implementation gap’ caused by inevitable trade-offs that often remain invisible to policy actors, many of whom do not grasp the structural nature of gender relations and therefore cannot adequately address the inequalities they (re)produce.

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Gálvez, Alyshia. „NAFTA“. In Eating NAFTA, 89–116. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520291805.003.0004.

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The fourth chapter, “NAFTA: Free Trade in the Body,” describes the magnitude and characteristics of Mexico’s so-called obesity and diabetes epidemic and the current hypotheses for the causes and treatment of obesity for individuals and at the population level. The chapter points out some of the lesser known hypotheses for the abrupt rise in obesity and diet-related chronic diseases in the last few decades. Far from linking the rise of obesity to increased appetites for snacks and sodas, some of these hypotheses focus on ways that the production and consumption of processed foods and beverages have increased people’s exposure to chemicals with metabolic and endocrinological properties that produce weight gain and alter organ function. The methodological and empirical challenges of understanding the effects of economic policy, like free trade agreements, on the body are explored.

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McCoy, Alfred W. „The Stimulus of Prohibition: A Critical History of the Global Narcotics Trade“. In Dangerous Harvest. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143201.003.0007.

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The current war on drugs being waged by the United States and United Nations rests upon a fundamental misunderstanding of the global narcotics traffic. In 1998, for example, the White House issued a National Drug Control Strategy, proclaiming a 10-year program “to reduce illegal drug use and availability 50 percent by the year 2007,” thereby achieving “the lowest recorded drug-use rate in American history.” To this end, the U.S. program plans to reduce foreign drug cultivation, shipments from source countries like Colombia, and smuggling in key transit zones. Although this strategy promises a balanced attack on both supply and demand, its ultimate success hinges upon the complete eradication of the international supply of illicit drugs. “Eliminating the cultivation of illicit coca and opium,” the document says in a revealing passage, “is the best approach to combating cocaine and heroin availability in the U.S.” (U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy 1998: 1, 23, 28). Similarly, in 1997 the new head of the United Nations Drug Control Program, Dr. Pino Arlacchi, announced a 10-year program to eradicate all illicit opium and coca cultivation, starting in Afghanistan. Three years later, in the United Nation’s World Drug Report 2000, he defended prohibition’s feasibility by citing China as a case where “comprehensive narcotics control strategies . . . succeeded in eradicating opium between 1949 and 1954”— ignoring the communist coercion that allowed such success. Arlacchi also called for an “end to the psychology of despair” that questions drug prohibition, and insisted that this policy can indeed produce “the eradication of coca and opium poppy production.” Turning the page, however, the reader will find a chart showing a sharp rise in world opium production from 500 tons in 1981 to 6,000 tons in 2000— a juxtaposition that seems to challenge Ar-lacchi’s faith in prohibition (Bonner 1997; Wren 1998a, 1998b; United Nations 2000d, 1–2, 24). Examined closely, the United States and United Nations are pursuing a drug control strategy whose success requires not just the reduction but also the total eradication of illicit narcotics cultivation from the face of the globe. Like the White House, the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP) remains deeply, almost theologically committed to the untested proposition that the prohibition of cultivation is an effective response to the problem of illicit drugs.

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Patey, Luke. „What Is Best for Europe?“ In How China Loses, 158–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061081.003.0007.

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Across European and Western liberal market democracies, China’s rise exposes friction between economic interests and political values and challenge common foreign and security policy in the European Union. From positions of economic weakness, Greece, Hungary, and Portugal have blocked or watered down common security, human rights, and economic positions in the regional body. Beijing’s formation of a formal group with Central and Eastern European countries, the so-called 17+1, is similarly seen in Brussels as a “divide and rule” tactic. Yet while European governments receive ample criticism for neglecting their political values in order to advance economic relations with China, the economic importance of China to the EU is rarely scrutinized. For large member states like Germany and France, and smaller ones such as Denmark and Norway, trade and investment with China does not produce a relationship of economic dependency for the EU as commonly perceived, particularly as China’s state capitalist system produces new competition for European companies. Beijing’s infringements on European democratic values and competitive economic pressures are changing the public discourse on China, but without a collective response, economic relations with China will only become more asymmetric than they are today.

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Sorkin, David. „Civil Rights in Western Europe“. In Jewish Emancipation, 72–79. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164946.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on how western European states introduced limited changes to the Jews' status in the eighteenth century. England introduced a policy of naturalization for Jews in its colonies in part to compete with Holland's successful free port (St. Eustatius). However, only the wealthy could aspire to naturalization. The merchant elite's effort to gain easier naturalization with the “Jew Bill” (1753) failed when it became embroiled in the general Whig-Tory conflict. In France, the Jews of Bordeaux reached the acme of corporate privileges by gaining residential and commercial freedom throughout the kingdom. In contrast, Alsatian Jewry continued to suffer from major restrictions. The privileges it brought from the Holy Roman Empire were at odds with a centralizing French administration. Moreover, occupational and residential restrictions that forced Alsace's Jews into moneylending and petty trade created enduring tensions with the surrounding populace. Louis XVI's patents (1784) removed one demeaning law but otherwise imposed harsher laws on most Jews while further privileging the wealthy. Since Louis XVI's Edict of Toleration for Protestants (non-Catholics) did not apply to Jews, his government attempted, but failed, to produce legislation for Jews modeled on Joseph II's.

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Harvey, David. „Accumulation by Disposession“. In The New Imperialism. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199264315.003.0007.

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Rosa Luxemburg argues that capital accumulation has a dual character: One concerns the commodity market and the place where surplus value is produced—the factory, the mine, the agricultural estate. Regarded in this light accumulation is a purely economic process, with its most important phase a transaction between the capitalist and the wage labourer. . . . Here, in form at any rate, peace, property and equality prevail, and the keen dialectics of scientific analysis were required to reveal how the right of ownership changes in the course of accumulation into appropriation of other people’s property, how commodity exchange turns into exploitation, and equality becomes class rule. The other aspect of the accumulation of capital concerns the relations between capitalism and the non-capitalist modes of production which start making their appearance on the international stage. Its predominant methods are colonial policy, an international loan system—a policy of spheres of interest—and war. Force, fraud, oppression, looting are openly displayed without any attempt at concealment, and it requires an effort to discover within this tangle of political violence and contests of power the stern laws of the economic process. These two aspects of accumulation, she argues, are ‘organically linked’ and ‘the historical career of capitalism can only be appreciated by taking them together’. Luxemburg rests her analysis upon a particular understanding of the crisis tendencies of capitalism. The problem, she argues, is underconsumption, a general lack of sufficient effective demand to soak up the growth in output that capitalism generates. This difficulty arises because workers are exploited and by definition receive much less value to spend than they produce, and capitalists are at least in part obliged to reinvest rather than to consume. After due consideration of various ways in which the supposed gap between supply and effective demand might be bridged, she concludes that trade with non-capitalist social formations provides the only systematic way to stabilize the system. If those social formations or territories are reluctant to trade then they must be compelled to do so by force of arms (as happened with the opium wars in China).

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Sharma, Sushil K. „Gender Inequalities for Use and Access of ICTs in Developing Countries“. In Information Communication Technologies, 488–95. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-949-6.ch033.

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Internet, wireless, mobile, multi-media (voice, video, 3D), broadband, and other information and communication technologies (ICTs) are rapidly consolidating global communication networks and international trade with implications for people in developing countries. Extensive literature suggests that use of ICTs have a great impact on society for improving their economic means and life styles. However, various studies conducted in different regions of the world indicate that the advantages of ICTs have not reached all sections of society, particularly rural communities, and women. Women face many obstacles before they can harness the benefits of ICTs (Accascina, 2001; Alloo, 1998; The Commonwealth of Learning, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001). Information and technology development, adoption, and access are far from adequate in developing countries. Large scale illiteracy and disabling environments, including uncompetitive markets, restrict opportunities to harness ICTs. For example; in India only 0.6% of the population uses the Internet and the penetration rate of the personal computer is only 1.2% (Hafkin & Taggart, 2001; Nath, 2001; World Bank Report, 2002). Information chasms follow socioeconomic divisions, particularly income and education disparities, separating well-connected elites from the less privileged who remain detached from information access and use. Most women within developing countries are on the lowest side of the divide, further removed from the information age as compared to the men whose poverty they share (Accascina, 2001; Nath, 2001; Tandon, 1998, The Commonwealth of Learning, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001). If access and use of these technologies is directly linked to social and economic development, then it is imperative that women in developing countries be taken into consideration while developing ICT diffusion strategies. ICTs can be an important tool in meeting women’s basic needs and can provide the access to resources to involve women as equal partners in socio-economic development (Cole et al., 1994). Addressing gender issues in the ICTs sector has shown significant results where women have been made a part of ICT use and access. For example, women have benefited greatly from South Korea’s push to make higher education available online. In corporate South Korea, more than 35% of high-level IT positions are now held by women. In Africa, 70% of agricultural produce is handled by women (World Bank Report, 2002). By using farm radios, women farmers can obtain information in local languages on markets, agricultural inputs, food preservation, and storage without traveling far, or being dependent on a middleman. ICTs use and access by women can offer significant opportunities for them in developing countries, including poor women living in rural areas. However, their ability to take advantage of these opportunities is contingent upon conducive policies, an enabling environment to extend communications infrastructure to where women live, and increasing educational levels. It is now, particularly appropriate to ensure the inclusion of gender concerns in national IT policy, as most developing countries are either in the process of or about to start elaborating these policies (Accascina, 2001; Marcelle, 2000; Ponniah & Reardon, 1999; The Commonwealth of Learning, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001). Women face considerably higher barriers in terms of literacy, access to education and information, productive and financial resources, and time. Many of the obstacles women face in accessing and using technology are entrenched in behavioral, cultural, and religious practices. Unless explicit measures are taken to address these divides, there is a risk that ICT will increase gender disparities and that the impact of ICTs will not be maximized. Integrating gender considerations into ICT strategies and policies will enable policy-makers and implementers to address these differences, which in turn will lead to remove gender inequalities for ICTs use and access (The Commonwealth of Learning, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001).

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„Initially, mine workers would be rather reluctant to invest their wages in means of production (in agriculture and in transport) within the Mozambican rural economy. Up to 1980/81, government policies were not favourable to such investments. However, thereafter, miners were specifically encouraged to plough back their wages into production and commerce. Rural unemployment was widespread and, hence, the conditions for private accumulation were favourable on this count. Generally, miners would invest in transport and commerce, but some did invest in agriculture. Indeed, in the latter years, peasants with resources were allowed to operate on unutilised ex-settler farms. In other cases, the more permanent and better paid state farm workers could use their specific position to strengthen their own farm, often supplemented by hired labour. As mechanics or tractor drivers, etc. they had access to cer-tain resources such as seeds, fertiliser, fuel and consumer goods which they could buy either from the state farm or, not unfrequently, merely take from stocks on the state farms. Border areas were another such case of differentiated access to resources by means of barter trade cross the border. Due to the political criticality of such areas within a general condition of war, the government distribution policy would grant a certain priority to supplying these areas with commodities which would then provide a basis for further barter trade with the neighbouring country. Further, areas located more closely to the main food markets (either towns or plantations) would be subject to a much more dispersed and intensive barter and money trade, thereby raising the producer prices which would benefit those peasants who had sufficient resources to produce surpluses. More distant food producing areas were much more within the grip of the commercial traders who provided the link with the market. Hence, while some strata within the peasantry managed to create some room for themselves by producing for the parallel markets, the majority of rural producers (either as wage labourers or small-scale producers) confronted declining real incomes as a result of the inflation on the parallel markets to which they had to turn not only for industrial commodities but also to supplement their food needs. Hence, their problem was not one of having too much money at hand with too few commodities to buy; rather, they experi-enced an acute shortage of both money and goods. The poorer peasantry were the main suppliers of seasonal labour to the state sector. However, although rural unemployment was high, the supply of labour was by no means elastic. The reasons for this were the following. First, the pattern of labour demand of the state farms and plantations was in most cases highly seasonal and, hence, did not provide an all-round income for the worker. Second, money wages earned on the state farm did not guarantee any access to commodities, and often did so only at speculative prices. For both reasons, the real basis of security of the rural worker still remained his family farm, however fragile that may have been. The state sector may have become dominant in terms of area and in terms of production (regarding monetary output), but it certainly was not the dominant aspect in securing the livelihood of rural producers. In most cases, the pattern of peak demand for labour on the state farms coincided with the peak demand for labour in family agriculture. For example“,. In The Agrarian Question in Socialist Transitions, 208. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043493-31.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Produce trade xGovernment policy"

Noyan Yalman, İlkay, Mutlu Türkoğlu und Yalçın Yalman. „Small and Medium Sizes Enterprises (SMEs) and Foreign Trade Policy“. In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01207.

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A high level of a country’s foreign trade is related to the growth of foreign earnings, to the acceleration of investments, to increase employment and contributes significantly to the growth of the country's economy. In this context, SMEs as one of the mile stones of the economy, foreign trade and economic growth are located in the leading roles. Especially SMEs sufficiently developed oppressed against strong opponents abroad, government policies or practices in trade restrictive policies are some of the reasons for this downside. SMEs that exports goods, or the infrastructure needed to produce goods for SMEs who import raw materials as well as the country's foreign trade policies and developments in the world economy is important. SMEs to follow the development, recognizing competitors, new markets, new products is very important in terms of growth both business and the countries. In this study, SMEs engaged in foreign trade in Sivas Province performing an application on in terms of both the business and government policy at the local level status will be examined. Data will be obtained on issues such as ultimately foreign trade potential of existing SMEs while doing foreign trade problems they face, strengths and weaknesses, market policies at national and international levels, the opinions about the state's foreign trade policy. The results obtained from the data on SMEs engaged in foreign trade by making general inferences about the data obtained on a micro scale, will allow making inferences on the macro scale.

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Li, Meng, Jinqiang Liu, Venkat Pavan Nemani, Navaid Ahmed, Gül E. Kremer und Chao Hu. „Reliability-Informed Life-Cycle Warranty Cost Analysis: A Case Study on a Transmission in Agricultural Equipment“. In ASME 2020 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2020-22710.

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Abstract In agricultural and industrial equipment, both new and remanufactured systems are often available for warranty coverage. In such cases, it may be challenging for equipment manufacturers to properly trade-off between the system reliability and the cost associated with a replacement option (e.g., replace with a new or remanufactured system). To address this problem, we present a reliability-informed life-cycle warranty cost (LCWC) analysis framework that enables equipment manufacturers to evaluate different warranty policies. These warranty policies differ in whether a new or remanufactured system is used for replacement in the case of product failure. The novelty of this LCWC analysis framework lies in its ability to incorporate real-world field reliability data into warranty policy assessment using probabilistic warranty cost models that consider multiple life cycles. First, the reliability functions for the new and remanufactured systems are built as the time-to-failure distributions that provide the best-fit to the field reliability data. Then, these reliability functions and their corresponding warranty policies are used to build the LCWC models according to the specific warranty terms. Finally, Monte Carlo simulation is used to propagate the time-to-failure uncertainty of each system, modeled by its reliability function, through each LCWC model to produce a probability distribution of the LCWC. The effectiveness of the proposed reliability-informed LCWC analysis framework is demonstrated with a real-world case study on a transmission used in some agricultural equipment.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Produce trade xGovernment policy"

Hicks, Jacqueline. Feminist Foreign Policy: Contributions and Lessons. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.110.

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A relatively small number of countries have an explicit “Feminist Foreign Policy” (FFP). Those most often cited are Sweden, Canada, France, Mexico, and Spain. In theory, an FFP moves beyond gender mainstreaming in foreign development assistance to include: (1) a wider range of external actions, including defence, trade and diplomacy (2) a wider range of marginalised people, not just women. Within foreign development assistance, it implies a more coherent and systematically institutionalised approach to gender mainstreaming. In practice, those countries with an explicit FFP implement it in different ways. Canada currently focuses on development assistance, France on development assistance and formal diplomacy, Sweden more comprehensively covers the trade and defence policy arenas. Mexico and Spain are yet to produce detailed implementation plans. There is increasing academic interest in FFP, but most analyses found during the course of this rapid review focus on narrative content of policies rather than impact. Policy advocacy and advice is provided by several high-profile advocacy organisations. National government agencies in Sweden, France and Canada have produced some evaluations of their FFP, but the evidence is weak. There are many international institution evaluations of gender mainstreaming for many different sectors that are context-specific.

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